L^vARY
I;MU . WSITY OF
CALIF 1,'RNIA
SAN DIEGO
THK
TWO REPUBLICS
OR
ROMK
AND THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
ALONZO T. JONES
No past event has any intrinsic importance. The knowledge of it is valu-
able only as it leads us to form just calculations with respect to the future.
— MACAULAY.
REVIEW AND HERALD PUBLISHING CO.
BATTLE CREEK, MICH.
CHICAGO, TORONTO, AND ATLANTA.
PACIFIC PRESS PUBLISHING CO.
OAKLAND, CAL.
NEW YORK, SAN FRANCISCO, AND LONDON,
COPYRIGHTED 1891, BY A. T. JONES.
To
THE COMMON PEOPLE,
who heard our common Master gladly,
and whose silent, practical experience "throughout the
history of the Church, has always been truer and has led the Church
in a safer path than have the public decrees of those who
claim to be authoritative leaders of theological
thought," this book is respectfully
dedicated
by
THE AUTHOR.
PREFACE.
ROME, in its different phases, occupies the largest place
of any national name in history. Rome, considered
with reference to government, is interesting and important.
Considered with reference to religion, it is yet more in-
teresting and more important. But when considered with
reference to the interrelationship of government and re-
ligion, it is most interesting and most important. It is
Rome in this last phase that is the principal subject of study
in this book.
As in this particular Rome occupies one extreme and
the United States of America the other, the latter is con-
sidered also, though the plan and limit of the book has
made it necessary to give less space to this than the subject
deserves.
The principle of Rome in all its phases is that religion
and government are inseparable. The principle of the gov-
ernment of the United States is that religion is essentially
distinct and totally separate from civil government, and
entirely exempt from its cognizance.
The principle of Rome is the abject slavery of the mind ;
the principle of the United States of America is the absolute
freedom of the mind.
As it was Christianity that first and always antagonized
this governmental principle of Rome, and established the
governmental principle of the United States of America,
the fundamental idea, the one thread-thought of the whole
book, is to develop the principles of Christianity with refer-
ence to civil government, and to portray the mischievous
results of the least departure from those principles.
15]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
Capital and labor — Electoral corruption — Anti-monopoly legislation —
The distribution of the land — Senatorial corruption and State
charity — Caius Gracchus is killed — The consulship of Marius —
More State charity and the social war — Revolt in the East — Bloody
strifes in the city — Dictatorship of Sulla — Sulla, Ponipey, and
Caesar — Ponipey and Crassus, consuls — Land monopoly and anti-
poverty reform. ........ 17-46
CHAPTER II.
THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
The Senate offends Caesar — Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar — The con-
sulate of Caesar — Reform by law — The triumvirate dissolved —
Legal government at an end — Caesar crosses the Rubicon — Caesar
dictator, demi-god, and deity — Caesar's government — The murder
of Csesar — Octavius presents himself — Plot, counterplot, and war
— Octavius becomes consul — The triumvirs enter Rome — "The
saviors of their country " — Antony and Cleopatra. . 47-80
CHAPTER III.
THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
The father of the people — The accession of Tiberius — The enemy of
public liberty — A furious and cvushing despotism — Accession of
Caligula — Caligula imitates the gods — Caligula's prodigality — The
delirium of power — Claudius and his wives — Messaliua's depravity
— Agrippina the tigress — Roman society in general — Ultimate
paganism. 81-108
[7]
8 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
Roman law and the Jews — The persecution by Nero — Government of
Domitian — Pliny and the Christians — Government of Trajan —
Riotous attacks upon the Christians — Government of Commodus —
Government of Septimius Severus — Government of Caracalla —
Persecution by Maximin — The persecution by Decius — Chris-
tianity legalized — The ten persecutions a fable. . . 109-136
CHAPTER V.
CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Freedom in Jesus Christ — Pagan idea of the State — Rights of indi-
vidual conscience — Christians subject to civil authority — The limits
of State jurisdiction — The Roman religion — The Roman laws —
Sources of persecution — Superstition and selfishness — The gov-
ernors of provinces — State self-preservation — State religion means
persecution — Christianity victorious — Christianity means rights of
conscience. . ........ 137-166
CHAPTER VI.
THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
The persecution under Diocletian — The attack is begun — Afflictions of
the persecutors — Rome surrenders — Six emperors at once — Roman
embassies to Constantino — The Edict of Milan. . . 167-182
CHAPTER VII.
ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
The secret of sun worship — The rites of sun worship — Sun worship in
the mysteries — Jehovah condemns sun worship — Sun worship in
Judah — Sun worship destroys the kingdom — Sun worship of Au-
gustus and Elagabalus — Aurelian's temple to the sun — Constantine
a worshiper of the sun. ....... 183-202
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FALLING AWAY THE GREAT APOSTASY.
The root of the apostasy — Heathen rites adopted — The mysteries —
The forms of sun worship adopted — Rome exalts Sunday — Heathen
philosophy adopted — Clement's philosophic mysticism — Origen's
philosophic mysticism — Imperial aims at religious unity — Paganism
and the apostasy alike — The two streams unite in Constantine.
203-226
CONTENTS. 9
CHAPTER IX.
THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
"All ye are brethren" — A clerical aristocracy created — Bishopric of
Rome asserts pre-eminence — Contentions in Rome and Carthage —
The bishops usurp the place of Christ — An episcopal Punic War —
The bishopric of Antioch — Disgraceful character of the bishopric.
227-244
CHAPTER X.
THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINE.
His low utilitarianism — Pagan and apostate Christian — His perjurjr and
cruelty — Many times a murderer — The true cross and Coustantine
— Is this paganism or Christianity ? — A murderer even in death —
Little better than a pagan. ...... 245-262
CHAPTER XI.
CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
The new theocracy — The new Israel delivered — Final war with Licin-
ius — Original State chaplaincies — The bishops and the emperor —
Constantine sent to heaven — The mystery of iniquity. . 263-278
CHAPTER XII.
THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
A false unity — The Catholic Church established — Which is the Catholic
Church? — Councils to decide the question — The Donatists appeal
to the emperor — The State becomes partisan — Clergy exempt from
public offices — Fruits of the exemption — The church of the masses
— The church a mass of hypocrites. .... 279-300
CHAPTER XIII.
THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
Israel rejects the Lord as king — The Lord would not forsake the people
— The kingdom not of this world — The new and false theocracy —
Constantine's Sunday law — Sunday legislation is religious only —
The empire a "kingdom of God" — By authority of Pontifex Maxi-
mus — Council of Nice against the Jews — Sabbath-keepers accursed
from Christ — All exemption abolished — The church obtains the
monopoly — Origin of the Inquisition 301-328
10 CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK XIY.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
The Trinitarian Controversy — Homoousion or Homoiousion ? — The secret
of the controversy — Constantino's design — Constantine's task —
The Council of Nice — Character of the bishops — Constantine's
place in the council — The framing of the creed — The creed and its
adoption — Their own estimate of the creed — The true estimate of
the council 329-354
CHAPTER XV.
ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
Arius returned ; Athanasius banished — Athanasius is returned and again
banished — Macedonius made bishop of Constantinople — General
Council of Sardica — Athanasius again returned — General councils
of Aries and Milan — The bishop of Borne is banished — Hosius
forced to become Arian — Athanasius again removed — Liberius be-
comes Arian and is recalled — Double council ; Rimini and Seleucia
— The emperor's creed declared heretical — The world becomes
Arian. 355-382
CHAPTER XVI.
THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens — The contentions begin again — The
order of the hierarchy — Gregory, bishop of Constantinople — The
Meletian schism — The Council of Constantinople- — Council of
Aquileia — Penalties upon heretics — The empire is "converted."
. . . 383-402
CHAPTER XVII.
MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
Chrysostom deposed and banished — Chrysostom recalled and again ban-
ished— A general council demanded — Cyril of Alexandria — Nes-
torius of Constantinople — Cyril and Nestorious at war — The bishop
of Rome joins Cyril — General Council of Ephesus — Condemnation
of Nestorius — Council against council — All alike orthodox — Cyril
bribes the court and wins. 403-428
CONTENTS. 11
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
The controversy begins — Eusebius in a dilemma — Forecast of the In-
quisition-— A general council is demanded — The second general
Council of Ephesus — Eutyches is declared orthodox — The unity
of the council — Peace is declared restored. . . . 429-446
CHAPTER XIX.
THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
Pretensions of the bishops of Rome — "Irrevocable" and "universal"
— Leo demands another council — The general Council of Chal-
cedou — "A frightful storm " — Condemnation of Dioscorus — Leo's
letter the test — Leo's letter approved — Leo's letter "the true
faith " — Unity of the council is created — Leo's doctrine seals the
creed — The creed of Leo and Chalcedon — Royalty ratifies the
creed — The council to Leo — Imperial edicts enforce the creed —
Leo "confirms" the creed — The work of the four councils.
447-482
CHAPTER XX.
THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
Events that favored the papacy — The bishops censors of magistrates
The Bible is made the code — The bishopric a political office — The
worst characters become bishops — The episcopal dictatorship —
Civil government vanishes 483-498
CHAPTER XXI.
THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
The bishopric of Rome — Pride of the bishops and clergy — Vices of
clergy and people — Abominations of sun worship continued —
Heathen practices in the church — Monkish virtue made prevalent
— Hypocrisy and fraud made habitual — Pure, unmingled natural-
ism— Destruction and devastation — No remedy, and final ruin.
499-520
12 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
The papacy and the barbarians — The "conversion" of Clovis — The
"holy "wars of Clovis — Such conversion was worse corruption —
She destroys those she cannot corrupt — Destruction of the Heru-
lian kingdom — Theodoric's rule of Italy — Papal proceedings in
Rome — The pope put above the State — Conspiracies against the
Ostrogoths — The accession of Justinian — The Trisagion contro-
versy— Justinian joins in the controversy — The Vandal kingdom
uprooted — The Ostrogothic kingdom destroyed — Temporal author-
ity of the papacy — The Lombards invade Italy — The pope appeals
to France — The pope anoints Pepin king — Pepin's gift to the
papacy — The pope makes Charlemagne emperor — The papacy
made supreme — The germ of the entire papacy. . 521-568
CHAPTER XXIII.
PEOTESTANTISM TRUE AND FALSE.
The papal power and Luther's protection — The principles of Protest-
antism— Protestantism is Christianity — Zwingle as a Reformer —
Henry VIII against Luther — Luther against the papacy — Henry
divorces the pope — Religious rights in England — The Calvinistic
theocracy — Calvin's Despotism — Religious despotism in Scot-
land — The rise of the Puritans — Puritan designs upon England —
Elizabeth persecutes the Puritans — Origin of the Congregationalists
— Puritan government of New England — New England Puritan
principles — Roger Williams against Puritanism — Banishment of
Roger Williams — John Wheelright and his preaching — Wheelright
is banished — The Puritan inquisition — Puritan covenant of
grace — -Mrs. Hutchinson is condemned — The inquisition continues
— Planting of Connecticut and New Haven — The theocracy is
completed — Laws against the Baptists — The Baptist principles —
The whipping of Elder Holmes — The persecutors justify them
selves — Thomas Gould and his brethren — Another remonstrance
from England — First treatment of Quakers — First law against
Quakers — Rhode Island's glorious appeal — Horrible laws against
the Quakers — Horrible tortures of Quakers — The people effect a
rescue — Children sold as slaves — The death penalty is defeated —
" A humaner policy"-— The people rescue the sufferers — Laws of
New Haven and Connecticut — John Wesley prosecuted — Martin
Luther and Roger Williams 569-662
CONTENTS. 13
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE NEW REPUBLIC.
Civil government wholly impersonal — It is the scriptural idea — How
are the powers that be, ordained — The American doctrine is script-
ural — The Declaration asserts the truth — Government and religion
rightly separate — Governmental authority not religious — Daniel
and the government — It is intentionally so — The Presbytery of
Hanover — Their second memorial — Madison's Memorial and Re-
monstrance— Christianity does not need it — • It undermines public
authority — Virginia delivered — Ratification of the Constitution —
The Christian idea. 663-698
CHAPTER XXV.
THE GKEAT CONSPIRACY.
The Constitution denounced — A religious amendment proposed — The
National Reform Association — Proposed national hypocrisy — The
two " spheres" — The National Reform theocracy -7 The new king-
dom of God — What they propose to do — An official announcement
— Speech of Mrs. Woodbridge — Prohibition joins the procession —
Principles of National Prohibition party — Origin of the American
Sabbath Union — Church and State to be united — The whole
scheme is theocratical — Anti- American and anti-Christian — An-
other strong ally — When the Church awakes — They despise the
declaration 699-728
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE GREAT CONSPIRACY. CONCLUDED.
Papacy in the public schools — National Reform "petitioning" — The
bond of union — The authority for Sunday observance — How Sun-
day came in — No "Thus saith the Lord" — That "miserable ex-
cuse"— Dr. McAllister and Pope Pelagius — They do persecute —
"The good seed "—Inalienable right. . . . 729-752
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
Encroachments upon the Constitution — Reaction in interests of the pa-
pacy— Hypocrisy and ruin the consequence — The answer has been
given — February 29, 1892 — Are all the people Christians ? — The
purposes of the British sovereigns — Logical substance of the argu-
ment— The decisive point — " Conectecotte " and Pennsylvania-
Perversion of the Declaration — What is the nation ? —Religion in
14 CONTENTS.
the States — Does the Constitution mean this ? — The absurdity of it
— State authority not national authority — The "new order of
things " reversed — The image of the papacy — A. D. 313-323 and
1892 — The rights of the people — Such a decision prohibited — The
decisions of 1856 and 1892. . ... 753-800
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS. CONCLUDED.
''Petitioning" by threats — A senatorial theological discussion — The
words of the surrender — "The Sabbath day " — Congress interprets
the Bible — Congress against the word of God — The subjection of
the people — "The voice of religion" — Those who protested — The
Constitution excluded — How they " asserted themselves " — The un-
deniable record. ..... 801-826
CHAPTER XXIX.
WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS ?
" Preserving the public order" — It is not Christianity — Supreme law-
lessness— To save the nation — The polity of Rome — The Catholic
Church and America — "The State's Christianity" — The nation's
perfection — Leo's charge and Satolli's mission — "Stamped for a
Catholic land" — Rome and America — Rome and labor troubles —
The " Saviour from the Vatican " — Bishop Coxe to Satolli — A per-
tinent fable — She will not dismount — The National Reformers' in-
quiry— "A menace to liberty" — "Half-heathenish Christianity "-
Are they suspicious ? — Where the responsibility lies. . 827-870
CHAPTER XXX.
THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
The arbitrary authority of the Church — The Council of Trent — "Tra-
dition signifies continuing inspiration " — Principles of the Reforma-
tion— Marks of apostasy — "Come out of her, my people" — The
day of the Lord cometh — Description of the papacy — The place
of the image of the beast — The making of the image — The Sab-
bath a sign of God's power — The United States "A Catholic
Nation" ! —What shall we do ? — Our Victory Sure. . 871-899
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Page.
PORTRAIT OP AUTHOR . . . Frontispiece.
THE RUINS OF CARTHAGE . . . * ... 22
MARIUS AND SULLA . ........ 36
RUINS OF THE FORUM ...... ... 38
POMPEY THE GREAT ......... 41
JULIUS (LESAR (Headj ....... . .42
ROME MISTRESS OF THE WOULD ...... 46
ROMAN AUGURS .......... 54
POMPEY'S THEATER . . ..... 57
JULIUS C^SAR (Statue) . ... 63
THE MURDER OF CAESAR .... . .67
OCTAVIUS AND LiEPIDUS . 73
ANTONY AND OCTAVIA 77
9
CLEOPATKA GOING TO MEET ANTONY ..... 79
BATTLE OF ACTIUM ...... . . . 80
AUGUSTUS .......... 82
TIBERIUS ...... .... 85
TIBERIUS AT CAPRI . ..... 89
CALIGULA ... ....... 91
TEMPLE OF JUPITER . . .... 93
CLAUDIUS ...... .... 97
MESSALINA AND AGRIPPINA . . 103
GLADIATORS SALUTING TIII-: EMPEROU . . . 106
AGRIPPINA, LIVIA,
CLAUDIUS. TIBERIUS,
NERO AND DOMITIAN . . . .... 114
TRAJAN AND HADRIAN ....... 117
ANTONINUS Pius .......... 121
MARCUS AURELIUS AND COMMODUS ...... 122
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS ......... 124
MAXIMIN . ...... .... 127
DECIUS . . . . . ... 129
[15]
16 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
GALLIENUS „ 133
AURELIAN 134
ARCH OP AUGUSTUS .... 142
THE CIRCUS MAXIMUS ... . 150
DIOCLETIAN .... 168
HERCULES „ 184
APOLLO AND DIANA OF THE EPHESIANS . . . 186
BACCHUS AND CYBELE .... 189
VENUS AND ASTARTE .... 193
WEEPING FOR TAMMUZ AND ASIIERES (Groves) .... 196
ELAGABALUS ....... 198
TEMPLE OF THE SUN AT ROME 200
THE SUN 202
CERES AND BACCHUS 208
CONSTANTINE (Head) 245
ARCH OF CONSTANTINE ...... 249
CHURCH OF THE " HOLY SEPULCHRE " 255
CONSTANTINE (Statue) AND ROME DEIFIED 262
THE EMPEROR HONORIUS GRANTING AUDIENCE .... 325
THE COUNCIL OF NICB» 347
CONSTANTINOPLE (Modern) 394
REJOICINGS THAT MARY is MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD . . 423
PEACE is RESTORED ...... . 445
" A FRIGHTFUL STORM " .... 458
MITHRA SACRIFICING THE BULL .... . 507
EVOLUTION OF THE "PICTURES OF CHRIST " 508
JUSTINIAN 543
BELISARIUS ENTERING ROME ....... 551
GREGORY THE GREAT 555
CHURCH OF ST. PETER, ROME 560
ENTRY OF POPE JOHN INTO CONSTANCE. ..... 566
THE CITY OF ROME 568
LUTHER ..... 572
HENRY VIII 579
JOHN CALVIN ... . 586
THE SIGNING OF THE DECLARATION ...... 663
PRESENTING THE SUNDAY-LAW PETITION 733
"TiiE CAPITOL OF THE MODERN WORLD" . 760
THE TWO REPUBLICS.
CHAPTER I.
THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
WITH the exception of Britain, all the permanent con-
quests of Rome were made by the arms of the repub-
lic, which, though ' ' sometimes vanquished in battle, " were
" always victorious in war." But as Roman power increased,
Roman virtue declined ; and of all forms of government, the
stability of the republican depends most upon the integrity
of the individual. The immortal Lincoln's definition of a
republic is the best that can ever be given : "A government
of the people, by the people, and for the people." A repub-
lic is a government "of the people " — the people compose
the government. The people are governed by "the people "
— by themselves. They are governed by the people, "for
the people " — they are governed by themselves, for them-
selves. Such a government is but self-government ; each
citizen governs himself, by himself, — by his own powers of
self-restraint, — and he does this for himself, for his own
good, for his own best interests. In proportion as this con-
ception is not fulfilled, in proportion as the people lose the
power of governing themselves, in the same proportion the
true idea of a republic will fail of realization.
It is said of the early Romans that ' ' they possessed the
faculty of self-government beyond any people of whom we
2 [17]
18 THE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
have historical knowledge," with the sole exception of the
Anglo-Saxons. And by virtue of this, in the very nature
of the case they became the most powerful nation of all
ancient times.
But their extensive conquests filled Rome with gold.
With wealth came luxury ; as said Juvenal, —
" Luxury came on more cruel than our arms,
And avenged the vanquished world with her charms."
In the train of luxury came vice ; self-restraint was
broken down ; the power of self-government was lost ; and
the Roman republic failed, as every other republic will fail,
when that fails by virtue of which alone a republic is pos-
sible. The Romans ceased to govern themselves, and they
had to be governed. They lost the faculty of self-govern-
ment, and with that vanished the republic, and its place was
supplied by an imperial tyranny supported by a military
despotism.
In the second Punic War, Rome's victories had reduced
the mighty Carthage, B. c. 201, to the condition of a mere
mercantile town ; and within a few years afterward she had
spread her conquests round the whole coast of the Mediter-
ranean Sea, and had made herself "the supreme tribunal
in the last resort between kings and nations." "The south-
east of Spain, the coast of France from the Pyrenees to Nice,
the north of Italy, Illyria and Greece, Sardinia, Sicily, and
the Greek islands, the southern and western shores of Asia
Minor, were Roman provinces, governed directly under Ro-
man magistrates. On the African side, Mauritania (Mo-
rocco) was still free. Numidia .(the modern Algeria) re-
tained its native dynasty, but was a Roman dependency.
The Carthaginian dominions, Tunis and Tripoli, had been
annexed to the empire. The interior of Asia Minor up to
the Euphrates, with Syria and Egypt, was under sover-
eigns called allies, but, like the native princes in India,
subject to a Roman protectorate. Over this enormous
CAPITAL AND LABOR. 19
territory, rich with the accumulated treasures of centuries,
and inhabited by thriving, industrious races, the energetic
Roman men of business had spread and settled themselves,
gathering into their hands the trade, the financial adminis-
tration, the entire commercial control, of the Mediterranean
basin. They had been trained in thrift and economy, in
abhorrence of debt, in strictest habits of close and careful
management. Their frugal education, their early lessons
in the value of money, good and excellent as those lessons
were, led them as a matter of course, to turn to account
their extraordinary opportunities. Governors with their
staffs, permanent officials, contractors for the revenue,
negotiators, bill-brokers, bankers, merchants, were scat-
tered everywhere in thousands. Money poured in upon
them in rolling streams of gold." — Froude.1
The actual administrative powers of the government were
held by the body of the senators, who held office for life.
The Senate had control of the public treasury, and into its
hands went not only the regular public revenue from all
sources, but also the immense spoil of plundered cities and
conquered provinces. With the Senate lay also the appoint-
ment, and from its own ranks, too, of all the governors of
provinces ; and a governorship was the goal of wealth. A
governor could go out from Rome poor, perhaps a bankrupt,
hold his province for one, two, or three years, and return
with millions. The inevitable result was that the senatorial
families and leading commoners built up themselves into an
aristocracy of wealth ever increasing. Owing to the oppor-
tunities for accumulating wealth in the provinces much more
rapidly than at home, many of the most enterprising citizens
sold their farms and left Italy. The farms were bought up
by the Roman capitalists, and the small holdings were
merged into vast estates. Besides this, the public lands
were leased on easy terms by the Senate to persons of polit-
ical influence, who by the lapse of time, had come to regard
the land as their own by right of occupation. The Licinian
1 " Caesar," chap, ii, par. 6.
20 'flTH LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
law passed in 367 B. c., provided that no one should occupy
more than three hundred and thirty-three acres of the public
lands ; and that every occupant should employ a certain
proportion of free laborers. But at the end of two hundred
years these favored holders had gone far beyond the law in
both of these points : they extended their holdings beyond
the limits prescribed by the law ; and they employed no free
laborers at all, but worked their holdings by slave labor
wholly. Nor wras this confined to the occupiers of the
public lands ; all wealthy land owners worked their land by
• slaves.
In the Roman conquests, when prisoners were taken in
battle or upon the capture or the unconditional surrender of
a city, they were all sold as slaves. They were not slaves
such as were in the Southern States of the United States in
slavery times. They were Spaniards, Gauls, Greeks, Asi-
atics, and Carthaginians. Of course they were made up of
all classes, yet many of them were intelligent, trained, and
skillful ; and often among them would be found those who
were well educated. These were bought up by the wealthy
Romans by the thousands. The skilled mechanics and ar-
tisans among them were employed in their owners' work-
shops established in Rome ; the others were spread over the
vast landed estates, covering them with vineyards, orchards,
olive gardens, and the products of general agriculture ; and
all increasing their owners' immense incomes. "Wealth
poured in more and more, and luxury grew more un-
bounded. Palaces sprang up in the city, castles in the
country, villas at pleasant places by the sea, and parks, and
fish-ponds, and game preserves, and gardens, and vast ret-
inues of servants," everywhere. The effect of all this ab-
sorbing of the land, whether public or private, into great
estates worked by slaves, was to crowd the free laborers off
the lands and into the large towns, and into Rome above
all. There they found every trade and occupation filled
ELECTORAL CORRUPTION. 21
with slaves, whose labor only increased the wealth of the
millionaire, and with which it was impossible successfully to
compete. The only alternative was to fall into the train of
the political agitator, become the stepping-stone to his ambi-
tion, sell their votes to the highest bidder, and perhaps have
a share in the promised more equable division of the good
things which were monopolized by the rich.
For, to get money by any means lawful or unlawful, had
become the universal passion. "Money was the one
thought from the highest senator to the poorest wretch
who sold his vote in the Comitia. For money judges
gave unjust decrees, and juries gave corrupt verdicts." —
Froude* It has been well said that, "With all his
wealth, there were but two things which the Roman no-
ble could buy — political power and luxury." — Froude*
And the poor Roman had but one thing that he could
sell — his vote. Consequently with the rich, able only to
buy political power, and with the poor, able only to
sell his vote, the elections once pure, became matters of
annual bargain and sale between the candidates and the
voters. ' ' To obtain a province was the first ambition of
a Roman noble. The road to it lay through the praetor-
ship and the consulship ; these offices, therefore, became
the prizes of the State ; and being in the gift of the
people, they were sought after by means which demoral-
ized alike the givers and the receivers. The elections
were managed by clubs and coteries ; and, except on oc-
casions of national danger or political excitement, those who
spent most freely were most certain of success. Under
these conditions the chief powers in the commonwealth
necessarily centered in the rich. There was no longer an
aristocracy of birth, still less of virtue. . . . But the door
of promotion was open to all who had the golden key.
The great commoners bought their way into the magistra-
cies. From the magistracies they passed into the Senate. "
z Id., par. 8. ald., par. 7.
22 THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
— froude.* And from the Senate they passed to the gov-
ernorship of a province.
To obtain the first office in the line of promotion to
the governorship, men would exhaust every resource, and
plunge into what would otherwise have been hopeless in-
debtedness. Yet having obtained the governorship, when
they returned, they were fully able to pay all their debts,
and still be millionaires. "The highest offices of State were
open in theory to the meanest citizen ; they were confined, in
fact, to those who had the longest purses, or the most ready
use of the tongue on popular platforms. Distinctions of
birth had been exchanged for distinctions of wealth. The
struggle between plebeians and patricians for equality of
privilege was over, and a new division had been formed
between the party of property and a party who desired a
change in the structure of society." — Froude.5
Such was the condition of things, B. o., 146, when the
ruin of Carthage left Rome with no fear of a rival to her
supremacy. Senatorial power was the sure road to wealth.
The way to this was through the prastorship and the consul-
ship. These offices were the gift of the populace through
election by popular vote. The votes of the great body of
the populace were for sale ; and as only those who could con-
trol sufficient wealth were able to buy enough votes to elect,
the sure result was, of course, that all the real powers of the
government were held by the aristocracy of wealth. Then
as these used their power to increase their own wealth and
that of their favorites, and only used their wealth to per-
petuate their power, another sure result was the growth of
jealousy on the part of the populace, and a demand constantly
growing louder and more urgent, that there should be a
more equable division of the good things of life which were
monopolized by the favored few. "All orders in a society
may be wise and virtuous, but all cannot be rich. Wealth
which is used only for idle luxury is always envied, and
* Id., par. 8, 9. 6 Id., chap. 1, par. 5.
ANTI-MONOPOLY LEGISLATION. 23
envy soon curdles into hate. It is easy to persuade the
masses that the good things of this world are unjustly di-
vided, especially when it happens to be the exact truth. "-
Froude*
And as these two classes were constantly growing far-
ther apart, — the rich growing richer and the poor, poorer,
— there ceased to be any middle class to maintain order in
government and society by holding the balance of power.
There remained only the two classes, the rich and the
poor, and of these the rich despised the poor and the poor
envied the rich. And there were always plenty of men to
stir up the discontent of the masses, and present schemes
for the reorganization of society and government. Some of
these were well meaning men, men who really had in view
the good of their fellow-men, but the far greater number
were mere demagogues, — ambitious schemers who used the
discontent of the populace only to lift themselves into the
places of wealth and power which they envied others, and
which, when they had secured, they used as selfishly and
as oppressively as did any of those against whom they
clamored. • But whether they were well meaning men or
demagogues, in order to hold the populace against the
persuasions and bribes of the wealthy, they were compelled
to make promises and concessions, which were only in the
nature of larger bribes, and which in the end were as de-
structive of free government as the worst acts of the Senate
itself.
In the long contest between the people and the Senate,
which ended in the establishment of an imperial form of
government, the first decisive step was taken by Tiberius
Gracchus, who was elected tribune of the people in the year
133 B. c. On his way home from Spain shortly before, as
he passed through Tuscany, he saw in full operation the
large estate system carried on by the wealthy senators or
their favorites, — the public lands unlawfully leased in great
6 Id., chap. 11, par. 9.
24 THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
tracts, "the fields cultivated by the slave gangs, the free
citizens of the republic thrust away into the towns, aliens
and outcasts in their own country, without a foot of soil
which they could call their own." He at once determined
that the public lands should be restored to the people ; and
as soon as he was elected tribune, he set to work to put his
views into law. As the government was of the people, if
the people were only united they could carry any measure
they pleased, in spite of the Senate. As the senators and
their wealthy favorites were the offenders, it was evident
that if any such law should be secured, it would have to
be wholly by the people's overriding the Senate ; and to the
people Tiberius Gracchus directly appealed. He declared
that the public land belonged to the people, demanded that
the monopolists should be removed, and that the public
lands should be re-distributed among the citizens of Rome.
The monopolists argued that they had leased the land from
the Senate, and had made their investments on the faith
that the law was no longer of force. Besides this they
declared that as they were then occupying the lands, and as
the lands had been so occupied for ages before, with the
sanction of the government, to call in question their titles
now, was to strike at the very foundations of society.
Tiberius and his party replied only by pointing to the
statute which stood unrepealed, and showing that how-
ever long the present system had been worked, it was
illegal and void from the beginning.
Yet Tiberius did not presume to be arbitrary. He pro-
posed to pay the holders for their improvements ; but as for
the public land itself, it belonged to the people, and to the
people it should go. The majority of the citizens stood by
Tiberius. But another of the tribunes, Octavius Csecina by
name, himself having large interests in the land question,
went over to the side of the Senate ; and, in the exercise
of his constitutional right, forbade the taking of the vote.
From the beginning, the functions of the tribunes were that
THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE LAND, 25
they should be the defenders of the people and the guardians
of the rights of the people, against the encroachment of the
Consulate and the Senate. And now when one of their
own constitutional defenders deserted them and went over
to the enemy, even though in doing it he exercised only his
constitutional prerogative, this the people would not bear.
It was to support an unlawful system that it was done ; the
people were all-powerful, and they determined to carry their
measure, constitution or no constitution.7 Tiberius called
upon them to declare Csecina deposed from the Tribunate ;
they at once complied. Then they took the vote which
Csecina had forbidden, and the land law of Tiberius
Gracchus was secured.
Three commissioners were appointed to carry into effect
the provisions of the law. But from whatever cause, the
choosing of the commissioners was unfortunate — they were
Tiberius himself, his younger brother, and his father-in-law.
Being thus apparently a family affair, the aristocrats made
the most of it, and bided their time ; for the tribunes were
elected for only a year, and they hoped so to shape the elec-
tions when the year should expire, as to regain their power.
But when the year expired, Tiberius unconstitutionally pre-
sented himself for re-election, and the prospect was that he
would secure it. When the election day came, the aristo-
crats, with their servants and hired voters, went armed to
the polls ; and as soon as they saw that Tiberius would
surely be chosen, they raised a riot. The people being
unarmed, were driven off. Tiberius Gracchus and three
hundred of his friends were killed and pitched into the
Tiber. Yet though they had killed Tiberius, they did not
dare to attempt at once the repeal of the law which he had
secured, nor openly to interfere with the work of the com-
7 Reference to the Roman Constitution must not be understood in the Ameri-
can sense, as being a written constitution. The Roman Constitution was, as is
the British, merely a system of precedents and unwritten rules of long-estab-
lished usage.
26 THE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
missioners in executing the law. Within two years the com-
missioners had settled forty thousand families upon public
lands which the monopolists had been obliged to surrender.
The commissioners soon became unpopular. Those who
were compelled to resign their lands were exasperated, of
course. On the other hand, those to whom the land was
given were not in all cases satisfied. It was certain that
some would be given better pieces of land than others, and
that of itself created jealousy and discontent. But the
greatest trouble was, that in the great majority of cases it
was not land that they wanted, in fact. It was money that
they wanted first of all ; and although the land was virtually
given to them and well improved at that, they could not get
money out of it without work. It had to be personal work,
too, because to hire slaves was against the very law by virtue
of which they had received the land ; and to hire freemen
was impossible, (1) because no freeman would work for a
slave'-s wages — that in his estimate would be to count him-
self no better than a slave — and, (2) the new landed pro-
prietor could not afford to pay the wages demanded by free
labor, because he had to meet the competition of the wealthy
land owners who worked their own land with slave labor.
The only alternative was for the new land-holders to work
their land themselves, and do the best they could at it. But
as the money did not come as fast as they wished, and as
what did come was only by hard work and economical living,
many of them heartily wished themselves back amid the stir
and bustle of the busy towns, working for daily wages,
though the wages might be small. The discontented cries
soon grew loud enough to give the Senate its desired excuse
to suspend the commissioners and then quietly to repeal the
law, and resume its old supremacy.
Just nine years after the death of Tiberius Gracchus his
brother Caius was elected a tribune, and took up the work
in behalf of which Tiberius had lost his life. The Senate
had been jealous of him for some time, and attacked him
SENATORIAL CORRUPTION AND STATE CHARITY. 27
with petty prosecutions and false accusations ; and when he
was elected tribune, the Senate knew that this meant no good
to it. Caius revived the land law that had been secured by
his brother ten years before, but he did not stop there ; he
attacked the Senate itself. All important State cases,
whether civil or criminal, were tried before a court com-
posed of senators — about sixty or seventy. This privilege
also the senators had turned to their own profit by selling
their verdicts. It was no secret that the average senatorial
juryman was approachable with money ; if not in the form
of a direct bribe, there were many other ways in which a
wealthy senator could make his influence felt. Governors
could plunder their provinces, rob temples, sell their author-
ity, and carry away everything they could lay hands on ; yet,
although in the eyes of the law these were the gravest
offenses, when they returned to Rome, they could admit their
fellow-senators to a share in their stealings, and rest per-
fectly secure. If the plundered provincials came up to Rome
with charges against a governor, the charges had to be
passed upon by a board of senators who had either been
governors themselves or else were only waiting for the first
chance to become governors, and a case had to be one of
special hardship and notorious at that, before any notice
would be taken of it in any effective way. The general
course was only to show that the law was a mockery where
the rich and influential were concerned. At this system of
corruption, Caius Gracchus aimed a successful blow. He
carried a law disqualifying forever any senator from -sitting
on a jury of any kind, and transferring these judicial func-
tions to the equites, or knights. The knights were an order
of men below the dignity of senators, yet they had to be
possessed of a certain amount of wealth to be eligible to the
order. By this measure, Caius bound .to himself the whole
body of the knights.
But these attacks upon the Senate, successful though
they were, and these favors to the knights, were of no direct
28 THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
benefit to the people ; therefore to maintain his position
with them, Caius was obliged to do something that would
be so directly in their favor that there could be no mistaking
it. It was not enough that he should restore the land law
that had been secured by his brother. That law, even while
it was being worked at its best, was satisfactory to but few
of its beneficiaries. The law was restored, it is true, but the
prospect of leaving Rome and going perhaps to some dis-
tant part of Italy to engage in hard work, was not much of
a temptation to men who had spent any length of time in
Rome, involved in its political strifes, and whose principal
desire was to obtain money and the means of subsistence
with as little work as possible. It required something more
than the restoration of the land law to satisfy these, and
Caius granted it.
With the "enthusiastic clapping" of every pair of poor
hands in Rome, he secured the passage of a law decreeing
that there should be established in Rome, public granaries
to be filled and maintained at the cost of the State, and that
from these the wheat should be sold to the poor citizens, at
a merely nominal price. This law applied only to Rome,
because in Rome the elections were held. " The effect was
to gather into the city a mob of needy, unemployed voters,
living on the charity of the State, to crowd the circus and to
clamor at the elections, available no doubt immediately to
strengthen the hands of the popular tribune, but certain in
the long run to sell themselves to those who could bid high-
est for their voices." — Fronde* We have already seen that
the only stock in trade of the poor citizen was his vote, and
the effect of this law was greatly to increase the value of
that commodity ; because as now he was virtually supported
by the State, he became more nearly independent, and could
easily devote more time to political agitation, and could de-
mand larger returns for his influence and his vote. But
Caius carried his law, and so bound to himself, and greatly
multiplied, too, the mass of voters in Rome ; and having
8 "Caesar," chap, iii, par. 5.
CAIUS GRACCHUS IS KILLED, 29
secured the support of both the knights and the populace,
he carried all before him, and was even re-elected to the
Tribunate, and could have been elected the third time ; but
he proposed a scheme that estranged the mob, and his power
departed.
He proposed that in different parts of the empire, Roman
colonies should be established with all the privileges of
Roman citizenship, and one of these places was Carthage.
That city, while it existed, had always been the greatest
earthly menace to Rome, and when it had been reduced to
ashes and the Roman plowshare drawn over it, it was cursed
forever. And now the mere suggestion to restore it was
magnified by Caius's enemies to a height that made the
proposition appear but little short of treason. This of itself,
however, might not have defeated him ; but if this coloniza-
tion scheme was carried out, many of the populace would
have to leave Rome and go to some distant part of the em-
pire : and worse than all else, they would have to work. No
longer could they be fed at the public expense and spend
their lives in the capital, in the whirl of political excitement
and the amusements of the Roman circus. Even to contem-
plate such a prospect was intolerable ; still more, and as
though Caius deliberately designed to add insult to injury,
he proposed to bestow the franchise upon all the freemen of
Italy. This would be only to cut down in an unknown ratio
the value of the votes of those who now possessed the fran
chise. Such a calamity as that never could be borne. The
course of the Senate might have been one of misrule, but
this of Caius Gracchus was fast developing into unbearable
despotism. The election day came, riots were raised, and
Caius Gracchus and three thousand of his friends were killed,
as had been his brother and his friends ten years before.
The mob having now no leader, the Senate resumed its
sway as before, and went on in the same old way, except
that the laws actually passed by Caius had to stand. It was
not long, however, before the Senate was put to a test which
30 TEE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
effectually exposed its utter incompetency to rule the Roman
State. West of the Carthaginian province of Rome, lay the
kingdom of Numidia, over which the Roman power extended
its protectorate. Miscipsa was king. He had two sons,
Hiempsal and Adherbal, and an illegitimate nephew, Jugur-
tha. Miscipsa died B. c. 118, and left his kingdom jointly
to the three young men. Jugurtha at once murdered Hiemp-
sal, and attacked Adherbal. Adherbal appealed to Rome,
but Jugurtha had already made himself safe with the Senate.
The Senate sent out commissioners, Jugurtha bribed them,
and they went home again. Jugurtha pushed the war,
Adherbal was taken, and was killed after having been tort-
ured almost to death. After the capture of Adherbal and his
forces, some Roman citizens had also been taken, and after
their surrender, they too were killed. This raised such a
cry at Rome that the Senate was compelled at least to prom-
ise an investigation ; but as no results were to be seen, one
of the tribunes openly told the people that there were men
in the Senate who were bribed. At this the popular indig-
nation began to show itself so strongly that the Senate dared
no longer to brave it, and declared war on Jugurtha. An
army was sent to Africa in command of a consul. Jugurtha
bribed the consul, and secured a peace on the payment of a
small fine. Memmius, the same tribune who before had the
courage openly to charge the Senate with taking bribes, again
openly exposed in the Forum this last piece of rascality.
The Senate saw the storm gathering, and once more bestirred
itself to the extent of calling Jugurtha to Rome. This was
only to increase the opportunities of both Jugurtha and them-
selves. Jugurtha came laden with gold, and in addition to
the Senate which he already owned, he bribed every one of
the tribunes, except Memmius, who was proof against all his
blandishments. Jugurtha had been called to Rome under a
safe-conduct, and he was at last ordered back home, but the
cause was not yet settled. The Senate sent over another
army. But Rome had as yet no standing army, and there
THE CONSULSHIP OF MARIUS. 31
had now been peace so long that the old military discipline
of the citizens had completely run down. The men who
were enlisted were wholly ignorant of military duty, and the
officers, appointed mostly from among the rich young nobles,
were more illy prepared for war than were the men. The
army went to Africa, arid in about two months the half of it
was destroyed, and the other half captured, by Jugurtha.
About the same time, two armies were destroyed by the
Gauls up on the Rhone. ' ' While the great men at Rome
were building palaces, inventing new dishes, and hiring
cooks at unheard-of salaries, the barbarians were at the gates
of Italy." — Fronde*
This combination of disgraces and dangers gave such
force to the popular complaints against the Senate, that it
was at last aroused to a determination really to do something,
and the best man that could be found — Csecilius Metellus —
was appointed to lead a new expedition against Jugurtha.
Metellus having it in mind to put an end to the Jugurthine
War, chose as his second in command the ablest general
that he could find, Cains Marius. Arrived in Numidia, the
Roman army was successful in several battles, and Jugurtha
asked for peace ; but as Metellus demanded unconditional
surrender, and could not be bribed, Jugurtha drew his forces
into the desert, and caused the war to drag along. As the
time for the election of a consul for the next year drew on,
Marius's name was mentioned as the candidate of the people.
It was the law that the candidate must be present at the
election, and Marius obtained the consent of Metellus to go
to Rome. Election day came, B. c. 107", and although the
aristocracy did all they could to defeat him, Marius was
elected — the first instance in a hundred years in which a
consul had been chosen from the people. Metellus was re-
called, and Marius was given sole command in the war with
Jugurtha. He first set on foot a thorough reorganization of
the military power of Rome. Up to this time, the Roman
armies had been but a militia — citizens called from their
3 •/<*., chap, iv, par. 6.
32 THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
various occupations for service upon emergency, and return
ing to their occupations as soon as the occasion was past
which made their services necessary. Harms enlisted men
to become professional soldiers. These he thoroughly drilled,
and reduced to the strictest discipline. Thus originated the
standing army of Rome, which out of the corruptions of the
times at last arose to a military despotism. With such an
army of well trained and well disciplined troops, Marius,
before the next year was ended, had brought the Jugurthine
War to a triumphant close, and Jugurtha himself was
brought in chains to Rome.
Marius had barely ended the trouble in Numidia, before
all his skill and all the valor of his well trained legions,
were urgently demanded to turn back the tide of barbarians,
— Cimbri and Teutons, — which in two mighty streams of
hundreds of thousands each, was pouring into Italy. While
Marius was in Africa, the largest army that Rome had ever
sent against an enemy, was by these savages swept out of
existence, B. c. 107. But although the generalship of Marius
was now urgently needed — B. c. 104 — his consulship had
expired, and there was no precedent for electing the same
person consul a second time. In times of imminent danger
it was in the province of the Senate to suspend the constitu-
tion, declare the State in danger, and appoint a dictator.
But as Marius was the favorite of the populace, it was known
by all that should the Senate exercise its prerogative, it
would never appoint him as the dictator ; and it was also
known by all that Marius was the only man who could save
the State. Therefore, the people took the power into their
own hands again, and virtually suspended the constitution by
electing Marius consul the second time, B. c. 104.
The barbarians, however, did not come at once into Italy.
By some cause their erratic course was turned aside, and
they swept through southern Gaul, across the Pyrenees into
Spain, over northern Spain to the Atlantic, up the coast into
Gaul again, across Gaul to the Seine and even to the Rhine ;
MORE STATE CHARITY AND THE SOCIAL WAR. 33
and then gathering fresh force from their brethren from the
wilds of Germany, the torrent rolled once more toward Italy.
In this wild raid two years were consumed. In Rome the
people still held sway, and Marius was elected consul a third
time, and even a fourth time. He put the two years to good
use in perfecting the efficiency of his legions, and drawing
them up to the borders of Italy. He met the Teutons even
beyond the Alps, and annihilated the whole host, July 20,
B. c. 102. The Cimbri by another route passed the Alps and
forced back as far as the Po, the legions under Catulus.
Marius, in his absence, was elected consul the fifth time,
and continued in command. He came to the rescue of
Catulus. The Cimbri were utterly destroyed (B. c. 101,
summer), and Italy was saved. Marius was the idol of the
people ; they prided themselves upon saving the country by
him, and they elected him consul the sixth time, B. c. 100.
But Rome was no sooner free once more from the danger
of a foreign foe, than by civil strife and political violence
she began to prey again upon her own vitals. Besides
Marius, the two favorites of the people just at this time were
Saturninus, a tribune, and Glaucia, a praetor. With these
Marius allied himself. They were all powerful, and passed,
(1) another land law dividing up portions of the public do-
main among the veterans of Marius ; (2) a law establishing
colonies in Sicily, Achaia, and Macedonia ; (3) a law reduc-
ing as low as two cents a peck, the price of wheat from the
public granaries ; and, (4) to cap it all, they passed a vote
that all the senators should take an oath to execute these
laws under penalty of fine and expulsion from the Senate.
All this was done in the midst of riot, tumult, and bloodshed.
Metellus alone, of all the senators, refused to take the oath
to execute these laws. Saturninus had him dragged out of
the Senate house and expelled from the city. Yet there was
not entire harmony in the popular party. There were rival
candidates and consequent jealousies. Saturninus and Glaucia
were in the full tide of success, and would brook no rivals.
34 THE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
Memmius stood for the consulship at the same time that
Glaucia was a candidate for that office. As it appeared
that Memmius would be elected, he was murdered. At this,
both Saturninus and Glaucia were declared public enemies.
They took refuge in the capitol, and barricaded it. The
aristocrats laid siege to them ; Marius interceded, and they
surrendered to him. They were confined in an apartment of
the Senate house to be held for trial. The aristocrats tore
off the roof, and pelted them to death with stones and tiles.
It will be remembered that in the tribunate of Caius
Gracchus — B. c. 123 — the corruption of justice by the sena-
tors had made it necessary to deprive them of the right to
sit on juries, and that this privilege was bestowed upon the
knights. Yet within about thirty years the same evil had
grown to such a height among the knights as to call loudly
for a reform. Accordingly, in B. c. 91, Marcus Divius
Drusus, a tribune, brought forward a proposal to reform the
law courts, and thereby incurred the deadly enmity of the
whole Equestrian order. With this he proposed both new
land laws and new corn laws, which increased the hatred of
the senatorial order toward the populace. These laws were
passed, but the Senate declared them null and void. Drusus
had also entered into negotiations with the Italians to secure
for them Roman citizenship. He was denounced in the
Senate house as a traitor, and on his way home was assas-
sinated.
The Italians seeing their last hope was gone, rose in
rebellion, and set about to form a new State of their own to
be called Italia. They had long borne an equal share in the
burdens of the State ; they had helped to subdue Jugurtha,
and had borne an important part in the defeat of the barba-
rian host. They were now determined that if they were to
bear an equal share in the burdens of the State, they would
have a voice, too, in the affairs of the State ; and if they
could not have it in the Roman State, they would have it in
one of their own. Rome was determined not to allow this
REVOLT IN THE EAST. 35
if she could avoid it. But in the war which followed, the
first campaigns were disastrous to the Roman arms, and
although some successes were afterwards gained, they were
not decisive ; she soon found her treasury empty, and found
disaffection springing up in districts that had not revolted.
Drusus had been murdered in 91 ; the war for the franchise
immediately followed, and Rome's dangers and distresses
became so threatening that in the latter part of the year 90,
a law was passed granting the franchise to all the Italian
communities which should within sixty days hand in their
names to the praetor in Rome ; and a third law was passed
shortly afterward empowering the Roman magistrates in the
field to bestow the franchise upon all who would receive it.
In this way the forces of the insurgents were so weakened
that the war was soon closed.
The close of war in the field was only the signal ,for the
renewal of strife in the political arena of the city. All the
old quarrels were renewed with increased bitterness, and
the lately enfranchised Italians were a new element in the
strife. Their voting power was incorporated with that of
tribes already existing, which was only to rob them of a
large share of the value of their votes. This made them
discontented from the very beginning. Added to all the
bitterness of factions, and the rivalries of all classes who
had any political power at all, there was now wide-spread
distress and ruin that affected all classes. And besides all
this, Mithradates, king of Pontus, taking advantage of the
social war in Italy, had set out to reduce all the East in sub-
jection to himself. The Roman governors had made such a
tyrannical use of their power that all the provinces of the
"East were ready to revolt at the first fair opportunity that
offered. The fleets of Mithradates, coming out over the
Black Sea, poured through the Hellespont and the Darda-
nelles into the Grecian Archipelago. All the islands, and
the provinces of Ionia, Caria, and Lydia, taking advantage
of this, rose at once in determined revolt, and put to death
36 THE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
many thousands of the Roman residents. Not only the gov-
ernors, but the merchants, the bankers, and the farmers of
the taxes, with their families, were promiscuously murdered.
Mithradates himself, with a powerful army, followed
close upon the success of his fleet, crossed the Bosphorus,
and penetrated into Greece, which received him as a deliv-
erer. All this compelled Rome to declare war upon Mith-
radates ; but this was only to deepen her own local contests ;
because there was bitter rivalry and contention as to who
should command the armies to be sent against Mithradates.
Marius was still a great favorite, but there was now a strong
rival to his popularity in the- person of Lucius Cornelius
Sulla. Sulla had been one of Marius's best assistants in
putting an end to the Jugurthine "War, and also in defeating
the Teutons and the Cimbri. He made himself the favorite
of the soldiers by allowing them to indulge "in plundering
and in all kinds of license. " Before the social war he had
already made one journey into the East with an army, had
defeated one of «the generals of Mithradates, had restored,
for a time, order in the Eastern provinces, and had received
an embassy from the Parthians, which was sent to solicit an
alliance with Rome, B. c. 92. He returned to Rome in 91,
and both he and Marius were given command in the war
with the Italians. Sulla's success was more marked than
that of Marius, and there were not those lacking who would
stir up jealousy between the two commanders by claiming
that Marius's success against Jugurtha and the barbarians
was more owing to the abilities of Sulla than to his own.
Sulla was one of the aristocracy, — "a patrician of the pur-
est blood," — but he had made an immense bid for the favor
of the populace by exhibiting in the arena a hundred African
lions.
t Everybody in Rome, and, for that matter, in all Italy,
knew that the contest for the command of the troops in the
Mithradatic War, lay between Marius and Sulla ; and every
one knew that the contest stood, Sulla and the senatorial
BLOODY STRIPES IN THE CITY. 37
party against Marius and the people. The contest deepened,
and it was more and more evident that, in the existing state
of things, it could not be decided without a crisis. A trib-
une — Sulpicius Rufus — proposed for adoption a series
of laws : (1) that Marius should be given command in the
Mithradatic War ; (2) that more power should be given to
the newly-made citizens and more value to their votes, by
increasing the number of tribes, and distributing the new
citizens through all the tribes ; (3) that any senator who
was in debt more than 2000 denarii (about $300), should
lose his seat ; (4) and that those who had been banished on
suspicion of having encouraged the Italian revolt should be
recalled.
These proposals only made the confusion of parties worse
confounded. The proposal to give Marius the command
pleased the great majority of the people ; that in favor of
the new citizens, secured the influence of all these, but the
proposal to increase the power of their votes was bitterly op-
posed by the old voters, because it would lessen the value of
their own votes. The proposal to unseat such of the sena-
tors as should come within the provisions of the law, was
only to raise the whole Senate to war by attempting to cur-
tail its power ; and again, the proposal in favor of Marius
only aroused both the Senate and Sulla to the most deter-
mined opposition. But through it all it soon became evident
that Rufus would carry his whole scheme. The consuls,—
Sulla was one of them, — to prevent the legislation, pro-
claimed the day a public holiday. Rufus armed his party
and drove the consuls from the Forum, compelled them to
withdraw the proclamation of a holiday, and carried his laws.
But Sulla put himself at the head of his soldiers and marched
them into the city, and ' ' for the first time a Roman consul
entered the city of Rome at the head of the legions of the
republic." There was resistance, but it was utterly vain.
Marius escaped to Africa,. Rufus was taken and killed, and
twelve others of the popular leaders put to death without a
38 THE LAST DATS OF TEE REPUBLIC.
trial. Sulla, at the head of his troops and supported by the
Senate, settled affairs to suit himself, and with his legions
departed for the East in the beginning of the year 87" B. c.
Sulla was no sooner well out of Italy than one of the
consuls — Cinna — put himself at the head of the people, and
proposed to carry out the laws of Kufus. The new citizens
had assembled in crowds to exercise their right of voting.
The other consul, standing for Sulla and the Senate, brought
out an armed force, and commanded the assembled voters to
disperse ; and because they refused, they were hewn down
where they stood, and " the Forum was heaped high with the
bodies of the slain." " Such a scene of slaughter had never
been witnessed in Rome since the first stone of the city was
laid." — Fronde.™ Cinna and the tribunes fled, but it was
to gather together the soldiers as Sulla had done before
them. Marius, too, returned with a thousand cavalry from
Numidia, and he had no sooner stepped ashore in Italy than
he was joined by five thousand of his veterans, and with his
six thousand men he united with Cinna at the gates of Rome.
The Senate had made preparations for a vigorous defense,
and, in order to prevent the threatened attack, issued proc-
lamations, making every concession, and granting every
privilege that had been demanded. But all was to no pur-
pose. They could not be trusted. Marius and Cinna
pressed forward, and after a brief resistance, the city was
surrendered, and the two generals entered with their troops.
A fearful massacre followed. Fifty senators and a thou-
sand knights were slain, besides great numbers of their par-
tisans, and for many days the city was given up to a reign
of terror. These were the last days of the year 87 B. c.
Marius died January 13, 86. Cinna, supported by his troops,
became virtually dictator, and ruled Rome for three years.
Sulla was everywhere successful against Mithradates,
and in the year 84 a peace was concluded, in which Mith-
radates was reduced to the position of a vassal of Rome.
10 Id., chap, vii, par. 8.
DICTATORSHIP OF SULLA. 39
In 83 Sulla determined to return to Italy, which under
Cinna's rule had been almost entirely turned against him.
The Italians dreaded to have Sulla return, and Cinna started
to go into Greece with his forces to meet Sulla there, but his
troops mutinied and killed him, and Sulla was in a short time
landed in Italy with 40,000 veteran troops, who had not yet
known defeat. Sulla was joined by Pompey with a legion
which he had raised. .The defeat of Cinna had dissolved
the unity of the parties in Italy, yet it took Sulla about
a year to bring all the country into subjection. As soon
as he had made his position secure, he entered upon a course
of continuous and systematic murder of all who had in any
way given support to Cinna or Marius. He had the Senate
to appoint him dictator, which made him master of every-
thing and everybody in Italy.
" He at once outlawed every magistrate, every public
servant of any kind, civil or muncipal, who had held office
under the rule of Cinna. Lists were drawn for him of the
persons of wealth and consequence all over Italy who be-
longed to the liberal party. He selected agents whom he
could trust, or supposed he could trust, to enter the names
for each district. He selected, for instance, Oppianicus of
Larino, who inscribed individuals whom he had already
murdered, and their relations whose prosecution he feared.
It mattered little to Sylla n who were included, if none es-
caped who were really dangerous to him ; and an order was
issued for the slaughter of the entire number, the confisca-
tion of their property, and the division of it between the in-
formers and Sylla's friends and soldiers. Private interest
was thus called in to assist political animosity ; and to
stimulate the zeal for assassination, a reward of 5001 was
offered for the head of any person whose name was in
the schedule. . . . Four thousand seven hundred persons
11 Froude uses the spelling " Sylla " instead of " Sulla." I have preferred
the latter form. It is that used by Merivale, Mommsen, and the " Encyclopedia
Britannica."
40 THE LAST DATS OF THE REPUBLIC.
fell in the proscription of Sylla, all men of education and
fortune. The real crime of many of them was the posses-
sion of an estate or a wife which a relative or a neighbor
coveted. The crime alleged against all was the opinion that
the people of Home and Italy had rights which deserved
consideration as well as the senators and nobles. The
liberal party were extinguished in their own blood. Their
estates were partitioned into a hundred and twenty thousand
allotments, which were distributed among Sylla's friends,
or soldiers, or freedmen. The laud reform of the Gracchi
was mockingly adopted to create a permanent aristocratic
garrison. There were no trials, there were no pardons.
Common report or private information was at once in-
dictment and evidence, and accusation was in itself con-
demnation. " — Froude.™
Reform was popular, and Sulla must needs be a reformer ;
but his was a reformation which aimed to make the Senate
both supreme and absolute. He had already, while consul
in 88, crippled the power of both the tribunes and the peo-
ple, by passing a law that no proposal should be made to
the assembly without the sanction of the Senate ; and now
the value of the office of tribune was lowered by the pro-
vision that any one who should become a tribune should
never afterward be chosen to any other office. In an-
other form, also, he lessened the power of the people ; he
enacted a law that no man shouM be elected consul who
was not forty-three years old, and who had not already
been a praetor or a quaestor, and that no one should be
made consul a second time within ten years. He also took
entirely away from the knights the right of sitting as the
court of justice, and restored to the Senate this privilege.
As in the matter of the election of tribunes and consuls he
had so far deprived the people of the exercise of their
power, he now went farther, and enacted a law that the
assembly of the people should not even be called together
without the Senate's sanction. But the heaviest stroke of
*'* Id., chap, viii, par. 10, 13.
POMPEY THE GREAT.
SULLA, POMPET, AND G^SAR. 41
all that he made against the populace was to abolish en-
tirely the grants of grain, and to shut up the public
granaries.
Thus the power of the Senate was made absolute, and to
render it secure, ten thousand slaves were enfranchised and
formed into a senatorial guard. But in the existing order
of things, it was impossible that such power could be re-
spected, or that it could long.be exercised. The only means
by which Sulla was enabled to create such a power at all,
was the army which was so entirely devoted to himself.
From this time .forth, in the very nature of things, it
became more and more certain that the army would be the
real source of power ; that whosoever should have the sup-
port of the strongest body of troops would possess the power ;
and that just as soon as that power should be turned against
the Senate instead of for it, all this system which had been
so carefully built up would be scarcely more tangible than
the stuff that dreams are made of. Sulla himself had set the
example in 88, it had been readily followed by Cinna in 87,
it was repeated here by Sulla in 81, and he himself saw in
Pompey a readiness to follow it this same year.
Pompey had been sent to Sicily and Africa to reduce
things to order there, and he was eminently successful.
When he had completed his task, he was ordered by the
Senate to disband his troops. He refused, and Sulla had to
smooth the matter over by granting him a triumph, and
allowing him to assume the title of "the Great," although
he was only about twenty-five years of age. By this act of
Pompey's, Sulla saw that it would be the best thing to do,
to bind Pompey securely to himself. Pompey was already
married to Antistia, a lady whose father had been murdered
for standing up for Sulla, and whose mother had been driven
mad, and to destroy herself, by her husband's terrible fate.
But Sulla had a stepdaughter, Emilia, whom he proposed
that Pompey should marry. Emilia was already married,
and was pregnant at the time, yet at Sulla's invitation
4
42 THE LAST DAYS OF THE REPUBLIC.
Pompey divorced Antistia, and married Emilia. There was
just then another youth in Rome whom it was to Sulla's
interest to gain also, and he proposed to secure his allegiance
in much the same way that he had gained Pompey's. That
youth was Julius Caesar.
Caesar was the nephew of the great Marius, and had
married Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, by whom he had a
daughter named Julia. He was at this time about twenty
years of age. Sulla proposed to him that he should divorce
Cornelia, and marry some woman whom Sulla should choose.
Caesar flatly refused. Sulla tried to compel him to it : he
deprived him of his office of the priesthood, he took his
wife's dowry from him, and confiscated his estate. But
Caesar would not yield an inch. Next Sulla hired assassins
to kill him, and he escaped only by bribing the assassins.
Caesar's friends interceded, and finally obtained his pardon ;
but he, not willing to trust himself within Sulla's reach, left
Italy, and joined the army in Asia. In 79 Sulla resigned his
dictatorship, and died the following year.
The power which Sulla had given to the Senate was only
used to build up itself. As no election could be had with-
out the appointment of the Senate, the elections soon fell
under the control of senatorial rings and committees, and no
candidate could hope to succeed who had not the favor of
the Senate ; and the surest means of securing the favor of
the senatorial party was the possession of wealth, and a
willingness to spend it to secure an office.
The distribution of the land by Sulla had worked no bet-
ter than had that by the Gracchi, nor in fact hardly as well ;
because since that there had been forty years of degeneracy
and political violence, and a part of the time almost anarchy.
Extravagance in living had increased at a rapid rate among
all classes : among the really wealthy, in an ostentatious
display, or the exhaustion of pleasure ; among those of
moderate fortunes in an effort to ape the ways of the wealthy ;
JULIUS CAESAR.
POMPEY AND CRASS US, CONSULS. 43
and even among the poor, owing to the virtually free distri-
bution of wheat. For so long as they could get the main
part of their living for nothing, they were not likely to culti-
vate habits of economy. It was easy enough to distribute
land to those who had neither land nor money. The diffi-
culty was to keep it so distributed. Those to whom Sulla
had distributed land, especially his soldiers, lived far beyond
their means ; their lands were soon mortgaged, and at last
forfeited, falling once more into the hands of the wealthy
land owners, to be worked by slaves, while the free citizens
were again crowded into the cities. Besides the vast num-
bers of slaves who were put to use on farms and in shops all
over Italy, there were many- who were kept and trained to
fight one another in the amphitheater, solely for the amuse-
ment of the populace. Nothing made a person so popular
as to set forth a few pairs of gladiators in the circus to mur-
der one another. At Capua, about seventy-five miles south
of Rome, was the most famous training-school for gladiators.
In the year 73 B. c., two hundred of these gladiators, led by
Spartacus, broke away from their "stables" in Capua, and
were soon joined by escaped slaves from all the surrounding
country, in such numbers that in a little while Spartacus
found himself at the head of TO, 000 men ready for any sort
of desperate action. For two years they spread terror from
one end of Italy to the other, till Pompey and Crassus led
forth an army, and annihilated the whole host, B. c. 71.
Spartacus was killed, sword in hand, and 6,000 captives were
crucified all along the highway from Capua to Rome.
Pompey and Crassus were made consuls for the year 70,
Sulla's legislation was undone, and everything set back as it
was before, except that the prerogative of sitting as a court
of law was not restored entirely to the knights. This privi-
lege the senators had again prostituted to their old purposes,
and as the knights could not be fully trusted either, the court
was now to be composed of two-thirds knights and one-third
44 THE LAST DATS OF THE RE PUBLIC.
senators. The power of the tribunes was fully restored, also
the right of the populace to assemble at their own wish.
The public granaries were once more opened. The mob was
happy, the Senate was embittered, and the way was again
opened for the full tide of political violence which imme-
diately followed.
Caesar was now fast becoming popular. He and Bibulus
had been elected aediles for the year 65, the office of which
was to take charge of the public buildings and the games
and theaters. "They were expected to decorate the city
with new ornaments, and to entertain the people with mag-
nificent spectacles." Caesar acquitted himself so well in this
as to make himself the favorite of the whole multitude of
the people. Then as he felt his influence becoming more
firmly established, he set on foot an inquiry into the pro-
scription that had been carried on by Sulla. A committee
of investigation was appointed, of which Caesar himself was
made chairman. At the time when the roof of the Senate
house had been torn off, and Saturninus and Glaucia were
pelted to death with tiles, in Saturninus, the father of Titus
Labienus had been killed. One of those engaged in the
massacre at the time was Rabirius, and although he was now
a very old man, Labienus prosecuted him before Caesar's
committee for the murder of his father. Rabirius was con-
victed, but he appealed to the people, who could not see
their way clear to convict him of a guilt that was common to
the whole aristocracy ; and although he was acquitted, they
chose to show to the senatorial party that it was out of no
respect to them. The people decided to make Caesar the
head of religion by electing him to the office of Pontifex
Maxirnus, which became vacant just at this time. This was
the greatest honor that could come to a Roman citizen. The
office was for life, and until now had always been held by
members of the aristocracy, and Sulla had sought to confine
it exclusively to these by giving to the sacred college the
LAND MONOPOLY AND ANTI-POVERTY REFORM. 45
privilege of electing its own chief. Labienus being tribune,
had succeeded in carrying a vote in the assembly by which
this privilege was resumed by the people. To fill the va-
cancy which now occurred, two of the aristocracy were pre-
sented by the senatorial party, and Caesar was nominated by
the people. Immense sums of money were spent by the sena-
torial party to buy sufficient votes to elect one or the other
of their two candidates. Caesar likewise spent money freely,
although deeply in debt already. When he left home for
the Forum on the morning of the election day, and his mother
kissed him good-by, he told her he would either come home
Pontifex Maximus or would not come home at all. Such an
extreme alternative, however, was not necessary, because he
was elected by a vote larger than that of both the other can-
didates put together. This was in the year 63, arid soon
afterward Caesar was elected praetor for the next year.
The land monopoly had again become as notorious as at
any time before. The small proprietors had sold out, and
large holdings had increased, until the land had fallen into
a few hands, and Rome was crowded with a rabble of poor
citizens largely fed at public expense. Against the will of
the Senate, and by the unanimous voice of the people,
Pompey had been sent, B. c. 72, to the East against Mithra-
dates, who had again strongly asserted his power. Pompey
was victorious everywhere, and his conquests in the East
had brought to the State large quantities of land, and his
honest conduct in these affairs had filled the treasury with
money. Here was a grand opportunity for reform. Rullus,
a tribune, brought forward a proposition that part of the ter-
ritory acquired by Pompey should be sold, and the money
used to buy land in Italy upon which to settle poor citizens
from Rome. Cicero, as consul, opposed it strenuously. He
railed on Rullus with all the bitterness his abusive tongue could
utter. Rullus had stated that the populace of Rome was be-
come so powerful as to be dangerous, and that for the good
46 THE LAST DAY 8 OF THE REPUBLIC.
of the State it would be proper that some should be removed
from the city, and placed upon lands where they could sup-
port themselves. This was all true, as Cicero well knew ;
yet he hesitated not a moment to curry favor with these, by
setting it before them in as objectionable a light as possible
in order to defeat the aim of Rullus. Cicero hated the in-
fluence of the people as much as anybody else in Rome, but
he hated Rullus's proposition more because it would lessen
the power of the aristocracy, whose favor he just now
longed for more than for anything else ; he therefore pre-
tended to be the friend of the people and to be defending
them against the ulterior scheme of Rullus. He succeeded.
Rullus's bill was defeated, and his plan came to nothing.
And had his plan even succeeded it would likewise have
come to nothing ; because now the cry had become popular
and was becoming more and more imperative — ' ' Bread for
nothing, and games forever ! "
ROME MISTRESS OF THE WORLD.
CHAPTER II.
THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
HTHE senators held office for life, and therefore the Senate
JL was always in possession of power ; while owing to the
fact that the elections were annual, the power of the people
was but spasmodic at the best. Whenever some extraordi-
nary occasion, or some leader who could carry the multitude
with him, arose, the people would awake and carry every-
thing before them. But when the particular occasion was
past, or the leader fallen, the people would drop back into
the old easy way, though there was scarcely ever an election
without a riot, and the. Senate would gradually regain all its
former power ; each time only using it the more despotically,
in revenge for the checks which had been put upon it, and
the insults which it had received. With politics, as it had
universally become, it was inevitable and in fact essential,
that there should arise a power constantly active, which
should balance that of the Senate, and hold in check its des-
potic tendencies. This power, as had already appeared, lay
in the army. But the army must be led. Consequently the
logic of the situation was that a coalition should be formed
representing the different classes of the people, but depend-
ing upon the army for support. Such a coalition was
demanded by the times and events, and was actually created
in B. c. 60.
Pompey's work was done in the East, and in December
62 B. c., he returned to Rome to display and enjoy such a
[47]
4:8 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
triumph as had never before been seen on earth. A long
train of captive princes of the conquered countries as trophies
of his victories, and wagons laden with all manner of treas-
ure as an offering to the State, followed the triumphant
general as he returned to the capital. A triumphal column
was erected in his honor, with an inscription which declared
"that Pompey, 'the people's general,' had in three years
captured fifteen hundred cities, and had slain, taken, or
reduced to submission twelve million human beings." The
offerings which lie brought filled the treasury to overflowing,
and the income from the countries subdued made the annual
revenue of the republic double what it had been before. All
this was lost upon the Senate, however, except to deepen its
jealousy of Pompey. By a special vote, indeed, he "was
permitted to wear his triumphal robe in the Senate as often
and as long as it might please him ; " but with this the
Senate proposed that favors to Pompey should cease.
At the border of Italy Pompey had disbanded his troops,
and he entered Rome as a private citizen, with only his
political influence to sustain him. And just here Pompey
failed. Although he was every inch a general, he was no
politician. He could victoriously wield an army, but he
could do nothing with a crowd. He could command legions,
but could not command votes. More than this, during his
absence, the senatorial party had employed the time in
strenuous efforts and by all means in their power, to destroy
his influence in the city, and to create jealousy and distrust
between Caesar and Pompey. When Pompey had departed
for Asia, it was with the friendship of Caesar, whose in-
fluence had helped to secure his appointment. During
Pompey's absence, Caesar's influence and popularity had
constantly increased in Rome. He held the people's favor,
and Pompey held the military power. The senatorial party
decided, if possible, to divide this power by estranging
Pompey and Caesar from one another. The tale was carried
to Pompey that his wife, Mucia, had been seduced by Caesar.
THE SENATE OFFENDS CJSSAK. 49
This accomplished its intended purpose, and Pompey di-
vorced her. Poinpey's prompt action in disbanding his
troops at the border of Italy had relieved the Senate from
dread of his military power ; yet Pornpey's troops, although
disbanded, and of no force as a military power, were an
important element in the elections, so long as Pompey could
retain their sympathies.
Pompey asked that his acts in Asia might be ratified,
but the Senate and its partisans, though not openly refusing
to do so, raised so many questions and created so many
delays as to amount in effect to a refusal. He also asked
that public lands might be distributed to his soldiers, and
this also was so successfully opposed as to defeat him. He
then attempted to gain his wishes by political influence and
action. By the free use of money he secured the election
of both the consuls for the year 60 B. c. ; but he was disap-
pointed in both. One had not sense enough to be a consul,
and the other, Metellus Celer, was the brother of Mucia,
whom Pompey had divorced, and under pretense had only
lent himself to Pompey in order to take revenge for the
reproach thus cast upon his sister. Celer immediately went
over to the senatorial party, and engaged in the most violent
opposition to Pompey. The tribune Flavius, who had pro-
posed Pompey's measures, went so far as to seize Celer, and
put him in prison. Celer called the senators to his cell to
deliberate there. The tribune set up his tribunal at the
prison door, so that the senators might not enter ; but the
senators had the prison walls torn down, and went in in
spite of the tribune.
The Senate, not content with estranging Pompey and
Caesar from one another, and openly insulting Pompey be-
sides, proceeded to offend Caesar. At the close of Caesar's
praetorship, — at the end of 62 B. c., — the province of
Further Spain had been assigned him. But he was in debt
two hundred and fifty millions of sesterces — about twelve
millions of dollars. To pay his debts and make the neces-
50 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
sary preparations for his journey to Spain, lie borrowed from
Crassus eight hundred and thirty talents — nearly thirteen
millions of dollars. The senatorial party, however, endeav-
ored to prevent his departure from Home, and a decree was
passed to the effect that the praetors should not go to their
provinces until certain important questions of State and
religion had been finally settled. Caesar knew that this was
aimed at him, and therefore in defiance of the decree he
went at once to his province, and put himself at the head of
the legions there. This was the first real opportunity that
Caesar had ever had to prove his ability as a military leader,
and he acquitted himself well. "He thus effected the com-
plete subjugation of the districts of Lusitania north of the
Tagus, including the wild fastnesses of the Herminian Mount-
ains and the rapid waters of the Durius. Brigantium in Gali-
cia, protected on the land side by the difficult character of
the surrounding country, he attacked with a naval armament,
and erected his victorious standard at the furthest extremity
of his province." — Merivale.1
The complete conquest of his province, and the settle-
ment of its civil administration upon a permanent basis, were
all accomplished in a little more than a year. His great
success entitled him to a triumph, and he desired also to
stand for the consulship during the ensuing year. He ad-
dressed the Senate soliciting the award of the triumph which
he had justly earned. The Senate knew that he wanted
also to be a candidate for the consulship. The law was
that no general to whom was granted a triumph should
come into Rome until the time of triumphal entry, which
time was to be fixed by the Senate ; and the custom, which
had the force of law, was that every candidate for the consul-
ship must appear publicly in the Forum on three distinct
occasions, and must be present personally in the Forum on
the day of the election. The Senate designed to prevent
Caesar's candidacy for the consulship by granting the tri-
1 " History of the Romans Under the Empire," chap, iv, par. 22.
POMPEY, CRASSUS, AND CAESAR. 51
umph and setting the time on a day beyond the day of
the election, thus keeping him out of the city, so that it
would be impossible for him to be present in the Forum as
a candidate. This custom could be, and in fact had been,
dispensed with on important occasions ; but the Senate was
very tenacious of both law and custom when they could be
turned to its own advantage. Caesar applied to the Senate
for a dispensation allowing him to be a candidate in his
absence. The Senate would not grant it, and when Caesar's
friends began to urge the matter, Cato defeated them by
obtaining the floor and talking all the rest of the day.
When Caesar learned of the determination of the Senate to
shut him out of the consulship by granting a triumph on a
day after the election, he checkmated their nicely-planned
move. He renounced the triumph, went at once to Rome,
went through the necessary forms, and appeared as a candi-
date for the consulship.
The Senate had now offended Pompey and embittered
his soldiers, and had committed itself to open and deter-
mined hostility to Caesar. Pompey took in the situation,
saw his opportunity, and acted upon it at once. He made
overtures to Caesar, who received him willingly, and an al-
liance was formed. Caesar and Crassus were already firm
friends, and had been working together for some time.
But Crassus and Pompey were bitter enemies. Caesar's
tact, however, soon tempered the feud, and reconciled the
enmity. Caesar was the idol of the people ; Pompey was
the idol of the soldiers ; and Crassus, the richest individual
in the Roman world, represented the moneyed class, the
farmers of the taxes, etc., who were not of the nobility.
These three men covenanted together ' ' that no proceedings
should be allowed to take place in the commonwealth with-
out the consent of each of the three contracting parties.
United they constituted a power beyond all the resources
of the commonwealth to cope with." — Merivale* Thus
2 Id., par. 33.
52 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
THE FIRST TRIUMVIRATE
became an accomplished fact, and though there were a few
expiring struggles, the power of the Roman Senate was vir-
tually gone forever.
Caesar was elected consul by acclamation ; and only by
the very desperation of bribery and corruption did the sena-
torial party succeed in electing Bibulus as his colleague. It
was the custom, immediately upon the election of the consuls,
to name the province which should be theirs at the expiration
of the year. of their office. The Senate sought to cast a
slur upon Caesar by assigning to him the department of roads
and forests. But he cared not for that, as he held the power
of the State, and had a full year in which to use it before
anything in that line was to be performed.
Caesar's consulship was for the year 59 B. c. The first
act of his administration was to secure the publication of the
proceedings of the Senate, that the people might know what
was done therein. He next brought forward the land law
for the reward of Pompey's veterans, which the Senate had
already refused to allow. This measure, however, like that
of Tiberius Gracchus, included thousands of the free citizens
who had sold their lands and crowded into Rome. In the
long interval since the repeal of the land law of Sulla, things
had fallen back into the same old way. The public lands
had fallen from those to whom the State had distributed them,
to the great lauded proprietors. Caesar's land law, like all
those before it, proposed to buy the rights of these proprie-
tors, as represented in their improvements, and distribute
the lands among Pompey's veterans and several thousands
of the unemployed population of the city. He showed to
the Senate that there was plenty of money in the treasury,
which Pompey's soldiers themselves had brought to the
State, to supply all the land required under the act. The
Senate would not listen. Cato took the lead in the opposi-
tion, and talked again for a whole day ; he grew so violent
THE CONSULATE OF C^SAR. 53
at last that Caesar ordered the lictors to take him off to
prison. Many of the senators followed Cato. As nothing
could be done, however, Caesar ordered Cato to be set free,
at the same time telling them that as they had refused
to take part in legislation, henceforth he would present his
propositions at once to the people. Bibulus, however, was
owned by the Senate, and he as consul might obstruct and
delay the proceeding in the assembly. Besides this, the
Senate had bribed three tribunes to assist Bibulus.
Caesar did not hesitate. A day was appointed, and he
presented his bill in the Forum, which before daylight the
populace had filled to overflowing, to prevent the senatorial
party from getting in. As Bibulus was consul, a passage
was made for him through the crowd, and he took his place
with Caesar on the porch of the temple of Castor and Pollux.
Caesar stepped forward, and read from a tablet the proposed
law, and turning to Bibulus asked if he had any fault to find
with it. Bibulus answered that 'there should be no revolu-
tions while he was consul, at which the assembly hissed.
This made Bibulus yet more angry, and he burst out to the
whole assembly, "During my year you shall not obtain your
desire, not though you cried for it with one voice. " Pompey
and Crassus, though not officials, were both present. Caesar
now signaled to them. ; they stepped forward, and he
asked whether they would support the law. Pompey made
a speech in which he declared that he spoke for his veterans
and for the poor citizens, and that he approved the law in
every letter of it. Caesar then asked, "Will you then sup-
port the law if it be illegally opposed ? " Pompey replied :
"Since you, consul, and you, my fellow-citizens, ask aid of
me, a poor individual without office and without authority,
who nevertheless has done some service to the State, I say
that I will bear the shield if others draw the sword."
At this, a mighty shout arose from the assembly. Crassus
followed with a speech to the same purpose. He likewise
was cheered to the echo. Bibulus rushed forward to forbid
54: THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
the vote to be taken. The bribed tribunes interposed their
veto. Bibulus declared that he had consulted the auspices,
— had read the sky, — and that they were unfavorable to
any further proceeding that day, and declared the assembly
dissolved. But the assembly had not come together to be
dissolved by him, nor in any such way as that. They paid
no attention. He then declared all the rest of the year to
be holy time. This was met by a yell that completely
drowned his voice. The assembly rushed upon the platform,
pushed Bibulus off, broke his insignia of office, bandied him
about with the bribed tribunes, and trampled upon them ;
but they were able to escape without serious injury. Then
Cato took up the strain, pushed his way to the rostra, and
began to rail at Caesar. He was met with a roar from the
assembly that completely drowned his voice, and in a mo-
ment he was arrested and dragged away, raving and gesticu-
lating. The law was then passed without a dissenting voice.
The next day Bibulus asked the Senate to pass a decree
annulling the act of the assembly, but this failed. Cato,
Celer, and Favonius openly refused to obey the law, upon
which a second law was passed, making it a capital offense
to refuse to swear obedience to the law. Bibulus then shut
himself up in his own house, and refused to act as consul
any more. This left the triumvirate absolute, with the
actual power in Caesar's hands for the rest of the year.
Pompey's soldiers had been provided for by the land law
which had just been passed, and his acts in Asia were con-
firmed. In addition to this an act was passed in behalf of
Crassus. The farmers of the taxes throughout the prov-
inces had taken the contract at too high a price, and now
they were not making as much as they expected. Crassus
was the chief of all these, and an act was passed granting
new terms. By these acts Caesar had more firmly bound
to himself both Pompey and Crassus. He then proceeded
more fully to gratify the people by a magnificent display of
plays and games.
ROMAN AUGURS.
REFORM BY LAW. 55
In legislation, the Senate was totally ignored ; Csesar
acted directly with the assembly of the people, and passed
such laws as he pleased. Yet it must be said that he passed
none that were not good enough in themselves, but they
were laws which in fact meant nothing. There was no pub-
lic character to sustain them, and consequently they were
made only to be broken. There was a law for the punish-
ment of adultery, when not only Caesar, but nine tenths of
the people were ready to commit adultery, at the first op-
portunity. There were laws for the protection of citizens
against violence, when every citizen was ready to commit
violence at a moment's notice. There were laws to punish
judges who allowed themselves to be bribed, when almost
every man in Rome was ready both to offer and to receive
bribes. There were laws against defrauding the revenue,
when almost every person only desired an opportunity to do
that very thing. There were laws against bribery at elec-
tions, when every soul in Rome from Caesar to the lowest
one of the rabble that shouted in the Forum, was ready to
bribe or to be bribed. " Morality and family life were treated
as antiquated things among all ranks of society. To be poor
was not merely the sorest disgrace and the worst crime, but
the only disgrace and the only crime : for money the states-
man sold the State, and the burgess sold his freedom ; the
post of the officer and the vote of the juryman were to be
had for money ; for money the lady of quality surrendered
her person, as well as the common courtesan ; falsifying of
documents, and perjuries had become so common that in a
popular poet of this age an oath is called ' the plaster for
debts.' Men had forgotten what honesty was ; a person
who refused a bribe was regarded not as an upright man,
but as a personal foe. The criminal statistics of all times
and countries will hardly furnish a parallel to the dread-
ful picture of crimes — so varied, so horrible, and so un-
natural."— Mommsen.3 In this condition of affairs such
laws were nothing more nor less than a legal farce.
3 " History of Rome," book v, chap, xi, par. 72.
56 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
Caesar's consulship was about to expire, and as above
stated, when he was elected the Senate had named as his
"province" the department of roads and forests instead of a
province. As this was intended at the first to be only a slur
upon Csesar, and as both he and the people fully understood
it, the people set aside this appointment, and voted to Csesar
for five years the command of Illyria, and Gaul within the
Alps ; but as there were some fears from the barbarians of
Gaul beyond the Alps, a proposition was introduced to
extend his province to include that. Pompey and Crassus
heartily assented, and the Senate seeing that it would be
voted to him any way by the assembly, made a virtue of
necessity, and bestowed this itself. Pompey now married
Caesar's daughter Julia, which more firmly cemented the
alliance while Csesar should be absent.
The triumvirate had been formed to continue for five
years. As the term drew to a close, the triumvirate was
renewed for five years more. Pompey and Crassus were
made consuls for the year 55 B. c., with the understanding
that while in office they should extend Caesar's command in
Gaul for five years longer after the expiration of the first
five ; and that at the expiration of their consulate, Pompey
should have Spain as his province, and Crassus should have
Syria.
The first thing to be done by the new consuls was to se-
cure the assembly's indorsement of the triumvirs' arrange-
ment of the provinces. This also the senators opposed by
every means to the very last. Cato raved as usual, and
when at the expiration of his allotted time he refused to sit
down, he was dragged away by an officer, and the meeting
adjourned. The next day the assembly came together again.
When the senatorial party saw that the action of the trium-
virs was to be ratified in spite of them, Cato and Atticus, a
tribune, were lifted to men's shoulders, and the tribune cried
out, as Bibulus on the like occasion formerly, that the skies
were unfavorable, and the proceedings illegal. Other trib-
K
W
EH
THE TRIUMVIRATE DISSOLVED. 57
unes ordered the proceedings to go on, at which a riot
began. Clubs and stones and swords and knives were freely
used. The senatorial party were driven out, the arrange-
ment of the provinces fully ratified, and the assembly dis-
missed. The people had no sooner gone out than the
senatorial party came back, presented a motion for Caesar's
recall, and proceeded to vote upon it. The assembly re-
turned, and drove them out with more bloodshed, and cer-
tainly to prevent all question as to what had been done,
passed a second time the motion upon Caesar's appointment.
Pompey, yet more to please the populace, dedicated a
new theater, which would seat forty thousand people. It
was decorated with marble and adorned with precious stones
in such abundance as had never before been seen in Rome.
The dedication with music, games, chariot races, and contests
between men and beasts, continued five days, during which
five hundred lions — one hundred each day — were turned
loose in the arena only to be killed. Besides this, eighteen
elephants were compelled to fight with bands of gladiators,
the piteous cries of the poor creatures finding a response even
in the savage sympathies of Romans.
By the strifes of parties, the election of consuls for the
year 54 was prevented until the expiration of 55, and the
consulates of Pompey and Crassus had expired. Crassus
departed for the East. Pompey assumed command of the
province of Spain, but instead of going to Spain, remained
in Rome.
In 54, Pompey's wife, Caesar's daughter, died ; in June
53 Crassus was killed in that memorable battle with the
Parthians ; and the triumvirate was dissolved. Pompey
had now been so long separated from the army that his in-
fluence with the soldiery was almost gone, while Caesar's
uninterrupted course of victory in Gaul had made him the
idol of the army, as well as the pride of the people. The
triumvirate was no sooner broken by the death of Crassus,
than the Senate began earnestly to try to win Pompey, and
58 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
compass Caesar's destruction. "No aristocracy was ever
more short-sighted at the crisis of its fate than the once glo-
rious patriciate of Rome. It clung desperately to its privi-
leges, not from a fond regard to their antiquity, or their
connection with any social or religious prejudices; disdained
to invoke the watchwords of patriotism or utility ; it took up
its ground upon the enactments which Sulla had made to en-
hance its own wealth and power, and depress those of its
rivals, and contended with its assailants upon purely selfish
considerations. Without a policy and without a leader, the
nobles went staggering onward in their blind conflict with
the forces arrayed against them.'" - Merivale.*
Pompey took -his stand with the Senate. Although he
was in Rome, he was really commander of the province of
Spain, and was thus in possession of an army, though that
army was at a distance. Under pretense of a need of troops
in Syria against the Parthians who had defeated and slain
Crassus, the Senate drew frojn Caesar two legions, and sta-
tioned them at Capua. A motion was then made in the
Senate for Caesar's recall, and the appointment of his suc-
cessor. But just then an obstacle presented itself which
disconcerted all their plans. Scribonius Curio had been one
of the most violent partisans of the senatorial party, and
largely on account of this he had been elected tribune by the
favor of the Senate. But Curio went over to the interests
of Caesar. When the motion was made to appoint a suc-
cessor to Caesar, Curio moved an amendment to the effect
that Pompey be included, and that when Caesar was relieved
of his command, Pompey should be relieved of his command
also. This amendment met with such approval that it was
accepted by an overwhelming majority, and the people were
so jubilant that they strewed flowers in Curio's way as he re-
turned from the assembly. The adoption of this amendment
completely blocked the effort of the Senate to depose Caesar.
Curio so persistently interposed his veto to all proceedings
against Caesar, that at last an attempt was made to get rid
*" Romans Uuder the Empire," chap, xi, par. 4 from end.
LEGAL GOVERNMENT AT AN END. 59
of him. One of the censors pronounced him unworthy of a
place in the Senate ; the consul Marcellus put the question
to vote, and it was defeated. Then the consul and his
partisans dressed themselves in mourning, and went straight
to Pompey ; declared the city in danger ; placed its safety
in his hands ; and gave him the two legions that were at
Capua. Pompey refused to accept the charge unless it was
sanctioned by the consuls who had been elected for the next
year. These both confirmed the appointment, and prom-
ised their support when they should come into office.
Caesar's enemies had now both an army and a commander.
TJds being by the official act of the consular authority, WAS A
CONFESSION THAT LEGAL GOVERNMENT WAS AT AN END, AND
WAS VIRTUALLY THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT ONLY BY
MILITARY FORCE.
Curio's tribunate ended with the year 50, and he closed
his term of office with an appeal to the people, in which he
declared that justice was violated, that the reign of law was
passed, and that a military domination reigned in the city.
He then left the city, and went to Caesar, who was encamped
at Ravenna with a legion.
The consuls for the year 49 were both avowed enemies
to Caesar. Two of the tribunes for the year were Mark
Antony and Cassius Longinus, — friendly to Caesar and
ready to veto every proposition that appeared to be to his
disadvantage. Caesar sent Curio back to Rome early in
January with a letter in which he offered any one of three
things : (1) That the agreement long before made should
stand, and he be elected consul in his absence ; or (2) that
he would leave his army if Pompey would disband his
troops ; or (3) that he would surrender to a successor all
Gaul beyond the Alps with eight of his ten legions, if he
were allowed to retain his original province of Illyria and
Northern Italy with two legions. The consuls objected to
the reading of the letter, but the demands of the tribunes
prevailed. When it had been read through, the consuls pro-
60 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
hibited any debate upon it, and made a motion to consider
the state of the republic. None of Caesar's propositions
would be considered for a moment. Lentulus, one of the
consuls, took the lead in urging prompt and determined
action, and others followed to the same purpose. Some
advised delay till they were better prepared ; others advised
that a deputation be sent to treat further with Caesar.
The majority supported Lentulus. It was moved that
Caesar should dismiss his troops by a certain day which the
Senate should name, and return to Rome as a private citizen,
or be declared a public enemy. The two tribunes interposed
their vetos on the ground that it had been decreed by the
people that Csesar should be allowed to stand for the consul-
ship in his absence ; but their plea was totally disregarded,
and the motion was passed almost unanimously. The trib-
unes then protested against the illegality of the proceedings,
and cried aloud that they were refused the free exercise of
their official prerogatives. The assembly in reply voted the
State in danger ; suspended the laws ; ordered an immediate
levy of troops ; and gave the consuls sole power to provide
for the public safety. The Senate next proposed to punish
the two tribunes. They were given to understand that if
they entered the Senate house, they would be expelled by
force. They, with Curio, fled to Caesar. The consuls made
Pompey commander-in-chief of the forces, and gave him the
freedom of the public treasury. Pompey went to Capua to
take charge of the two legions there, and organize the new
levies.
When the news of these proceedings reached Caesar at
Ravenna, he assembled his legions, and laid the whole
matter before them. The Senate had satisfied itself with
the pleasing illusion that Caesar's legions were so dissatisfied
with him and discouraged by the long tedious campaigns in
barbarous Gaul, that they only waited for a good opportu-
nity to desert him in a body. But never had they been
more mistaken than they were in this. The soldiers were
CAESAR CROSSES THE RUBICON. 61
ready to support him to the utmost. They not only offered
to serve without pay, but actually offered him money for the
expenses of the war. Only one officer out of the whole
army failed him. This one slipped away secretly, and fled
to Pompey, and Caesar sent all his baggage after him.
Caesar sent orders to Gaul beyond the Alps for two
legions to follow him, and he set out toward Rome with the
one legion — 5, 000 men — that was with him. About twenty
miles from Ravenna, a little stream called the Rubicon
formed part of the boundary between the territory of Rome
proper and the provinces which had been assigned to Caesar.
To cross this boundary with an armed force was to declare
war ; but as the Senate had already by its actions more than
once openly declared war, Caesar had no hesitation in cross-
ing the boundary. He passed it, and marched ten miles
onward to Rimini. There he halted and waited for the
two legions ordered from Gaul, one of which reached him
about the end of January, and the other about the middle of
February.
By the time that Caesar had reached Rimini, the rumor
had reached Rome that he was coming, and a panic seized
his enemies throughout the whole city. Their excited im-
aginations and guilty fears pictured him as coming with all
his legions, accompanied by hosts of the terrible barbarians
of Gaul, hurrying on by forced marches, nearer and yet
nearer, and breathing forth fiery wrath. ' ' Flight, instant
flight, was the only safety. Up they rose, consuls, praetors,
senators, leaving wives and children and property to their
fate, not halting even to take the money out of the treasury,
but contenting themselves with leaving it locked. On foot,
on horseback, in litters, in carriages, they fled for their lives
to find safety under Pornpey's wing in Capua." — Froude*
Instead of Caesar's marching toward Rome, however, he
was waiting quietly at Rimini for his legions to come from
Gaul, and his waiting there was working doubly to his ad-
vantage, to say nothing of the results of the panic-stricken
6 " Caesar," chap, xxi, par. 3.
62 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
fears of his enemies in Rome. Not only did the two legions
come promptly from Gaul, but troops flocked to him from
all the country around ; and cities on the way to Rome
began to declare for him, and were ready to open their
gates as soon as he should arrive. Ahenobarbus, with a
few thousand men, occupied a strong place in the mountains
directly in Caesar's way. Caesar surrounded the place, and
captured the whole body of them. lie then let them all go.
Ahenobarbus and some of his officers went away, but his
troops declared for Caesar. As soon as Pompey and the
nobles heard of the capture of Ahenobarbus and the deser-
tion of these troops, they took up their flight again for
Brundusium on the east coast of Italy, where they might
take ships for Epirus. The greater part of them sailed
away at once. Pompey remained with a portion of his
army for the ships to return to take the in away. Caesar
hurried to Brundusium, where he arrived on the ninth of
March. Pompey was there. Caesar asked for a meeting,
but Pompey refused. Caesar began a siege, but the ships
soon came, and Pompey and his army sailed away for
Durazzo on the coast of Epirus. Caesar had no ships, and
could follow the fugitives no farther. He therefore went
directly to Rome. She threw wide her gates to receive him.
The remains of the Senate was convened by the tribunes
who had fled to Caesar, but it would do nothing. The as-
sembly of the people voted him the money in the treasury.
He took what he needed, and as Spain and the Mediterranean
Coast of Gaul were yet subject to Pompey, he went in a few
days to bring these into subjection. This was all accom-
plished before winter. He was made dictator in his ab-
sence. He returned to Rome in October. He appointed a
day for the election of consuls for the year 48, and himself
and Servilius Isauricus were chosen without opposition.
Thus he was elected consul for the very year that had been
promised him long before by the Senate and assembly, al-
though the Senate had declared that he never should have
JULIUS CAESAR.
DICTATOR, DEMI-GOD, AND DEITY. 63
it at all. The election of the other lawful magistrates soon
followed, the form of legal government was restored, and
he set out at once to find Pompey and the Senate. Pie
marched to Brundusium, and sailed to Epirus. There he
found that Pompey had gone to Macedonia. After much
maneuvering, the armies met at Pharsalia in Thessaly, and
Pompey 's army was completely routed. Pompey fled to
Egypt. Caesar followed closely ; but Pompey had been
murdered and beheaded before he had fairly landed, arid
only his head was preserved and rendered an unwelcome
present to Caesar.
Caesar spent the time till the autumn of 47 setting things
in order in Egypt and the East, then he returned to Rome.
Finding that Pompey was dead, and that all hope of sup-
port from him was gone, Caesar's enemies in Rome became
his most servile flatterers. Those who had plunged the
State into civil war rather than allow him while absent to
be even a candidate for the consulship, now in his absence
made him dictator for a whole year, and were ready to heap
upon him other preferences without limit.
A part of the year 46 was spent in subduing the oppos-
ing forces in Africa. This was soon accomplished, and the
servile flatterers went on with their fawning adulations.
Even before his return, the Senate voted in his favor a
national thanksgiving to continue forty days. When he
returned, they voted him not one triumph, but four, with
intervals of several days between, and that his triumphal
car should be drawn by white horses. They made him in-
spector of public morals for three years. And as though
they would be as extravagant in their adulation as they had
been in their condemnation, they voted him dictator for ten
years, with the right to nominate the consuls and praetors
each year ; that in the Senate his chair should always be
between those of the two consuls ; that he should preside
in all the games of the circus ; that his image carved in
ivory should be borne in processions among the images of
64 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
the gods, and be kept laid up in the capitol over against the
place of Jupiter ; that his name should be engraved on a
tablet as the restorer of the capital ; and finally that a bronze
statue of him standing on a globe should be set up with the
inscription, " Csesar, the Demi-god."
Csesar was not wanting in efforts to maintain the ap-
plause of the populace. He gave to each soldier about a
thousand dollars, and to each citizen about twenty dollars,
with house-rent free for a year ; and' provided a magnificent
feast for the citizens, who were supported by the public
grants of grain. Twenty-two thousand tables were spread
with the richest viands, upon which the two hundred thou-
sand State paupers feasted, while from hogsheads the finest
wine flowed freely. Above all this he furnished the finest
display of games and bloody battles of gladiators that had
ever been seen. So great was it, indeed, and so bloody,
and so long continued, that it fairly surfeited the savage
Roman appetite ; and the people began to complain that the
vast sums of money spent on the shows would have been
better employed in donations direct to themselves. Time
and space would fail to tell of the numbers, the magnitude,
and the magnificence of the buildings with which he adorned
the city.
In the winter of 46—5 Csesar was compelled to go to
Spain to reduce the last remains of the senatorial forces.
This was accomplished before the month of April was passed,
yet he did not return to Rome until September. As soon
as the news of his victory reached Rome, however, the Sen-
ate, which sincerely hoped he would be killed, began once
more to pour forth its fulsome flattery. It voted a national
thanksgiving to continue fifty days, decreed him another
triumph, conferred upon him the power to extend the
bounds of the city, and erected another statue of him with
the inscription, "To The Invincible Deity."
When he returned and had enjoyed his triumph, he again
celebrated the occasion with games, combats, and shows no
CESAR'S GOVERNMENT. fi5
less splendid than those which he had given before, only not
so long continued. After this was all over, he took up the
regulation of the affairs of society and state. He gave his
soldiers lands, but instead of trying to provide lands in Italy
for all of them, he distributed the most of them in colonies
in the provinces. He cut down the quantity of public grants
of grain, and sent thousands upon thousands of citizens away
beyond the seas to establish Roman provinces. Eighty
thousand were sent to rebuild Carthage. Another host was
sent to rebuild Corinth, which had been destroyed by the
Romans a hundred years before. To lessen the evils that
had rent the State so long in the annual elections, he enacted
that the elections to the lesser offices of the State should be
held only once in three years. He enacted that at least one
third of the hired help of farmers, vineyardists, stock raisers,
etc., should be Roman citizens. He enacted that all physi-
cians, philosophers, and men of science should be Roman
citizens. This privilege was likewise bestowed upon large
numbers of people in Gaul, Spain, and other places. In the
early days of Rome, unions of the different trades and handi-
crafts had been formed for mutual benefit. In the times
which we have sketched, they had become nothing but polit-
ical clubs, and withal had become so dangerous that they
had to be utterly abolished. In B. c. 58, Clodius, to
strengthen his political influence, had restored them. Caesar
now abolished them again, but allowed bona Jide trades-
unions to be organized upon the original plan of mutual
benefit.8
As inspector of public morals he next attempted, as he
had when he was consul in 59, to create reform by law. It
was a time of unbounded luxury and of corresponding license
and licentiousness. He forbade the rich young nobles to be
carried in litters. Sea and land were being traversed for
dainties for the tables of the rich; Caesar appointed in-
6Plutarch's "Lives," Numa, chap. xxxi. Merivale, "Romans Under the
Empire," chap, iv, par. 42 ; and chap, xx, par. 11.
6
66 TEE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
specters of the tables and the provision stores to regulate
the fare, and any prohibited dish found on any table was
picked up and carried away even though the guests were
sitting at the table at the moment. The marriage relation
had fallen to very loose ways. He enacted that any Roman
citizen who was the father of three legitimate children born
in Rome, or four in Italy, or five anywhere else, should be ex-
empted from certain public obligations ; and that the mothers
in such cases should be allowed the special dignity of riding
in litters, dressing in purple, and wearing necklaces of pearls.
Divorces were as frequent as anybody chose to make them,
and Csesar, who had divorced his own wife merely upon
suspicion, essayed to regulate divorces ; and he who from
his youth had enjoyed the personal favors of the chief women
of Rome, he who ' ' had mistresses in every country which he
visited, and liaisons with half the ladies in Rome," and who
was at the time maintaining an adulterous connection with
the Queen of Egypt, — he presumed to enact laws against
adultery.
One thing, however, he did, which was more lasting than
all his other acts put together ; and, in fact, of more real
benefit. This was the reform of the calendar.
All this time the Senate was heaping upon him titles and
honors in the same extravagant profusion as before. One
decree made him the father of his country ; another liber-
ator ; another made him imperator, and commander-in-chief
of the army for life with the title to be hereditary in his
family. They gave him full charge of the treasury ; they
made him consul for ten years, and dictator for life. A
triumphal robe and a crown of laurel were bestowed on him,
with authority to wear them upon all occasions. A figure of
his head was impressed upon the coin. His birthday was
declared to be a holiday forever ; and the name of the month,
Quinctilius^ was changed to Julius, and is still our July.
Next his person was declared sacred, and any disrespect to
him in word or action was made to be sacrilege. It was
THE MTJRDm OF CAESAR. $7
decreed that the oath of allegiance should be sworn by the
Fortune of Caesar. The Senate itself took this oath, and by
it swore sacredly to maintain his acts, and watch over the
safety of his person. To complete the scale, they declared
that he was no more Caius Julius, a man, but Divus Julius,
a god ; and that a temple should be built for the worship
of him, and Antony should be the first priest.
Then, having exhausted the extremest measure of the
most contemptible sycophancy, March 15, B. c. 44, THEY
MURDERED HIM.
Csesar was dead ; but all that had made him what he had
been, still lived. Pretended patriots assassinated Caesar to
save the republic from what they supposed was threatened in
him ; but in that act of base ingratitude and cruel ' ' patriot-
ism," there was accomplished that which they professed to
fear from him, and which in fact they realized from those
who were worse than he. It was with the Romans at this
time, as it was with the Athenians when Demosthenes told
them that if there were no Philip, they themselves would
create a Philip. Affairs had reached that point in the
Roman State where a Caesar was inevitable, and though to
avoid it they had killed the greatest Roman that ever lived,
the reality was only the more hastened by the very means
which they had employed to prevent it. This they themselves
realized as soon as they had awakened from the dream in
which they had done the desperate deed. Cicero exactly
defined the situation, and gave a perfect outline of the whole
history of the times, when, shortly after the murder of Caesar,
he bitterly exclaimed, "We have killed the king; but the
kingdom is with us still. We have taken away the tyrant ;
the tyranny survives." That tyranny survived in the breast
of every man in Rome.
At the death of Caesar, to Mark Antony, the sole sur-
viving consul, the reins of government fell. Lepidus,
Caesar's general of cavalry, was outside the walls with a
68 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
legion of troops about to depart for Spain. He took pos-
session of the Camp of Mars, and sent to Antony assur-
ances of support. As night came on, with a body of troops
he entered the city and camped in the Forum. He and
Antony at once came to a mutual understanding. Antony
as consul agreed to secure for Lepidus the office of Pontifex
Maximus made vacant by the murder of Caesar, and the al-
liance was completed by Antony's daughter being given in
marriage to the son of Lepidus. Antony secured Caesar's
will and all his private papers, besides a great sum of money.
As the will showed that Caesar had bequeathed his pri-
vate gardens to the people of Rome forever as a pleasure
ground, and to each citizen a sum of money amounting to
nearly fourteen dollars, this bound the populace more firmly
than ever to the memory of Caesar. And as Antony stood
forth as the one to avenge Caesar's death, this brought the
populace unanimously to his support. By the help of all
this power and influence, Antony determined to put himself
in the place which Caesar had occupied. Among Caesar's
papers he found recorded many of Caesar's plans and inten-
tions in matters of the government. These he made to
serve his purpose as occasion demanded ; for the Senate
dared not dissent from any of Caesar's recorded wishes and
designs. When the legitimate papers were exhausted, he
bribed one of Caesar's clerks to forge and declare to be
Caesar's purpose, such State documents as he chose to have
made laws, all of which by the power of Caesar's name were
carried against all opposition.
Soon, however, there came a serious check upon the suc-
cess of Antony's soaring ambition. Octavius appeared upon
the scene. Caius Octavius was the grandson of one of
Caesar's sisters, and by Caesar's will was left his heir and
adopted son. He was then in the nineteenth year of his
age. He was in Apollonia when Caesar was killed ; and
upon learning of the murder he immediately set out for
Rome, not knowing the particulars, nor yet that Caesar had
OCTAVIUS PRESENTS HIMSELF. 69
left a will in his favor. These lie learned when he reached
the coast of Italy. Without delay, he incorporated Caesar's
name with his own, — Caius Julius Caesar Octavius, — and
presented himself to the nearest body of troops as the heir
of the great general. When he reached Home, Antony re-
ceived him coldly ; refused to give him any of the money
that had been left by Caesar ; and caused him all the trouble
he possibly could in securing possession of the inheritance.
Notwithstanding all this, the young Octavius succeeded at
every step, and checked Antony at every move. Antony
had lost much of his own influence with the populace by fail-
ing to fulfill or even to promise to fulfill to them the provisions
of Caesar's will. And by refusing to Octavius any of Caesar's
money, he hoped so to cripple him that he could not do it.
Octavius promptly assumed all the obligations of the
will. He raised money on that portion of the estate which
fell to him ; he persuaded the other heirs to surrender to
his use their shares in the inheritance ; he borrowed from
Caesar's friends ; and altogether succeeded in raising suf-
ficient funds to discharge every obligation. By paying to
the people the money that Caesar had left them, he bound
the populace to himself. At the time of Caesar's funeral,
one of the tribunes, a fast friend to Caesar, but who unfort-
unately bore the same name as one of Caesar's enemies,
was mistaken by the populace for the other man, and in
spite of his cries and protestations, was literally torn to
pieces. The time came for the vacant tribunate to be filled.
Octavius strongly favored a certain candidate. The people
proposed to elect Octavius himself, though he was not yet
of legal age to hold office. Antony, as consul, interfered
to stop the proceedings. This roused the spirit of the peo-
ple, and as they could not elect Octavius, they stubbornly
refused to elect anybody.
Antony, seeing his power with the people was gone,
next tried to secure the support of the army. The six best
legions of the republic were stationed in Macedonia, destined
70 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
for service in Parthia. Five of these legions Antony whee-
dled the Senate into transferring to him. Next he intrigued
to have the province of Gaul within the Alps bestowed on
him instead of the province of Macedonia which had al-
ready been given him. This the Senate hesitated to do,
and interposed so many objections that Antony found his
purpose about to be frustrated, and he made overtures to
Octavius. Octavius received him favorably ; a pretended
reconciliation was accomplished between them ; and by the
support of Octavius, Antony secured the change of prov-
inces which he desired. Antony called four of his legions
from Macedonia to Brundusium, and went to that place to
assume command. As soon as Antony went to Brundusium,
Octavius went to Campania, to the colonies of veterans who
had been settled there upon the public lands, and by the
offer of about a hundred dollars to each one who would join
him, he soon secured a force of ten thousand men. These
he took to the north of Italy, to the border of Antony's
province, and put them in camp there.
When Antony met his legions at Brundusium, he found
them sullen, and instead of their greeting him with acclama-
tions they demanded explanations. They declared that
they wanted vengeance for Caesar's death, and that instead
of punishing the assassins, Antony had dallied with them.
They called upon him to mount the tribunal, and explain his
conduct. He replied that it was not the place of a Roman
commander to explain his conduct, but to enforce obedience.
Yet he betrayed his fear of them by mingling promises with
his threats and pledges with his commands. He offered
them about twenty dollars apiece, and drew a contrast be-
tween the hard service in Parthia, and the easy time that
was before them in the province to which he was to take
them. This did not satisfy them. He put some to death,
yet the others would not be quiet. The agents of Octa-
vius were among them contrasting the hundred dollars to
each man^ that he was paying, with the paltry twenty dol-
PLOT, COUNTERPLOT, AND WAR. 71
lars that Antony was Coffering. Antony was obliged to
increase his bid, but it was not yet near the price Octavius
was offering. He broke up the command into small bodies,
and ordered them to march separately thus along the coast
of the Adriatic, and unite again at Rimini, and he himself
returned to Rome. He had barely time to reach his home,
when a messenger arrived with the word that one of his
legions had gone over bodily to Octavius. This message
had scarcely been delivered when another came saying that
another legion had done likewise. He went with all haste
to where they were, hoping to win them back, but they shut
against him the gates of the city where they were, and shot
at him from the walls. By raising his bid to the same
amount that Octavius was paying, he succeeded in holding
the other two legions in allegiance to himself.
War could be the only result of such counterplotting as
this, and other circumstances hastened it. Antony now had
four legions ; Lepidus had six ; three were in Gaul under
the command of Plancus ; and Octavius had five. When
Antony had obtained the exchange of provinces, the one
which he secured — Gaul within the Alps — was already
under the command of a pro-consul, Decimus Brutus. But
with the command of the province Antony had received
authority to drive out of it any pretender to the government.
He commanded Decimus to leave the province. Decimus
refused, and Antony declared war. Decimus shut himself
up in a stronghold, and Antony laid siege to him there.
Octavius saw now* an opportunity to humble Antony, and
strengthen himself — he offered his service to the Senate.
The two consuls whose term of office had expired came
up, January 43, B. c., and Octavius joined his forces to
theirs. Two battles were fought in April, in both of which
Antony was worsted, though both the pro-consuls were
slain. Antony left the field of battle, and marched across
the Alps and joined Lepidus. Decimus desired to follow
with all the forces present ; but as he was one of the inur-
72 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
derers of Caesar, Octavius would not obey him. Also the
troops of Octavius declared that Caesar's heir was their
leader, and Decimus their enemy. Decimus then marched
also across the Alps, and joined his forces to those of Plan-
cus. This left Italy wholly to Octavius, and he made the
most of the opportunity. He demanded that the Senate
grant him a triumph. His demand was only treated with
contempt. The Senate in turn sent to him a peremptory
command to lead his army against "the parricides and
brigands " that had joined their forces in Gaul. He replied
by sending to Rome four hundred of his soldiers to demand
for him the consulship for the year 42.
The soldiers presented their demand in the Senate house.
It was refused. One of them then laid his hand upon his
sword and declared with an oath, "If you do not grant it,
this shall obtain it for him." Cicero replied, " If this is the
way that you sue for the consulship, doubtless your chief
will acquire it." The soldiers returned to Octavius, and
reported upon their embassy. Octavius with his legions
immediately crossed the Rubicon and started for Rome,
giving up to the license of his soldiers all the country as he
passed.
As soon as the Senate learned that Octavius was coming
with his army, they sent an embassy to meet him, and to
tell him that if he would only turn back they would grant
everything he asked, and add yet above all about five hun-
dred dollars for each of his soldiers. But he, knowing that
he had the Senate in his power, determined to make his own
terms after he should get possession of the city. The
Senate turned brave again, put on a blustering air, and for-
bade the legions to come nearer than ninety miles to the
city. As two legions had just come from Africa, the Senate
supposed they had a military power of their own. They
threw up fortifications and gave the praetors military com-
mand of the city. By this time Octavius and his army had
reached Rome. The senators again suddenly lost all their
OCTAVIUS BECOMES CONSUL. 73
bravery. Such of them as had least hope of favor fled from
the city or hid themselves. Of the others, each one for
himself decided to go over to Octavius ; and when each
one with great secrecy had made his way to the camp of
the legions, he soon found that all the others had done the
same thing. The legions and the praetors who had been set
to defend the city went over bodily to Octavius. The gates
were thrown open ; Octavius with his legions entered the
city ; the Senate nominated him for consul ; the assembly
was convened, and he was elected — September 22, 43 B. c. —
with his own cousin, Pedius, chosen as his colleague, and
with the right to name the prefect of the city. Octavius
became twenty years old the next day.
An inquiry was at once instituted upon the murder of
Caesar, and all the conspirators were declared outlaws ; but
as Brutus and Cassius, the two chief assassins, were in
command of the twenty legions in Macedonia and Asia
Minor, Octavius needed more power. This he obtained by
forming an alliance with Antony and Lepidus. These two
commanders crossed the Alps, and the three met on a small
island in the River Reno, near Bologna. There, as a result
of their deliberation for three days,
THE SECOND TRIUMVIRATE
was formed, and the tripartition of the Roman world was
made.
They assumed the right to dispose of all the offices of
the government ; and all their decrees were to have the force
of law, without any question, confirmation, or revision by
either the Senate or the people. In short, they proposed
that their power should be absolute — they would do what
they pleased. Yet they were compelled to consider the
army. To secure the support of the legions, they pledged
to them eighteen of the finest districts in Italy, with an
addition of about a thousand dollars to each soldier. The
conditions of the compact were put into writing, and when
74 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
each of the triumvirs had taken an oath faithfully to observe
them, they were read to the troops. The soldiers signified
their approval upon condition that Octavius should marry
the daughter of Antony's wife Fulvia.7
When the powers of the triumvirate had thus been made
firm, the triumvirs sat down "with a list of the noblest citi-
zens before them, and each in turn pricked [with a pin] the
name of him whom he destined to perish. Each claimed to
be ridded of his personal enemies, and to save his own
friends. But when they found their wishes to clash, they re-
sorted without compunction to mutual concessions." Above
all other men Cicero was the one upon whom Antony desired
to execute vengeance ; and in return for this boon, he sur-
rendered to Octavius his own uncle on his mother's side.
Lepidus gave up his own brother. "As they proceeded,
their views expanded. They signed death warrants to gratify
their friends. As the list slowly lengthened, new motives
were discovered for appending to it additional names. The
mere possession of riches was fatal to many ; for the masters
of so many legions were always poor : the occupation of
pleasant houses and estates sealed the fate of others ; for the
triumvirs were voluptuous as well as cruel. Lastly, the
mutual jealousy of the proscribers augmented the number of
their victims, each seeking the destruction of those who
conspicuously favored his colleagues, and each exacting a
similar compensation in return. The whole number ex-
tended, we are told, to three hundred senators and two
thousand knights ; among them were brothers, uncles, and
favorite officers of the triumvirs themselves." — Merivale*
When this list had been arranged, the triumvirs with
their legions started to Rome. Before they reached the city,
they sent to the consuls the names of seventeen of the most
prominent citizens, with an order to put them all to death at
7 The girl's name was Clodia. She was Fulvia's daughter by Clodius, her
former husband.
8 "Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxvi, par. 13.
TEE TRIUMVIR8 ENTER ROME. 75
once. Cicero was one of the seventeen. The executioners
"attacked the houses of the appointed victims in the middle
of the night : some they seized and slew unresisting ; others
struggled to the last, and shed blood in their own defense ;
others escaping from their hands raised the alarm through-
out the city, and the general terror of all classes, not know-
ing what to expect, or who might feel himself safe, caused a
violent commotion." — Merivale.9 Cicero had left the city,
but he was overtaken by the messengers of blood, his head
and his hands were cut off and carried to Antony, who
exulted over the ghastly trophies ; and Fulvia in a rage of
gloating anger took the bloody head and held it upon her
knees, and looking into the face poured forth a torrent of
bitter invective against him whose face it was, and then in a
perfect abandon of fury seized from her hair her golden
bodkin, and pierced through and through the tongue that
had so often, so exultantly, and so vilely abused both her
husbands.
The triumvirs reached Rome one after another. " Octa-
vius entered first ; on the following day Antony appeared ;
Lepidus came third. Each man was surrounded by a legion
and his praetorian cohort. The inhabitants beheld with
terror these silent soldiers taking possession of every point
commanding the city. Rome seemed like a place conquered
and given over to the sword." — Duruy.™ A tribune called
an assembly of the people ; a few came, and the three com-
manders ' ' were now formally invested with the title of tri-
umvirs, and all the powers they claimed were conferred upon
them " November 27, B. c. 43. The following night there
was posted throughout the city this edict : —
" M. Lepidus, Marcus Antonius, and Octavius Caesar, chosen trium-
virs for the reconstitution of the republic, thus declare : Had not the
perfidy of the wicked answered benefits by hatred ; had not those
whom Caesar in his clemency spared after their defeat, enriched and
loaded with honors, become his murderers, we too should disregard
9 Id., par. 14. 10" History of Rome," chap, lix, sec. iv, par. 10.
Y6 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
those who have declared us public enemies. But perceiving that
their malignity can be conquered by no benefits, we have chosen to
forestall our enemies rather than be taken unawares by them. Some
have already been punished ; with the help of the gods we shall bring
the rest to justice. Being ready to undertake an expedition against the
parricides beyond the seas, it has seemed to us and will appear to you
necessary that we should not leave other enemies behind us. Yet we
will be more merciful than a former imperator, who also restored the
ruined republic, and whom you hailed with the name of Felix. Not
all the wealthy, not all who have held office, will perish, but only
the most dangerous evil-doers. These offenders we might have seized
unawares ; but for your sakes we have preferred to draw up a list of
proscribed persons rather than to order an execution by the troops, in
which harm might have come to the innocent. This then is our order :
Let no one hide any of those whose names follow ; whosoever shall aid
in the escape of a proscribed man shall be himself proscribed. Let
the heads be brought to us. As a reward, a man of free condition shall
receive twenty-five thousand Attic drachmae, a slave ten thousand, to-
gether with freedom and the name of citizen. The names of persons
receiving these rewards shall be kept secret." — Duruy.11
Attached to this document were one hundred and thirty
names of senators and knights who were devoted to death.
Another list of one hundred and fifty was almost imme-
diately added, and yet others followed in quick succession.
Guards had been placed at all the gates, all places of ref-
uge had been occupied, and all means of escape had been
cutoff. The slaughter began. "The executioners, armed
with the prostituted forms of authority, rushed unresisted
and unhindered in pursuit of their victims. They found
many to aid them in the search, and to stimulate their ac-
tivity. The contagious thirst of blood spread from the hired
assassins to all who had an ancient grudge to requite, a
future favor to obtain. Many fell in the confusion whose
names were not included in the list of the proscribed. Many
a private debt was wiped out in the blood of the creditor.
Robbers and cut-throats mingled with the bitter partisan and
the private enemy. While the murderer carried the head of
his victim to fix it on a spike before the rostra, and claim
11 Id,
Two REPUBLICS.
"THE SAVIORS OF THEIR COUNTRY." 77
the proffered reward, thfc jackals of massacre entered the
tenantless house, and glutted themselves with plunder."
Merivale.™
When the names of the published lists had been exhausted,
and all their political enemies had been slain, the triumvirs
published yet another list, not of more to be put to death,
but of those whose property should be confiscated. When
this list was exhausted, then "all the inhabitants of Rome
and Italy, — citizens and foreigners, priests and freedmen,"
— who had possessions amounting to more than twenty
thousand dollars, were obliged to "lend" to the triumvirs
one-tenth of all their possessions, and "give" one year's
income besides. Then, "glutted with blood and rapine,"
Lepidus, for the triumvirate, announced to the Senate that
the proscription was at an end. Octavius, however, reserved
the right to kill some more, and "declared that the only
limit he had fixed to the proscription was that he should be
free to act as he pleased." — Suetonius.™ Then the fawn-
ing Senate voted to the triumvirs civic crowns as ' ' the sav-
iors of their country."
In the beginning of the year 42 B. c., Antony and Oc-
tavius, leaving Lepidus in command of Rome and Italy,
started to the East to destroy Brutus and Cassius, the
murderers of Caesar ; but it was summer before they got all
their troops together in Macedonia. Brutus and Cassius,
with their united forces, had returned from Asia Minor
into Europe. The two armies met at Philippi in Mace-
donia. The forces of Brutus and Cassius numbered about
one hundred thousand, and those of Antony and Octavius
about one hundred and twenty thousand. Two battles,
twenty days apart, were fought on the same ground. In
the first Cassius lost his life ; in the second the army of
Brutus was annihilated, and Brutus himself committed
suicide.
12 " Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxvi, par. 15.
13 " Lives of the Caesars," Augustus, chap, xxvli.
78 THE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
It became necessary now to pay the soldiers the money
and put them in possession of the land which had been
promised them when the triumvirate was formed. A sum
equal to a thousand dollars had been promised to each
soldier, and, as there were now one hundred and seventy
thousand soldiers, a sum equal to one hundred and sev-
enty million dollars was required. Antony assumed the
task of raising the money from the wealth of Asia, and
Octavius the task of dispossessing the inhabitants of Italy
and distributing their lands and cities among the soldiers.
Antony's word to the people of Pergamos describes the
situation both in Italy and all the countries of Asia. To
them he said : —
•
"You deserve death for rebellion; this penalty I will remit; but I
want money, for I have twenty-eight legions, which" with their auxiliary
battalions amount to 170,000 men, besides cavalry and detachments in
other quarters. I leave you to conceive what a mass of money must be
required to maintain such armaments. My colleague has gone to Italy
to divide its soil among these soldiers, and to expel, so to speak, the
Italians from their own country. Your lands we do not demand ; but
instead thereof we will have money. And when you hear how easily,
after all, we shall be contented, you will, we conceive, be satisfied to pay
and be quit of us. We demand only the same sum which you have con-
tributed during the last two years to our adversaries ; that is to say, the
tribute of ten years ; but our necessities compel us to insist upon receiv-
ing this sum within twelve months." — Merivale. 14
As the tribute was much reduced by the time it reached
the coffers of Antony, the levy was doubled, and the com-
mand given that it should be paid in two installments the
same year. To this the people replied, "If you force us to
pay the tribute twice in one year, give us two summers and
two harvests. No doubt you have also the power to do so."
But instead of considering the distress of the people caused
by these most burdensome exactions, " Antony surrounded
himself with flute-players, mountebanks, and dancing-girls.
He entered Ephesus, preceded by women dressed as Bac-
u " Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxvii, par. 2.
ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. 79
chantes, and youths in the garb of Fauns and Satyrs. Al-
ready he assumed the attributes of Bacchus, and set himself
to play the part by continual orgies." — Duruy.15
While Cassius was in Asia Minor, he had compelled
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, to supply him with troops and
money. As these had been used against the triumvirs,
Antony sent from Tarsus in Cilicia, and called her to ac-
count for her conduct. She came, representing Yenus, to
render her account in person. And ' ' when she first met
Mark Antony, she pursed up his heart on the river of
Cydnus."
"The barge she sat in, like a burnished throne,
Burned on the water : the poop was beaten gold ;
Purple the sails, and so perfumed that
The winds were love-sick with them ; the oars were silver,
Which to the tune of flutes kept stroke, and made
The water, which they beat, to follow faster,
As amorous of their strokes. For her own person,
It beggared all description : she did lie
In her pavilion (cloth of gold and tissue),
O'er-picturing that Venus, where we see
The fancy out-work nature : on each side her,
Stood pretty dimpled boys, like smiling cupids,
With divers colored fans, whose wind did seem
To glow the delicate cheeks which they did cool,
And what they undid, did. . . .
"Her gentlewomen, like the Nereides,
So many mermaids, tended her i' the eyes,
And made their bends adornings : at the helm
A seeming mermaid steers ; the silken tackle
Swell with the touches of those flower-soft hands,
That yarely frame the office. From the barge
A strange invisible perfume hits the sense
Of the adjacent wharfs. The city cast
Her people out upon her ; and Antony,
Enthroned in the market-place, did sit alone,
Whistling to the air ; which, but for vacancy,
Had gone to gaze on Cleopatra, too,
And made a gap in nature. . . .
16 " History of Rome," chap. Ix, sec. iii, par. 1.
80 TEE TWO TRIUMVIRATES.
" Upon her landing, Antony sent to her,
Invited her to supper : she replied,
It should be better, he became her guest ;
Which she entreated : Our courteous Antony,
Whom ne'er the word of ' No,* woman heard speak,
Being barbered ten times o'er, goes to the feast ;
- And, for his ordinary, pays his heart,
For what his eyes eat only."
— Shakespeare.
Antony went with Cleopatra to Alexandria, B. c. 41.
Fulvia died in the spring of 40. Antony's giddy infatuation
with the voluptuous queen of Egypt was fast estranging him
from Octavius and the Roman people. The matter was patched
up for a little while, by the marriage of Antony and Octavia,
the sister of Octavius, B. c. 40 ; but within two years
Antony was again swallowed up in the charms of Cleopatra,
from whom he never again separated. Two children whom
he had by her he named respectively the Sun and the Moon,
and when Cleopatra assumed the dress and professed the
attributes of Isis, Antony played the part of Osiris. He
publicly rejected Octavia in 35, divorced her in 32, and war
was declared the same year. The war began and ended
with the naval battle of Actium, September 2, B. c. 31.
In the midst of the battle Cleopatra hoisted sail and fled.
Antony left everything and followed her. They sailed home
to Alexandria, and there committed suicide. In the mean-
time Lepidus had been set aside, and now, just thirteen and
one-half years from the murder of Caesar, the State, having
again gone through the same course precisely, came again
to the exact point where it had been then, only in worse
hands, and Octa/vim was the head of one hundred and twenty
millions of people, and SOLE MASTEE or THE ROMAN WORLD .
16 " Antony and Cleopatra," act ii, scene II.
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CHAPTER III.
THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
"mask of hypocrisy" which Octavius had assumed
1 at the age of nineteen, and " which he never afterwards
laid aside," was now at the age of thirty-four made to tell to
the utmost in firmly establishing himself in the place of
supreme power which he had attained. Having before him
the important lesson of the fate of Caesar in the same posi-
tion, when the Senate bestowed upon him the flatteries, the
titles, and the dignities which it had before bestowed upon
Caesar, he pretended to throw them all back upon the Senate
and people, and obliged the Senate to go through the form
of absolutely forcing them upon him. For he "was sen-
sible that mankind is governed by names ; nor was he de-
ceived in his expectation that the Senate and people would
submit to slavery provided they were respectfully assured
that they still enjoyed their ancient freedom." He there-
fore ' ' wished to deceive the people by an image of civil lib-
erty, and the armies by an image of civil government. " —
Gibbon.1
In this way he finally merged in himself the prerogatives
of all the regular officers of the State — tribune, consul,
prince of the Senate, pro-consul, imperator, censor, Pontifex
Maximus — with all the titles and dignities which had been
given by the Senate to him, as before to Caesar. In short,
he himself became virtually the State ; his will was absolute.
Having thus drawn to himself "the functions of the Senate
and the magistrate, and the framing of the laws, in which
lu Decline and Fall," chap. Hi, par. 17, 18.
[81]
82 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
he was thwarted by no man," the title of "Father of his
Country " meant much more than ever it had before. The
State was "the common parent" of the people. The State
being now merged in one man, when that man became the
father of his country, he likewise became the father of the
people. And "the system by which every citizen shared in
the government being thrown aside, all men regarded the
orders of the prince as the only rule of conduct and obedi-
ence."-— Tacitus.* Nor was this so merely in civic things :
it was equally so in religious affairs. In fact there was in
the Roman system no such distinction known as civil and
religious. The State was divine, therefore that which was
civil was in itself religious. One man now having become
the State, it became necessary that some title should be
found which would fit this new dignity and express this new
power.
The Senate had exhausted the vocabulary of flattering
titles in those which it had given to Caesar. Although all
these were now given to Octavius, there was none amongst
them which could properly define the new dignity which he
possessed. Much anxious thought was given to this great
question. "At last he fixed upon the epithet 'Augustus,' a
name which no man had borne before, and which, on the
contrary, had been applied to things the most noble, the
most venerable, and the most sacred. The rites of the gods
were called august ; their temples were august. The word
itself was derived from the holy auguries / it was connected
in meaning with the abstract term ' ' authority, " and with all
that increases and flourishes upon earth. The use of this
glorious title could not fail to smooth the way to the general
acceptance of the divine character of the mortal who was
deemed worthy to bear it. The Senate had just decreed the
divinity of the defunct Caesar ; the courtiers were beginning
now to insinuate that his successor, while yet alive, enjoyed
an effluence from deity ; the poets were even suggesting
2 " Annals," book i, chap. 4.
AUGUSTUS.
THE FATHER OF THE PEOPLE. 83
that altars should be raised to him ; and in the provinces,
among the subjects of the State at least, temples to his
divinity were actually rising, and the cult of Augustus was
beginning to assume a name, a ritual, and a priesthood.—
' ' Encyclopedia Britannica. " 3
He tyrannized over the nobles by his power, and held
the affections of the populace by his munificence. "In the
number, variety, and magnificence of his public spectacles,
he surpassed all former example. Four and twenty times,
he says, he treated the people with games upon his own
account, and three and twenty times for such magistrates as
were either absent, or not able to afford the expense. . . .
fle entertained the people with wrestlers in the Campus
Martius, where wooden seats were erected for the purpose ;
and also with a naval fight, for which he excavated the
ground near the Tiber." In order that the people might all
go to these special shows, he stationed guards through the
streets to keep the houses from being robbed while the
dwellers were absent. ' ' He displayed his munificence to
all ranks of the people on various occasions. Moreover,
upon his bringing the treasure belonging to the kings of
Egypt into the city, in his Alexandrian triumph, he made
money so plentiful that interest fell, and the price of land
rose considerably. And afterwards, as often as large sums
of money came into his possession by means of confiscations,
he would lend it free of interest, for a fixed term, to such as
could give security for the double of what was borrowed.
The estate necessary to qualify a senator, instead of eight
hundred thousand sesterces, the former standard, he ordered,
for the future, to be twelve hundred thousand ; and to those
who had not so much, he made good the deficiency. He
often made donations to the people, but generally of differ-
ent sums ; sometimes four hundred, sometimes three hundred,
or two hundred and fifty sesterces : upon which occasions, he
extended his bounty even to young boys, who before were
3 Article "Augustus."
84 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
not used to receive anything, until they arrived at eleven
years of age. In a scarcity of corn, he would frequently let
them have it at a very low price, or none at all, and doubled
the number of the money tickets." — Suetonius.*
It occurred to him that he ought to abolish the distribu-
tion of grain at public expense, as he declared that it was
"working unmitigated evil, retarding the advance of agri-
culture, and cutting the sinews of industry." But he was
afraid to do it, lest some one would take advantage of the
opportunity and ascend to power by restoring it. His own
words are these : "I was much inclined to abolish forever
the practice of allowing the people corn at the public expense,
because they trust so much to it, that they are too lazy to
till their lands ; but I did not persevere in my design, as I
felt sure that the practice would sometime or other be revived
by some one ambitious of popular favor." — Suetonius.5
In public and political life a confirmed and constant
hypocrite, in private and domestic life he was no less. He
was so absolutely calculating that he actually wrote out be-
forehand what he wished to say to his friends, and even to his
wife. He married Clodia merely for political advantage,
although at that time she was scarcely of marriageable age.
He soon put her away, and married Scribonia. Her, too,
he soon put away, "for resenting too freely the excessive
influence which one of his mistresses had gained over him "
(Suetonius6}, and immediately took Livia Drusilla from her
wedded husband. Her he kept all the rest of his days ; for,
instead of resenting any of his lascivious excesses, she con-
nived at them.
By Scribonia he had a daughter — Julia. Her he gave
first to his sister's son, who soon died ; and then he gave
her to her brother-in-law, Marcus Agrippa, who was already
married to her cousin by whom he had children. Never-
4 "Lives of the Caesars," chap. xli.
5 Id., chap. xlii. Merivale, "Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxii, par. 4.
6 Id., chap. Ixix.
Two REPUBLICS.
TIBERIUS.
THE ACCESSION OF TIBERIUS. 85
theless Agrippa was obliged to put away his wife and children,
and take Julia. Agrippa likewise soon died ; then Tiberius
was obliged to put away his wife, by whom he already had a
son and who was soon to become a mother again, in order
that he might be the step-son of the emperor by becoming
Julia's third husband. By this time, however, Julia had
copied so much of her father's wickedness that Tiberius
could not live with her ; and her daughter had copied so
much of hers, that ' ' the two Julias, his daughter and grand-
daughter, abandoned themselves to such courses of lewdness
and debauchery, that he banished them both " (Suetonius T),
and even had thoughts of putting to death the elder Julia.
Yet Augustus, setting such an example of wickedness as
this, presumed to enact laws punishing in others the same
things which were habitually practiced by himself. But all
these evil practices were so generally followed, that laws
would have done no good by whomsoever enacted, much
less would they avail when issued by such a person as he.
Augustus died at the age of seventy-six, August 19,
A. D. 14, and was succeeded by —
TIBERIUS.
Forty-three years of the sole authority of Augustus had
established the principle of absolutism in government, but
"the critical moment for a government is that of its founder's
death." It was now to be discovered whether that principle
was firmly fixed ; but Tiberius was fifty-six years old, and
had been a careful student of Augustus, and though at his
accession the new principle of government was put to its se-
verest test, Tiberius made Augustus his model in all things ;
"continued his hypocritical moderation, and made it, so to
speak, the rule of the imperial government." -Dwruy.8
Though he immediately assumed the imperial authority,
like his model, "He affected by a most impudent piece of
7 " Lives of tbe Caesars," Augustus, chap. Ixv.
""History of Rome," chap. Ixxif, sec. i, par. 9.
86 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
acting to refuse it for a long time ; one while sharply repre-
hending his friends who entreated him to accept it, as little
knowing what a monster the government was ; another
while keeping in suspense the Senate when they implored
him and threw themselves at his feet, by ambiguous answers
and a crafty kind of dissimulation ; in so much that some
were out of patience and one cried out during the confusion,
' Either let him accept it or decline it at once ; ' and a second
told him to his face : ' Others are slow to perform what they
promise, but you are slow to promise what you actually per-
form.' At last as if forced to it, and complaining of the
miserable and burdensome service imposed upon him, he
accepted the government." —/SWefomW.9
The purpose of all this was, as with Augustus, to cause
the Senate by fairly forcing imperial honors upon him,
firmly to ally itself to the imperial authority by making itself
the guardian of that power ; so that when any danger should
threaten the emperor, the Senate would thus stand pledged
to defend him. And dangers were at this time so thick
about Tiberius that he declared he had " a wolf by the ears."
The principle thing that had marked his accession was
the murder of Agrippa Posthumus, the son of Agrippa the
minister of Augustus ; and now a slave of Agrippa's had
got together a considerable force to avenge his master's
death. "Lucius Scribonius Libo, a senator of the first dis-
tinction, was secretly fomenting a rebellion, and the troops
both in Illyricum and Germany were mutinous. Both ar-
mies insisted upon high demands, particularly that their pay
should be made equal to that of the praetorian guards.
The army in Germany absolutely refused to acknowledge
a prince who was not their own choice, and urged with all
possible importunity Germanicus, who commanded them, to
take the government on himself, though he obstinately re-
fused it." — Suetonius.™
9 "Lives of the Caesars," Tiberius, chap. xxlv.
10 Id., chap. xxv.
THE ENEMY OF PUBLIC LIBERTY. 87
All these dangers were soon passed, and Tiberius pre-
tending to be the servant of the Senate, "assumed the sov-
ereignty by slow degrees," and the Senate allowed nothing
to check its extravagance in bestowing titles, honors, and
powers, for "such was the pestilential character of those
times, so contaminated with adulation, that not only the
first nobles, whose obnoxious splendor found protection
only in obsequiousness, but all who had been, consuls, a
great part of such as had been praetors, and even many
of the inferior senators, strove for priority in the fulsome-
ness and extravagance of their votes. There is a tradition
that Tiberius, as often as he went out of the Senate, was
wont to cry out in Greek, ' How fitted for slavery are
these men ! ' Yes, even Tiberius, the enemy of public
liberty, nauseated .the crouching tameness of his slaves."
— Tacitus. n
This course of conduct he continued through nine years,
and his reign was perhaps as mild during this time as that
of any other Roman would have been ; but when at last
he felt himself secure in the position where he was placed
above all law, there was no enormity that he did not commit.
One man being n<*v the State, and that one man being
"divine," high treason — violated majesty — became the
most common crime, and the "universal resource in accu-
sations." In former times, "If any one impaired the maj-
esty of the Roman people by betraying an army, by exciting
sedition among the Commons, in short, by any maladminis-
tration of the public affairs, the actions were matter of trial,
but words were free. " — Tacitus. 12 But now the law embraced
"not words only, but a gesture, an involuntary forgetfulness,
an indiscreet curiosity." — Duruy.13 More than this, as the
emperor was the embodiment of the divinity of the Roman
State, this divinity was likewise supposed to be reflected in
the statues and images of him. Any disrespect, any slight,
11 "Annals," book iii, chap. Ixv. 12/d., book 1, chap. Ixxii.
13 " History of Koine " chap. Ixxiii, par. 2.
88 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
any indifference, any carelessness intentional or otherwise,
shown toward any such statue, or image, or picture, was
considered as referring to him ; was violative of his majesty ;
and was high treason. If any one counted as sold, a statue
of the emperor with the field in which it stood, even though
he had made and set up the statue himself ; any one who
should throw a stone at it ; any one who should take away
its head ; any one who should melt the bronze or use for any
profane purpose the stone, even of a broken or mutilated
image or statue, — all were alike guilty of high treason.
Yet more than this, in all cases of high treason when the
accused was found guilty, one fourth of his estate was by
law made sure to the informer. "Thus the informers, a
description of men called into existence to prey upon the
vitals of society and never sufficiently restrained even by
penalties, were now encouraged by rewards." — Tacitus.™
Bearing these facts in mind, it is easy to understand the
force of that political turn which the priests and Pharisees
of Jerusalem took upon Pilate in their charges against Christ :
"If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend : who-
soever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar."
John xix, 12. On account of the furious^jealousy of Tiberius
and his readiness to welcome the reports of informers, the
priests and Pharisees knew full well, and so did Pilate, that
if a deputation should be sent to Rome accusing him of high
treason in sanctioning the kingship of a Jew, Pilate would
be called to Rome and crucified.
Thus in Tiberius the government of Rome became " a
furious and crushing despotism." The emperor being above
all law, forgot all restraint, and "abandoned himself to
every species of cruelty, never wanting occasions of one kind
or another, to serve as a pretext. He first fell upon the
friends and acquaintances of his mother, then those of his
grandsons and his daughter-in-law, and lastly those of Se-
janus, after whose death he became cruel in the extreme."
14 "Annals," book iv, chap. xxx.
A FURIOUS AND CRUSHING DESPOTISM. 89
Sejanus was his chief minister of State and his special friend
and favorite — a worthy favorite, too. Tiberius, at his par-
ticular solicitation, retired to the island of Capri, where he
attempted to imitate the lascivious ways of all the gods and
goddesses at once.
Sejanus, left in command of the empire, aspired to pos-
sess it in full. He had already put away his own wife, and
poisoned the son of Tiberius that he might marry his widow.
His scheme was discovered ; he was strangled by the public
executioner, and torn to pieces by the populace. Then,
under the accusation of being friends of Sejanus, a great
number of people were first imprisoned, and shortly after-
ward, without even the form of a trial, Tiberius ' ' ordered
all who were in prison under accusation of attachment to
Sejanus, to be put to death. There lay the countless mass of
slain — of every sex and age — the illustrious and the mean ;
some dispersed, others collected in heaps ; nor was it per-
mitted to their friends or kindred to be present, or to shed a
tear over them, or any longer even to go and see them ; but
guards were placed around, who marked signs of sorrow in
each, and attended the putrid bodies till they were dragged
to the Tiber ; where, floating in the stream, or driven upon
the banks, none dared to burn them, none to touch them.
Even the ordinary intercourse of humanity was intercepted
by the violence of fear ; and in proportion as cruelty pre-
vailed, commiseration was stifled." — Tacitm.15
After the example of Augustus, and to satisfy the clamors
of the people, he loaned money without interest for three
years to all who wanted to borrow. He first compelled "all
money-lenders to advance two thirds of their capital on land,
and the debtors to pay off at once the same proportion of
their debts. " This was found insufficient to meet all the de-
mands, and he loaned from the public treasury about five mill-
ions of dollars. In order to obtain money to meet this and
other drafts on the public treasury, ' ' he turned his mind to
16 /<*., book vi, chap. 19.
90 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
sheer robbery. It is certain that Cneius Lentulus, the augur,
a man of vast estate, was so terrified and worried by his
threats and importunities, that he was obliged to make him
his heir. . . . Several persons, likewise of the first distinc-
tion in Gaul, Spain, Syria, and Greece, had their estates
confiscated upon such despicably trifling and shameless pre-
tenses, that against some of them no other charge was pre-
ferred than that they held large sums of ready money as
part of their property. Old immunities, the rights of min-
ing, and of levying tolls, were taken from several cities and
private persons. " - Suetonius. 16
As for anything more about "this monster of his species,"
we shall only say in the words of Suetonius, "It would be
tedious to relate all the numerous instances of his cruelty ;
suffice it to give a few examples, in their different kinds.
Not a day passed without the punishment of some person or
other, not excepting holidays, or those appropriated to the
worship of the gods. Some were tried even on New Year's
Day. Of many who were condemned, their wives and
children shared the same fate ; and for those who were
sentenced to death, the relations were forbid to put on
mourning.
"Considerable rewards were voted for the prosecutors,
and sometimes for the witnesses also. The information of
any person, without exception, was taken, and all offenses
were capital, even speaking a few words, though without
any ill intention. A poet was charged with abusing Aga-
memnon ; and a historian, for calling Brutus and Cassius
' the last of the Romans.' The two authors were immediately
called to account, and their writings suppressed, though
they had been well received some years before, and read in
the hearing of Augustus. Some who were thrown into
prison, were not only denied the solace of study, but de-
barred from all company and conversation. Many persons,
when summoned to trial, stabbed themselves at home, to
9
16 " Lives of the Caesars," Tiberius, chaps, xlviii, xlix.
CALIGULA.
ACCESSION OF CALIGULA. 91
avoid the distress and ignominy of a public condemnation,
which they were certain would ensue. Others took poison
in the Senate house. The wounds were bound up, and all
who had not expired, were carried, half dead, and panting
for life, to prison. Those who were put to death, were
thrown down the Gemonian stairs, and then dragged into
the Tiber. In one day, twenty were treated in this manner,
and amongst them women and boys. Because, according to
an ancient custom, it was not lawful to strangle virgins, the
young girls were first deflowered by the executioner, and
afterwards strangled.
" Those who were desirous to die, were forced to live.
For he thought death so slight a punishment, that upon
hearing that Carnulius, one of the accused, who was under
prosecution, had killed himself, he exclaimed, ' Carnulius has
escaped me.' In calling over his prisoners, when one of
them requested the favor of a speedy death, he replied, ' You
are not yet restored to favor.' A man of consular rank
writes in his annals that at table, where he himself was
present with a large company, he was suddenly asked aloud
by a dwarf who stood by amongst the buffoons, why Pa-
conius, who was under a prosecution for treason, lived so
long. Tiberius immediately reprimanded him for his pert-
ness, but wrote to the Senate a few days after, to proceed
without delay to the punishment of Paconius. " — Suetonius. "
Tiberius died March 16, A. D. 37, in the seventy-eighth
year of his age and the twenty-third year of his reign, and
was succeeded by —
CALIGULA.
Caligula was the son of Germanicus, who was the adopted
son of Tiberius. He was born and brought up in the camp.
When he grew large enough to run about, the soldiers made
him a pair of boots — caliga, — after the pattern of their own,
and from that he got his name of ' ' Caligula, " that is, Little
Boots. His real name was Caius. He was now twenty-five
17 " Lives of the Caesars," Tiberius, chaps. 1x1, Ixli.
92 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
years old, and had been with Tiberius for the last five years.
" Closely aping Tiberius, he put on the same dress as he did
from day to day, and in his language differed little from him.
Whence the shrewd observation of Passienus the orator,
afterward so famous, ' that never was a better slave nor a
worse master. ' ' — Tacitus. 18 He imitated Tiberius in his sav-
age disposition, and the exercise of his vicious propensities,
as closely as he did in his dress and language. If he were
not worse than Tiberius, it was only because it was impos-
sible to be worse.
Like his pattern, he began his reign with such an appear-
ance of gentleness and genuine ability, that there was
universal rejoicing among the people out of grateful remem-
brance of Germanicus, and among the soldiers and provin-
cials who had known him in his childhood. As he followed
the corpse of Tiberius to its burning, "He had to walk amidst
altars, victims, and lighted torches, with prodigious crowds
of people everywhere attending him, in transports of joy,
and calling him, besides other auspicious names, by those of
'their star,' 'their chick,' 'their pretty puppet,' and 'bant-
ling.' . . . Caligula himself inflamed this devotion, by prac-
tising all the arts of popularity." — Suetonius.19 This
appearance of propriety he kept up for eight months, and
then, having become giddy with the height at which he
stood, and drunken with the possession of absolute power,
he ran wildly and greedily into all manner of excesses.
He gave himself the titles of "Dutiful," "The Pious,"
"The Child of the Camp, the Father of the Armies," "The
Greatest and Best Caesar." — Suetonius.™ He caused him-
self to be worshiped, not only in his images, but in his own
person. Among the gods, Castor and Pollux were twin
brothers representing the sun, and were the sons of Jupiter.
Caligula would place himself between the statues of the twin
brothers there to be worshiped by all votaries. And they
18 " Annals," book vi, chap. xx.
19 "Lives of the Caesars," Caligula, chaps, xiii, xv. 20/d., chap. xxii.
CALIGULA IMITATES THE GODS. 93
worshiped him, too ; some saluting him as Jupiter Latialis,
that is, the Roman Jupiter, the guardian of the Roman
people. He caused all the images of the gods that were
famous either for beauty or popularity, to be brought from
Greece, and their heads taken off and his put on instead, and
then sent them back to be worshiped. He set up a temple,
and established a priesthood in honor of his own divinity ;
and in the temple he set up a statue of gold the exact image
of himself, which he caused to be dressed every day exactly
as he was. The sacrifices which were to be offered in the
temple, were flamingos, peacocks, bustards, guineas, turkeys,
and pheasants, each kind offered on successive days. ' ' The
most opulent persons in the city offered themselves as candi-
dates for the honor of being his priests, and purchased it
successively at an immense price."- — Suetonius. Zl
Castor and Pollux had a sister who corresponded to the
moon. Caligula therefore on nights when the moon was
full, would invite her to come and stay with him. This
Jupiter Latialis placed himself on full and familiar equality
with Jupiter Capitolinus. He would walk up to the other
Jupiter and whisper in his ear, and then turn his own ear, as
if listening for a reply. Not only had Augustus and Romu-
lus taken other men's wives, but Castor and Pollux, in the
myth, had gone to a double wedding, and after the marriage
had carried off both the brides with them. Caligula did the
same thing. He went to the wedding of Caius Piso, and
from the wedding supper carried off the bride with himself,
and the next day issued a proclamation "that he had got a
wife as Romulus and Augustus had dono , '' but in a few
days he put her away, and two years afterward he ban-
ished her.
Lollia Paulina was the wife of a proconsul. She was
with her husband in one of the provinces where he was in
command of an army. , Caligula heard somebody say that
her grandmother had been a very beautiful woman. He im-
9
94 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
mediately sent and bad Lollia Paulina brought from her
husband, and made her his wife ; and her also soon after-
wards he put away. But he found a perfect wanton, by the
name of Csesonia, who was neither handsome nor young, and
her he kept constantly. He lived in incest with all three of
his sisters, but one of them, Drusilla, was a special favorite.
Her he took from her husband, a man of consular rank, and
made her his wife and kept her so as long as she lived, and
when she died, he ordered a public mourning for her, during
which time he made it a capital offense for anybody to laugh,
or bathe, or eat with his parents or his own family ; and
ever afterwards his most solemn oath was to sware by the
divinity of Drusilla.
He was so prodigal that in less than a year, besides the
regular revenue of the empire, he spent the sum of about
one hundred millions of dollars. He built a bridge of boats
across the Gulf of Baiae, from Baiae to Puteoli, a distance of
three and a half miles. He twice distributed to the people
nearly fifteen dollars apiece, and often gave splendid feasts
to the Senate and to the knights with their families, at which
he presented official garments to the men, and purple scarfs
to the women and children. He exhibited a large number
of games continuing all day. Sometimes he would throw
large sums of money and other valuables to the crowd to
be scrambled for. He likewise made public feasts at which,
to every man, he would give a basket of bread with other
victuals. He would exhibit stage plays in different parts of
the city at night time, and cause the whole city to be illumi-
nated ; he exhibited these games and public plays not only
in Eome, but in Sicily, Syracuse, and Gaul.
As for himself, in his feasts he exerted himself to set the
grandest suppers and the strangest dishes, at which he would
drink pearls of immense value, dissolved in vinegar, and
serve up loaves of bread and other victuals modeled in
gold. He built two ships each of ten banks of oars, the
poops of which were made to blaze with jewels, with sails of
CALIGULA'S PRODIGALITY. 95
various parti-colors, with baths, galleries, and saloons ; in
which he would sail along the coast feasting and reveling,
with the accompaniments of dancing and concerts of music.
At one of these revels he made a present of nearly one hun-
dred thousand dollars to a favorite charioteer. His favorite
horse he called Incitatus, — go ahead, — and on the day be-
fore the celebration of the games of the circus, he would set
a guard of soldiers to keep perfect quiet in the neighborhood,
that the repose of Go-ahead might not be disturbed. This
horse he arrayed in purple and jewels, and built for him a
marble stable with an ivory manger. He would occasionally
have the horse eat at the imperial table, and at such times
would feed him on gilded grain in a golden basin of the fin-
est workmanship. He proposed at last to make the horse
consul of the empire.
Having spent all the money, though an enormous sum,
that had been laid up by Tiberius, it became necessary to
raise funds sufficient for his extravagance, and to raise it he
employed ' ' every mode of false accusation, confiscation,
and taxation that could be invented." He commanded that
the people should make their wills in his favor. He even
caused this rule to date back as far as the beginning of the
reign of Tiberius, and from that time forward any centurion
of the first rank who had not made Tiberius or Caligula his
heir, his will was annulled, and all his property confiscated.
The wills of all others were set aside if any person would
say that the maker had intended to make the emperor his
heir. This caused those who were yet living to make him
joint heir with their friends or with their children. If he
found that such wills had been made and the maker did not
die soon, he declared that they were only making game of
him, and sent them poisoned cakes.
The remains of the paraphernalia of his spectacles, the
furniture of the palace occupied by Augustus and Tiberius,
and all the clothes, furniture, slaves, and even freedmen be-
longing to his sisters whom he banished, were put up at
96 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
auction, and the prices were run up so high as to ruin the
purchasers. At one of these sales a certain Aponius Satur-
ninus, sitting on a bench, became sleepy and fell to nodding ;
the emperor noticed it, and told the auctioneer not to over-
look the bids of the man who was nodding so often. Every
nod was taken as a new bid, and when the sale was over,
the dozing bidder found himself in possession of thirteen
gladiatorial slaves, for which he was in debt nearly half a
million dollars. If the bidding was not prompt enough nor
high enough to suit him, he would rail at the bidders for be-
ing stingy, and demand if they were not ashamed to be
richer than he was.
He levied taxes of every kind that he could invent, and
no kind of property or person was exempt from some sort of
taxation. Much complaint was made that the law for im-
posing this taxation had never been published, and that
much grievance was caused from want of sufficient knowl-
edge of the law. He then published the law, but had it
written in very small characters and posted up in a corner
so that nobody could obtain a copy of it. His wife Csesonia
gave birth to a daughter, upon which Caligula complained
of his poverty, caused by the burdens to which he was sub-
jected, not only as an emperor but as a father, and therefore
made a general collection for the support of the child, and
gave public notice that he would receive New Year's gifts
the first of the following January. At the appointed time
he took his station in the vestibule of his palace, and the
people of all ranks came and threw to him their presents
k'by the handfuls and lapfuls. At last, being seized with
an invincible desire of feeling money, taking off his slippers
lie repeatedly walked over great . heaps of gold coin spread
upon the spacious floor, and then laying himself down,
rolled his whole body in gold over and over again." —
Suetonius.™
His cruelty was as deadly as his lust and prodigality were
extravagant. At the dedication of that bridge of boats which
WM., chap. xlii.
CLAUDIUS.
THE DELIRIUM OF POWER. 97
he built, he spent two days reveling and parading over the
bridge. Before his departure, he invited a number of people
to come to him on the bridge, all of whom without distinc-
tion of age, or sex, or rank, or character, he caused to be
thrown headlong into the sea, " thrusting down with poles
and oars those who, to save themselves, had got hold of the
rudders of the ship. " At one time when meat had risen to
very high prices, he commanded that the wild beasts that
were kept for the arena, should be fed on criminals, who,
without distinction as to degrees of crime, were given to be
devoured.
During his revels he would cause criminals, and even
innocent persons, to be racked and beheaded. He seemed
to gloat over the thought that the lives of mankind were in
his bands, and that at a word he could do what he would.
Once at a grand entertainment, at which both the consuls
were seated next to him, he suddenly burst out into violent
laughter, and when the consuls asked him what he was
laughing about, he replied, "Nothing, but that upon a sin-
gle word of mine you might both have your throats cut."
Often, as he kissed or fondled the neck of his wife or mis-
tress, he would exclaim, ' ' So beautiful a throat must be cut
whenever I please."
All these are but parts of his ways, but the rest are
either too indecent or too horrible to relate. ' At last, after
indulging more than three years of his savage rage, he was
killed by a company of conspirators, with the tribune of the
praetorian guards at their head, having reigned three years,
ten months, and eight days, and lived twenty-nine years.
He was succeeded by —
CLAUDIUS.
The soldiers not only killed an emperor, but they made
another one. There was at that time, living in the palace,
an uncle to Caligula, named Claudius, now fifty years old.
Though he seems to have had as much sense as any of them,
98 TBE ROMAN MONARCHY.
he was slighted and counted as a fool by those around him.
Even his mother, when she would remark upon any one's
dullness, would use the comparison, "He is a greater fool
than my son Claudius." About the palace he was made the
butt of the jests and practical jokes of the courtiers and even
of the buffoons. At supper he would cram himself full of
victuals, and drink till he was drunk ; and then go to sleep
at the table. At this, the company would pelt him with
olive stones or scraps of victuals ; and the buffoons would
prod him with a cane, or snip him with a whip to wake him.
And when he had gone to sleep, while he lay snoring, they
would put slippers on his hands, that when he should wake
and attempt to rub his eyes open, he would rub his face with
the slippers.
The night that Caligula was killed, Claudius, fearing for
his own life, crept into a balcony, and hid himself behind
the curtains of the door. The soldiers, rushing through the
palace, happened to see his feet sticking out, and one of
them grabbed him by the heels and demanding to know
who owned them, dragged forth Claudius ; and when he
discovered who he was, exclaimed, "Why, this is German-
icus ; let 's make him emperor ! " The other soldiers in the
band immediately adopted the idea, saluted him as emperor,
set him on a litter, and carried him on their shoulders to the
camp of the praetorian guards. The next day while the
Senate deliberated, the people cried out that they would
have one master, and that he should be Claudius. The sol-
diers assembled under arms, and took the oath of allegiance
to him ; upon which he promised them about seven hundred
dollars apiece.
By the mildness and correctness of his administration,
he soon secured the favor and affection of the whole people.
Having once gone a short distance out of the city, a report
was spread that he had been waylaid and killed. "The
people never ceased cursing the soldiers for traitors, and the
Senate as parricides, until one or two persons, and presently
CLAUDIUS AND HIS WIVES. 09
after several others, were brought by the magistrates upon
the rostra, who assured them that he was alive, and not far
from the city, on his way home." — Suetonius.™
As he sat to judge causes, the lawyers would openly re-
prove him and make fun of him. One of these one day,
making excuses why a witness did not appear, stated that it
was impossible for him to appear, but did not tell why.
Claudius insisted upon knowing, and after several questions
had been evaded, the statement was brought forth that the
man was dead, upon which Claudius replied, " I think that
is a sufficient excuse." When he would start away from the
tribunal, they would call him back. If he insisted upon
going, they would seize hold of his dress or take him by the
heels, and make him stay until they were ready for him to
go. A Greek once having a case before him, got into a
dispute with him, and called out loud, "You are an old
fool ; " and a Roman knight once being prosecuted upon a
false charge, being provoked at the character of the wit-
nesses brought against him, upbraided Claudius with folly
and cruelty, and threw some books and a writing pencil in
his face. He pleased the populace with distributions of
grain and money, and displays of magnificent games and
spectacles.
This is the Claudius mentioned in Acts xviii, 2, who com-
manded all Jews to depart from Rome. This he did, says
Suetonius, because they "were continually making dis-
turbances at the instigation of one Chrestus." These dis-
turbances arose from contentions of the Jews against the
Christians about Christ. As the Christians were not yet
distinguished from the Jews, the decree of banishment like-
wise made no distinction, and when he commanded all Jews
to depart from Rome, Christians were among them. One
of his principal favorites was that Felix, governor of Judea,
mentioned in Acts xxiii, 24, before whom Paul pleaded, and
who trembled as the apostle "reasoned of righteousness,
temperance, and judgment to come."
23 "Lives of the Caesars," Claudius, chap. xil.
100 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
Claudius was not as bad as either Tiberius or Caligula,
but what he himself lacked in this respect was amply made
up by his wives. "In his marriage, as in all else, Claudius
had been pre-eminent in misfortune. He lived in an age of
which the most frightful sign of depravity was that its women
were, if possible, a shade worse than its men, and it was the
misery of Claudius, as it finally proved his ruin, to have
been united by marriage to the very worst among them all.
Princesses like the Bernice, and the Drusilla, and the
Salome, and the Herodias of the sacred historians, were in
this age a familiar spectacle ; but none of them were so
wicked as two at least of Claudius's wives. He was be-
trothed or married no less than five times. The lady first
destined for his bride had been repudiated because her par-
ents had offended Augustus ; the next died on the very day
intended for her nuptials. By his first actual wife, Urgula-
nia, whom he had married in early youth, he had two chil-
dren, Drusus and Claudia ; Drusus was accidentally choked
in boyhood while trying to swallow a pear which had been
thrown up into the air. Very shortly after the birth of
Claudia, discovering the unfaithfulness of Urgulania, Clau-
dius divorced her, and ordered the child to be stripped naked
and exposed to die. His second wife, ./Elia Petina, seems
to have been an unsuitable person, and her also he divorced.
His third and fourth wives lived to earn a colossal infamy —
Yaleria Messalina for her shameless character, Agrippina
the younger for her unscrupulous ambition.
"Messalina, when she married, could scarcely have been
fifteen years old, yet she at once assumed a dominant posi-
tion, and secured it by means of the most unblushing
wickedness. But she did not reign so absolutely undis-
turbed as to be without her own jealousies and apprehen-
sions ; and these were mainly kindled by Julia and Agrip-
pina, the two nieces of the emperor. They were, no less
than herself, beautiful, brilliant, and evil-hearted women,
quite ready to make their own coteries, and to dispute, as
MESSALINA'S DEPRAVITY. 101
far as they dared, the supremacy of a bold but reckless rival.
They, too, used their arts, their wealth, their rank, their
political influence, their personal fascinations, to secure for
themselves a band of adherents, ready, when the proper
moment arrived, for any conspiracy. . . .
" The life of this beautiful princess, short as it was,—
for she died at a very early age, — was enough to make her
name a proverb of everlasting infamy. For a time she
appeared irresistible. Her personal fascination had won
for her an unlimited sway over the facile mind of Claudius,
and she had either won over by her intrigues, or terrified
by her pitiless severity, the noblest of the Romans and the
most powerful of the freedmen." — Farrar.zi
She became " so vehemently enamoured of Caius Silius,
the handsomest of the Roman youth, that she obliged him
to divorce his wife, Julia Silana, a lady of high quality,"
that she might have him to herself. ' ' Nor was Silius blind
to the danger and malignity of his crime ; but, as it was
certain destruction to decline her suit, and there were some
hopes of beguiling Claudius, while great rewards were held
out to him, he was content to take the chance of what might
happen thereafter, and enjoy the present advantages. The
empress proceeded not stealthily, but went to his house fre-
quently, with a numerous train, accompanied him incessantly
abroad, loaded him with presents and honors; and at -last,
as if the fortune of the empire had been transferred with the
emperor's wife, at the house of her adulterer were now seen
the slaves, freedmen, and equipage of the prince." — Tacitus.**
Claudius made a journey to Ostia, and while he was
gone, Messalina publicly celebrated her marriage with Silius,
with royal ceremony. ' ' I am aware that it will appear
fabulous that any human beings should have exhibited such
recklessness of consequences ; and that, in a city where
everything was known and talked of, any one, much more a
24 "Seekers after God," chap, vi, par. 10-12; and chap. Ix, par. 2.
25 " Annals," book xi, chap. xli.
102 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
consul elect, should have met the emperor's wife, on a stated
day, in the presence of persons called in, to seal the deeds,
as for the purpose of procreation, and that she should have
heard the words of the augurs, entered the house of the hus-
band, sacrificed to the gods, sat down among the guests at
the nuptial banquet, exchanged kisses and embraces, and in
fine passed the night in unrestrained conjugal intercourse.
But I would not dress up my narrative with fictions to give
it an air of marvel, rather than relate what has been stated
to me or written by my seniors." — Tacitus.™
The report of all this was carried to Claudius, which so
terrified him that but for his favorites, he would undoubtedly
nave surrendered the empire to Silius. Several of these,
however, rallied him with the assurance that they would
stand by him and help him through, and they persuaded him
to start for Rome ; but fearing that even then, if Messalina
should meet him, she would persuade him to pardon her,
they took him in the same carriage with themselves, and all
the way as they went, one of them kept continually exclaim-
ing, "O the villainy, O the treason!" As for Messalina,
"she never wallowed in greater voluptuousness ; it was then
the middle of autumn, and in her house she exhibited a rep-
resentation of the vintage : the winepresses were plied, the
wine vats flowed, and round them danced women begirt with
skins like Bacchanalians at their sacrifices, or under the
maddening inspiration of their deity : she herself, with her
hair loose and flowing, waved a thyrsus ; by her side Silius,
crowned with ivy, and wearing buskins, tossed his head
about ; while around them danced the wanton choir in ob-
streperous revelry. It is reported that Yectius Valens,
having in a frolic climbed to an exceeding high tree, when
asked what he saw, answered, ' a terrible storm from Ostia. ' '
— Tacitus. Z1
That storm, was coming swiftly, and when it came,
Messalina was given the privilege of killing herself. She
z'/d, chap, xxvii. 27 Id., chap. xxxi.
AGRIPPINA THE TIGRESS. 103
plied the dagger twice but failed, and then a tribune ran her
through with his sword. Word was carried to Claudius
while he was sitting at a feast, that Messalina was no more,
to which he made neither reply nor inquiry, " but called for
a cup of wine and proceeded in the usual ceremonies of the
feast, nor did he, indeed, during the following days, mani-
fest any symptom of disgust or joy, of resentment or sorrow,
nor, in short, of any human affection ; not when he beheld
the accusers of his wife exulting at her death ; not when he
looked upon her mourning children." — Tacitus™
Messalina was dead ; but bad as she had been, a worse
woman took her place. This was Agrippina, sister of
Caligula, niece of Claudius, and the mother of Nero.
"Whatever there was of possible affection in the tigress
nature of Agrippina was now absorbed in the person of her
child. For that child, from its cradle to her own death by
his means, she toiled and sinned. The fury of her own
ambition, inextricably linked with the uncontrollable fierce-
ness of her love for this only son, henceforth directed every
action of her life. Destiny had made her the sister of one
emperor ; intrigue elevated her into the wife of another :
her own crimes made her the mother of a third. And at
first sight her career might have seemed unusually success-
ful ; for while still in the prime of life she was wielding,
first in the name of her husband, and then in that of her
son, no mean share in the absolute government of the
Roman world. But meanwhile that same unerring retribu-
tion, whose stealthy footsteps in the rear of the triumphant
criminal we can track through page after page of history,
was stealing nearer and nearer to her with uplifted hand.
When she had reached the dizzy pinnacle of gratified love
and pride to which she had waded through so many a deed
of sin and blood, she was struck down into terrible ruin and
violent, shameful death by the hand of that very son for
whose sake she had so often violated the laws of virtue and
48 Id., chap, xxxviii.
104 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
integrity, and spurned so often the pure and tender obliga-
tion which even the heathen had been taught by the voice
of God within their conscience to recognize and to adore.
"Intending that her son should marry Octavia, the
daughter of Claudius, her first step was to drive to death
Silanus, a young nobleman to whom Octavia had already
been betrothed. Her next care was to get rid of all rivals
possible or actual. Among the former were the beautiful
Calpurnia and her own sister-in-law, Domitia Lepida.
Among the latter was the wealthy Lollia Paulina, against
whom she trumped up an accusation of sorcery and treason,
upon which her wealth was confiscated, but her life spared
by the emperor, who banished her from Italy. This half
vengeance was not enough for the mother of Nero. Like
the daughter of Herodias in sacred history, she dispatched a
tribune with orders to bring her the head of her enemy ;
and when it was brought to her, and she found a difficulty
in recognizing those withered and ghastly features of a once
celebrated beauty, she is said with her own hand to have
lifted one of the lips, and to have satisfied herself that this
was indeed the head of Lollia. . . . Well may Adolf Stahr
observe that Shakespeare's Lady Macbeth and husband-
murdering Gertrude are mere children by the side of this
awful giant-shape of steely feminine cruelty." —Farrar.™
By the horrible crimes and fearful sinning of Agrippina,
Nero became emperor of Rome, A. D. 57, at the age of
seventeen. As in the account already given, there is enough
to show what the Roman monarchy really was ; and as that
is the purpose of this chapter, it is not necessary any further
to portray the frightful enormities of individual emperors.
It is sufficient to say of Nero, that, in degrading vices,
shameful licentiousness, and horrid cruelty, he transcended
all who had been before him.
It is evident that for the production of such men as
Antony and Augustus, Tiberius and Caligula, Claudius and
Nero, with such women as their mothers and wives — to say
89 " Seekers after God," chap, x, par. 5.
ROMAN SOCIETY IN GENERAL. 105
nothing of Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Domitian, who
quickly followed — in direct succession and in so short a
time, there must of necessity have been a condition of so-
ciety in general which corresponded to the nature of the
product. Such was in fact the case.
"An evil day is approaching when it becomes recognized
in a community that the only standard of social distinction
is wealth. That day was soon followed in Rome by its
unavoidable consequence, a government founded upon two
domestic elements, corruption and terrorism. No language
can describe the state of that capital after the civil wars.
The accumulation of power and wealth gave rise to a uni-
versal depravity. Law ceased to be of any value. A suitor
must deposit a bribe before a trial could be had. The social
fabric was a festering mass of rottenness. The people had
become a populace ; the aristocracy was demoniac ; the city
was a hell. No crime that the annals of human wickedness
can show was left unperpetrated ; — remorseless murders ;
the betrayal of parents, husbands, wives, friends ; poisoning
reduced to a system ; adultery degenerating into incests and
crimes that cannot be written.
"Women of the higher class were so lascivious, depraved,
and dangerous, that men could not be compelled to contract
matrimony with them ; marriage was displaced by concubin-
age ; even virgins were guilty of inconceivable immodesties ;
great officers of state arid ladies of the court, of promiscuous
bathings and naked exhibitions. In the time of Caesar it
had become necessary for the government to interfere and
actually put a premium on marriage. He gave rewards to
women who had many children ; prohibited those who were
under forty-five years of age, and who had no children, from
wearing jewels and riding in litters, hoping by such social
disabilities to correct the evil. It went on from bad to
worse, so that Augustus, in view of the general avoidance of
legal marriage and resort to concubinage with slaves, was
compelled to impose penalties on the unmarried — to enact
10
106 THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
that they should not inherit by will except from relations.
Not that the Roman women refrained from the gratification
of their desires ; their depravity impelled them to such
wicked practices as cannot be named in a modern book.
They actually reckoned the years, not by the consuls, but by
the men they had lived with. To be childless and therefore
without the natural restraint of a family, was looked upon as
a singular felicity. Plutarch correctly touched the point
when he said that the Romans married to be heirs and not
to have heirs.
" Of offenses that do not rise to the dignity of atrocity,
but which excite our loathing, such as gluttony and the most
debauched luxury, the annals of the times furnish disgusting
proofs. It was said, ' They eat that they may vomit, and
vomit that they may eat.' At the taking of Perusium, three
hundred of the most distinguished citizens were solemnly
sacrificed at the altar of Divius Julius by Octavian. Are
these the deeds of civilized men, or the riotings of cannibals
drunk with blood ?
"The higher classes on all sides exhibited a total extinc-
tion of moral principle ; the lower were practical atheists.
Who can peruse the annals of the emperors without being
shocked at the manner in which men died, meeting their fate
with the obtuse tranquillity that characterizes beasts? A
centurion with a private mandate appears, and forthwith the
victim opens his veins, and dies in a warm bath. At the
best, all that was done was to strike at the tyrant. Men de-
spairingly acknowledged that the system itself was utterly
past cure.
"That in these statements I do not exaggerate, hear
what Tacitus says : ' The holy ceremonies of religion were
violated ; adultery reigning without control ; the adjacent
islands filled with exiles ; rocks and desert places stained
with clandestine murders, and Rome itself a theater of hor-
rors, where nobility of descent and splendor of fortune
ULTIMATE PAGANISM. 107
marked men out for destruction ; where the vigor of mind
that aimed at civil dignities, and the modesty that declined
them, were offenses without distinction ; where virtue was a
crime that led to certain ruin ; where the guilt of informers
and the wages of their iniquity were alike detestable ; where
the sacerdotal order, the consular dignity, the government of
provinces, and even the cabinet of the prince, were seized by
that execrable race as their lawful prey ; where nothing was
sacred, nothing safe from the hand of rapacity ; where slaves
were suborned, or by their own malevolence excited against
their masters ; where freemen betrayed their patrons, and he
who had lived without an enemy died by the treachery of a
friend. ' ' — Draper . 30
To complete this dreadful picture requires but the touch
of Inspiration. "Professing themselves to be wise, they
became fools ; and changed the glory of the uncorruptible
God into an image made like to corruptible man, and to
birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things. Where-
fore God also gave them up to uncleanness, through the
lusts of their own hearts, to dishonor their own bodies be-
tween themselves : who changed the truth of God into a lie,
and worshiped and served the creature more than the Crea-
tor, who is blessed forever. Amen. For this cause God
gave them up unto vile affections. For even their women
did change the natural use into that which is against nature :
and likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the
woman, burned in their lust one toward another ; men with
men working that which is unseemly, and receiving in them-
selves that recompense of their error which was meet. And
even as they did not like to retain God in their knowledge,
God gave them over to a reprobate mind, to do those things
which are not convenient : being filled with all unrighteous-
ness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness ;
full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity, whisperers,
backbiters, haters of God, despiteful, proud, boasters, in-
80 " Intellectual Development of Europe," chap, viii, par. 22-24.
108
THE ROMAN MONARCHY.
ventors of evil things, disobedient to parents, without un-
derstanding, covenant-breakers, without natural affection,
implacable, unmerciful : who, knowing the judgment of
God, that they which commit such things are worthy of
death ; not only do the same, but have pleasure in them
that do them."31
When this scripture was read by the Christians in Rome,
they knew from daily observation that it was but a faithful
description of Roman society as it was. And Roman society
as it was, was but the resultant of pagan civilization, and
the logic, in its last analysis, of the pagan religion. Roman
society as it was, was ULTIMATE PAGANISM.
31 Rom. i, 22-32.
AGRIPPINA.
CLAUDIUS.
LI VI A.
TIBERIUS.
CHAPTER IV.
THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
which Rome was in its supreme place, the other
1 cities of the empire, — Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus,
Corinth, etc. — were in their narrower spheres; for it was
the licentiousness of Greece and the East which had given
to the corruption of Rome a deeper dye.
Into that world of iniquity, Jesus Christ sent, as sheep
among wolves, a little band of disciples carrying hope to the
despairing, joy to the sorrowing, comfort to the afflicted,
relief to the distressed, peace to the perplexed, and to all a
message of merciful forgiveness of sins, of the gift of the
righteousness of God, and of a purity and power which
would cleanse the soul from all unrighteousness of heart and
life, and plant there instead the perfect purity of the life of
the Son of God and the courage of an everlasting joy. This
gospel of peace and of the power of God unto salvation
they were commanded to go into all the world and preach
to every creature.
The disciples went everywhere preaching the word, and
before the death of men who were then in the prime of
life this good news of the grace of God had actually been
preached in all the then known world. Rom. i, 8 and
x, 18 ; Col. i, 6, 23. And by it many were brought to
the knowledge of the peace and power of God, revealed
in the gospel of Jesus Christ. "In every congregation
there were prayers to God that he would listen to the
sighing of the prisoner and captive, and have mercy on
[109]
HO THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
those who were ready to die. For the slave and his master
there was one law and one hope, one baptism, one Saviour,
one Judge. In times of domestic bereavement the Christian
slave doubtless often consoled his pagan mistress with the
suggestion that our present separations are only for a little
while, and revealed to her willing ear that there is another
world — a land in which we rejoin our dead. How is it
possible to arrest the spread of a faith which can make the
broken heart leap with joy? " — Draper.1
Yet to arrest the spread of that faith there were many
long, earnest, and persistent efforts by the Roman empire.
Before entering, however, upon the examination of this sub-
ject as it is, it is necessary to notice a point that has been
much misunderstood or else much misrepresented ; that is
the imperial or ''Ten Persecutions."
In the Church and State scheme of the fourth century,
the theory of the bishops was that the kingdom of God was
come; and to maintain the theory it became necessary to
pervert the meaning of both Scripture history and Scripture
prophecy. Accordingly, as the antitype of the ten plagues
of Egypt, and as the fulfillment of the prophecy of the ten
horns which made war with the Lamb (Rev. xvii, 12-14),
there was invented the theory of ten persecutions of the
Christians inflicted by the ten emperors, Nero, Domitian,
Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Septimius Severus, Maximin,
Decius, Yalerian, Aurelian, and Diocletian. Some of these
persecuted the Christians, as Nero, Marcus Aurelius, De-
cius, and Diocletian ; others were as gentle toward the
Christians as toward anybody else ; and yet others not
named in the list, persecuted everybody but the Christians.
The truth is that so far as the emperors were concerned,
taken one with another, from Nero to Diocletian, the Chris-
tians fared as well as anybody else.
In this discussion and in the study of this subject every-
where, it must ever be borne in mind that Christianity was
wholly outlawed in the Roman empire, and that every one
1 " Intellectual Development of Europe," chap, ix, par. 8.
ROMAN LAW AND THE JEW8. m
who professed it became by the very fact of his profession
an outlaw — an enemy to the emperor and people of Rome,
and guilty of high treason.
So long as the Christians were confounded with the
Jews, no persecution befell them from the .Roman State,
because the Roman empire had recognized the Jewish relig-
ion as lawful ; consequently when the Emperor Claudius
commanded all Jews to depart from Rome, Christians were
included among them, as for instance Aquila and Priscilla.
Acts xviii, 1, 2. And when in Corinth, under Gallic the
Roman governor of the province of Achaia, the Jews made
insurrection against Paul upon the charge that "this fellow
persuadeth men to worship God contrary to the law," Gal-
lio replied : " If it were a matter of wrong or wicked lewd-
ness, O ye Jews, reason would that I should bear with you :
but if it be a question of words and names, and of your law,
look ye to it ; for I will be no judge of such matters." And
with this, "he drave them from the judgment seat." Acts
xviii, 12-16. Also when the centurion Lysias had rescued
Paul from the murderous Jews in Jerusalem, and would
send him for protection to Felix the governor, he wrote to
Felix th us : "When I would have known the cause where-
fore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council :
whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law,
but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of
bonds." Chap, xxiii, 28, 29.
To please the Jews, Felix left Paul in prison. When
Festus came in and had given him a hearing, and would
bring his case before King Agrippa, he spoke thus of the
matter: "There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix:
about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests
and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have
judgment against him. To whom I answered, It is not the
manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before
that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and
have license to answer for himself concerning the crime laid
112 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
against him. Therefore, when they were come hither with-
out any delay on the morrow, I sat on the judgment seat,
and commanded the man to be brought forth. Against whom,
when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation
of such things as I supposed : but had certain questions
against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus,
which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And
because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him
whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of
these matters. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved
unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept
till I might send him to Csesar." And when Agrippa had
heard him, the unanimous decision was, "This man doeth
nothing worthy of death or of bonds," and Agrippa declared,
"This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not
appealed unto Caesar." Acts xxv, 14—21 ; xxvi, 31, 32.
And even when he had been heard twice by Caesar — Nero
— as it was still but a controversy between Jews concern-
ing questions of their own, the Roman power refused to take
cognizance of the case, and Paul, a Christian, was released.
But when Christianity had spread among the Gentiles and
a clear distinction was made and recognized between 'the
Christians and the Jews, by all parties, and Christianity ap-
peared as a new religion not recognized by the Roman law,
then came the persecution of Christians by the Horn an State.
The first persecution of the Christians was that which
was inflicted by —
NERO,
in A. D. 64, although it was only the horrid cruelty in-
flicted that made his punishment of the Christians conspicu-
ous above that of many others upon whom the rage of that
tyrant fell. For, "Except that his murders were commonly
prompted by need or fear, arid therefore fell oftenest on the
rich and powerful, it can hardly be said that one class suf-
fered from them more terribly than another. His family,
his friends, the senators, the knights, philosophers and
THE PERSECUTION BY NERO. H3
Christians, Romans and provincials, were all decimated by
them. " — Merivale*
July 19, A. D. 64, the tenth year of Nero's reign, a fire
broke out in the city of Rome, which raged unchecked for
six days. The stricken people had barely begun to collect
their thoughts after the fire had subsided, when flames burst
out a second time, in another quarter of the city, and raged
for three days. Taken together, the two conflagrations
destroyed nearly the whole of the city. Of the fourteen
districts into which the city was divided, only four re-
mained uninjured. Nero was universally hated for his des-
perate tyranny. A rumor was soon spread and readily
believed, that while the city was burning, he stood watching
it, and chanting the "Sack of Troy" to an accompaniment
which he played upon his lyre. From this the rumor grew
into a report, and it was also believed, that Nero himself had
ordered the fires to be kindled. It \^is further insinuated
that his object in burning the city was to build it anew upon
a much more magnificent scale, and bestow upon it his own
name.
Whether any of these rumors or suspicions were cer-
tainly true, cannot be positively stated ; but whether true or
not, they were certainly believed, and the hatred of the
people was intensified to such fierceness that Nero soon
discovered that the ruin of the city was universally laid to
his charge. He endeavored tp allay the rising storm : he
provided shelter, and supplied other urgent necessaries for
the multitude. Vows and great numbers of burnt offerings
to the gods were made, but all to no purpose. The signs of
public dissatisfaction only became more significant. It be-
came essential that the emperor should turn their suspicion
from him, or forfeit the throne and his life. The crisis was
a desperate one, and desperately did he meet it. There was
a little band of Christians known in the city. They were
already hated by the populace. These were accused, con-
demned, and tortured as the destroyers of the city. Tacitus
2 "Romans Under the Empire," chap. Iv, par. 6.
114 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
tells of the fate of those to whom he says "the vulgar gave
the name of Christians " : —
"He [Nero] inflicted the most exquisite tortures on those men who,
under the vulgar appellation of Christians, were already branded with
deserved infamy. They derived their name and origin from Christ, who
in the reign of Tiberius had suffered death by the sentence of the proc-
urator, Pontius Pilate. For awhile this dire superstition was checked ;
but it again burst forth ; and not only spread itself over Judea, the first
seat of this mischievous sect, but was even introduced into Rome, the
common asylum which receives and protects whatever is impure, what-
ever is atrocious. The confessions of those who were seized, discovered
a great multitude of their accomplices, and they were all convicted, not
so much for the crime of setting fire to the city, as for their hatred of
human kind. They died in torments, and their torments were embittered
by insult and derision. Some were nailed on crosses ; others sewn in
the skins of wild beasts, and exposed to the fury of dogs ; others again,
smeared over with combustible materials, were used as torches to illu-
minate the darkness of the night. The gardens of Nero were destined
for the melancholy spectacle, which was accompanied with a horse race,
and honored with the presence of the emperor, who mingled with the
populace in the dress and attitude of a charioteer. The guilt of the
Christians deserved indeed the most exemplary punishment, but the
public abhorrence was changed into commiseration, from the opinion
that those unhappy wretches were sacrificed, not so much to the public
welfare as to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant." — Tacitus.3
This cruel subterfuge accomplished the purpose intended
by the emperor, to deliver him from the angry suspicion of
the populace. This persecution, however, as directed by
Nero, did not extend beyond the city, and ceased with that
one effort. And from that time, for the space of nearly two
hundred years — till the reign of Decius, A. D. 249-251 —
there was no imperial persecution in the city of Rome.
;' During that period, the Christians were in general as free
and secure as other inhabitants of Home. Their assemblies
were no more disturbed than the synagogues of the Jews, or
the rights of other foreign religions." — M-ilman.*
3 " Annals," book xv, chap. xliv. I adopt Gibbon's Translation. See " De-
cline and Fall," chap, xvi, par. 14.
4 "History of Christianity," book iv, chap, ii, par. 17, note.
GOVERNMENT OF DOMITIAN. H5
DOMITIAN,
who is next named in the list of persecutors, was so jealous
of his imperial power and withal such a downright coward,
that he was afraid of every man who was, or might become,
popular, or from any cause conspicuous. His suspicions
were constantly creating imaginary plots against his throne
and his life, and his fears welcomed any tale of treason or
of plot. There was an ample number of flatterers and
sycophants who voluntarily assumed the vile office of in-
formers, to have satisfied perhaps any man in the world but
Domitian. He, however, was not content with this.
He deliberately hired every man in the empire who was
willing to sell himself to such service. And there were
multitudes who were willing so to sell themselves. This
system had been employed by others, but "Domitian seems,
of all the emperors, to have carried it furthest, and adopted
it most systematically. It was an aggravation rather than
an extenuation of his crime that he seduced irito his service
men of high rank and character, and turned the Senate into
a mob of rivals for the disgrace of thus basely serving him.
The instruments of his jealous precaution rose in a gradu-
ated hierarchy. The knights and senators trembled before
a Massa Bsebius, a Carus, and a Latinus ; but these delators
trembled in their turn before the prince of delators, Mem-
mius Regulus, and courted him, not always successfully, by
the surrender of their estates or their mistresses. . . . The
best and noblest of the citizens were still marked out as the
prey of delators whose patron connived at enormities which
bound their agents more closely to himself, and made his
protection more necessary to them. The haughty nobler,
quailed in silence under a system in which every act, every
word, every sigh, was noted against them, and disgrace,
exile, and death followed upon secret whispers. The fears
of Domitian increased with his severities. He listened to
the tales not of senators and consulars only, but of the hum-
116 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
blest officials arid even of private soldiers. Often, says
Epictetus, was the citizen, sitting in the theater, entrapped
by a disguised legionary beside him, who pretended to mur-
mur against the emperor, till he had led his unsuspecting
neighbor to confide to him his own complaints, and then
skulked away to denounce him." — Merivale?
Such a system gave full and perfect freedom to vent
every kind of petty spite ; and not only was freedom given
to it, but by the informers' receiving a share of the property
of the accused, a premium was put upon it. Many were put
to death to allay Domitian's fears. Large numbers of others
were either put to death or banished for the sake of their
property, and yet many others were executed or banished
upon charges invented by the informers to satisfy their per-
sonal hatred or to maintain with the emperor their standing
of loyalty. Among the victims of this universal treachery,
some Christians were numbered. Hated as they were, it
would have been strange indeed had there been none.
Among these was the apostle John, who was banished to
the Isle of Patmos. There were two others whose names
we know — Flavius Clemens and his wife Domitilla. Clem-
ens was the cousin, and Domitilla was the niece, of Domi-
tian. Clemens had enjoyed the favor of the emperor for a
long time, and attained the honor of the consulship. The
term of his office, however, had hardly more than expired
when he was accused, condemned, and executed ; and Domi-
tilla was banished to a desolate island on the western coast
of Italy. The charge against them was "atheism and Jew-
ish manners," "which cannot with any propriety be applied
except to the Christians, as they were obscurely and imper-
fectly viewed by the magistrates and by the writers of that
period." - Gibbon.6
A great number of other persons were involved in the
same accusation as were Clemens and Domitilla, and like-
5 "Romans Under the Empire," chap. Ixii, par. 17.
6 " Decline and Fall," chap, xvi, par. 18.
Two REPUBLICS.
ID
FLINT AND THE CHRISTIANS. H7
wise met the same fate with them — confiscation of goods
and banishment or death. Yet it is with no manner of jus-
tice or propriety that this has been singled out as a persecu-
tion against the church, or of Christians as such ; because at
the same time there were thousands of people of all classes
who suffered the same things and from the same source.
This is granting that Clemens was killed and Domitilla ban-
ished really on account of their religion. Considering their
kinship to the emperor, and the standing of Clemens, it
is fairly questionable whether it was not for political reasons
that they were dealt with, and whether their religion was not
the pretext rather than the cause, of their punishment. And
for political crimes especially it was no unusual thing for all
of a man's friends and relations to be included in the same
proscription with himself. "This proscription took place
about eight months before Domitian's death, at a period
when he was tormented by the utmost jealousy of all around,
and when his heart was hardened to acts of unparalleled bar-
barity ; and it seems more likely that it was counseled by
abject fear for his own person or power, than by concern
for the religious interests of the State." — Merivale.1
In September, A. D. 96, Domitian was succeeded by —
NEKVA,
whose temper and administration were directly contrary to
those of Domitian. lie reversed the cruel decrees of Domi-
tian, recalled the banished, and prosecuted instead of en-
couraged the informers. Nerva was succeeded in A. D. 98
by-
TEA JAN,
under whom Pliny the Younger was governor of the province
of Bithynia. In that province he found Christianity so
prevalent that the worship of the gods was almost deserted.
He undertook to correct this irregularity ; but this being a
new sort of business with him, lie was soon involved in
7 " Romans Under the Empire," chap. Ixii, par. 15.
118 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
questions that he could not easily decide to his own satisfac-
tion, and he concluded to address the emperor for the
necessary instructions. He therefore wrote to Trajan as
follows : —
"Sir : It is my constant method to apply myself to you for the reso-
lution of all my doubts ; for who can better govern my dilatory way of
proceeding or instruct my ignorance? I have never been present at the
examination of the Christians [by others], on which account I am unac-
quainted with what uses to be inquired into, and what and how far they
used to be punished ; nor are my doubts small, whether there be not a
distinction to be made between the ages [of the accused], and whether
tender youth ought to have the same punishment with strong men ?
whether there be not room for pardon upon repentance ? or whether it
may not be an advantage to one that had been a Christian, that he has
forsaken Christianity ? whether the bare name, without any crimes
besides, or the crimes adhering to that name, be to be punished ? In
the meantime 1 have taken this course about those who have been
brought before me as Christians : I asked them whether they were
Christians or not. If they confessed that they were Christians, I asked
them again, and a third time, intermixing threatenings with the ques-
tions. If they persevered in their confessions, I ordered them to be
executed ; for I did not doubt but, let their confessions be of any sort
whatsoever, this positiveness and inflexible obstinacy deserved to be pun-
ished. There have been some of this mad sect whom I took notice of in
particular as Roman citizens, that they might be sent to that city. After
some time, as is usual in such examinations, the crime spread itself, and
many more cases came before me. A libel was sent to me, though with-
out an author, containing many names [of persons accused]. These
denied that they were Christians now, or ever had been. They called
upon the gods, and supplicated to your image, which I caused to be
brought to me for that purpose, with frankincense and wine ; they also
cursed Christ ; none of which things, it is said, can any of those that are
really Christians be compelled to do : so I thought fit to let them go.
Others of them that were named in the libel, said they were Christians,
but presently denied it again ; that indeed they had been Christians, but
had ceased to be so, some three years, some many more ; and one there
was that said he had not been so these twenty years. All these wor-
shiped your image and the images of our gods ; these also cursed
Christ. However, they assured me that the main of their fault, or of
their mistake, was this : That they were wont, on a stated day, to meet
together before it was light, and to sing a hymn to Christ, as to a god,
alternately ; and to oblige themselves by a sacrament [or oath] not to do
GOVERNMENT OF TRAJAN. H9
i
anything that was ill ; but that they would commit no theft, or pilfering,
or adultery ; that they would not break their promises, or deny what
was deposited with them, when it was required back again ; after which
it was their custom to depart, and to meet again at a common but inno-
cent meal, which they had left off upon that edict which I published at
your command, and wherein I had forbidden any such conventicles.
These examinations made me think it necessary to inquire by torments
what the truth was ; which I did of two servant-maids, who were called
"deaconesses;" but still I discovered no more than that they were
addicted to a bad and to an extravagant superstition. Hereupon I have
put off any further examinations, and have recourse to you ; for the
affair seems to be well worth consultation, especially on account of the
number of those "hat are in danger ; for there are many of every age, of
every rank, and of both sexes, who are now and hereafter likely to be
called to account, and to be in danger ; for this superstition is spread
like a contagion, not only into cities and towns, but into country villages
also, which yet there is reason to hope may be stopped and corrected.
To be sure, the temples, which were almost forsaken, begin already to
be frequented ; and the holy solemnities, which were long intermitted,
begin to be revived. The sacrifices begin to sell well everywhere, of
which very few purchasers had of late appeared ; whereby it is easy to
suppose how great a multitude of men may be amended, if place for
repentance be admitted."
To this letter Trajan replied : —
" My Pliny : You have taken the method which you ought, in examin-
ing the causes of those that had been accused as Christians ; for indeed no
certain and general form of judging can be ordained in this case. These
people are not to be sought for ; but if they be accused and convicted,
they are to be punished : but with this caution, that he who denies him-
self to be a Christian, and makes it plain that he is not so, by supplicat-
ing to our gods, although he had been so formerly, lyay be allowed par-
don, upon his repentance. As for libels sent without an author, they
ought to have no place in any accusation whatsoever, for that would be
a thing of very ill example, and not agreeable to my reign."8
These are the facts in the case in regard to the persecu-
tion by Trajan. As a matter of fact Trajan had little to do
with it. Pliny found the laws being violated. As governor
of a province, he took judicial and executive cognizance of
8 These two letters are found in English in Dissertation iii, at the close of
Whiston's " Josephus."
120 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
it. In his enforcing of the laws there were questions raised
which he submitted to the emperor for decision. The em-
peror informed him that the proper course had been pur-
sued. As a lover of justice, he directed that no regard
should be paid to anonymous communications, but that all
accusations should be made in due and legal form. He
even goes so far as to limit to the regular form of judicial
process the Christians' disregard of the law — they were not
to be sought after ; but when accused in regular form, if
they refused to yield, they were to be punished. In all this
it is easy to see the emperor, who was the representative of
the law ; the just judge, refusing everything but the strictest
conformity to the regular legal proceedings ; and the hu-
mane man, willing rather to forego opportunity, than to hunt
for occasion, to prosecute. It is difficult, therefore, to see
how Trajan could fairly be charged with persecuting the
Christians.
Trajan died in A. D. 117, and was succeeded by —
HADRIAN.
The fanatical populace being forbidden by Trajan's orders
to proceed against the Christians in any but the legal way,
had in many place's taken to raising riots and wreaking their
vengeance upon the Christians in this disorderly way. In A. D.
124, Hadrian made a tour through the Eastern provinces.
The proconsul of Asia Minor complained to him of these riot-
ous proceedings. The emperor issued a rescript commanding
that the Christians should not be harassed, nor should inform-
ers be allowed to ply their trade in malicious prosecutions.
If those who desired to prosecute the Christians could clearly
prove their charges before the tribunal, "let them pursue this
course only, but not by mere petitions and mere outcries
against the Christians." "If any one bring an accusation
and can show that they have done anything contrary to the
laws," the magistrate was to judge of the matter " according
to the heinousness of the crime ; " but if any one should un-
ANTONINUS PIUS.
RIOTOUS ATTACKS UPON THE CHRISTIANS. 121
dertake a prosecution of the Christians " with a view to
slander," the matter was to be investigated "according to
its criminality," and if it was found that the prosecution had
been made on false accusation, the false accusers were to be
severely punished.
This rescript is as follows : —
" To Minucius Fundanus : I have received an epistle, written to me
by the most illustrious Serenius Granianus, whom you have succeeded.
I do not wish, therefore, that the matter should be passed by without
examination, so that these men may neither be harassed, nor opportu-
nity of malicious proceedings be offered to informers. If, therefore, the
provincials can clearly evince their charges against the Christians, so as
to answer before the tribunal, let them pursue this course only, but not
by mere petitions, and mere outcries against the Christians. For it is far
more proper, if any one would bring an accusation, that you should ex-
amine it. If any one, therefore, bring an accusation, and can show that
they have done anything contrary to the laws, determine it thus accord-
ing to the heinousness of the crime. So that indeed, if any one should
purpose this with a view to slander, investigate it according to its crimi-
nality, and see to it that you inflict the punishment." 9
Hadrian's leniency was not from any respect to the Chris-
tians as such, but from his- own native respect for justice and
fairness. He died A. D. 138, and was succeeded by —
ANTONINUS PIUS.
As soon as Hadrian's death was known, the restraints
imposed by his edicts were cast off, and the sufferings of
the Christians from popular tumult and riot were renewed.
The bitterness of the popular clamor was deepened by
serious disasters. Disastrous floods, earthquakes, and tires
occurred about this time, all of which the superstitious
pagans interpreted as the evidence of the anger of the gods
poured upon the empire as punishment for the disrespect
shown to the gods by the Christians, and which was so
lightly dealt with by the imperial power. Antoninus, how-
ever, being doubtless the mildest-mannered man that ever
held the imperial power of Rome, renewed and rather ex-
•Euseblus's "Ecclesiastical History," book iv, chap. ix.
122 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
tended the protective edicts of Hadrian. Antoninus was
succeeded in A. D. 161, by —
MARCUS AUKELIUS.
Public calamities still continued. A terrible pestilence
swept over the whole Roman empire from Ethiopia to Gaul,
and the fury of the populace again fell severely upon the
devoted Christians. Marcus Aurelius saw this matter in
much the same light as the great mass of the people, and
looked upon the pestilence that then raged, as a warning to
restore the ancient religion in its minutest particulars. He
summoned priests from all quarters to Rome, and even put
off his expedition against the Marcomannians for the pur-
pose of celebrating the religious solemnities, by which he
hoped that the evil might be averted. He therefore sanc-
tioned the popular rage against the Christians, and followed
it up with an edict in which he commanded that search
should he made for the Christians / and when brought to
trial, they were to he forced hy tortures to deny the faith and
do homage to the Roman gods. Marcus Aurelius died, March
17, A. D. ISO, and was succeeded Jby his son —
COMMODUS.
This emperor, instead of being a persecutor of the Chris-
tians, was rather a friend to them, if such a man could be
counted the friend of anybody. Commodus, for the first
three years of his reign, was a monster in vice, and after
that a monster in cruelty as well as in vice. One evening
in the third year of his reign, as he was returning from the
amphitheater through the dark passage to the imperial palace,
he was attacked by an assassin who felt so certain of accom-
plishing his bloody purpose that with a drawn sword he ex-
claimed, "The Senate sends you this." The attempt failed,
however. The guards protected the emperor and captured
the assassin. He confessed that his act was the culmination
of a conspiracy which had originated with the emperor's
sister Lucilla, who hoped to become empress by the death of
F
i— I
9
CD
GOVERNMENT OF COMMODUS. 123
Commodus. The conspirators were punished, Lucilla being
first banished and afterwards put to death. But the words
which the assassin had uttered — "the Senate sends you
this" — still rung in the emperor's ears; and by it he was
caused to think that the Senate was in some way connected
with the attempt upon his life. The whole body of the Sen-
ate became subject to his bitter and abiding enmity. But as
he had nothing more tangible than suspicion to guide him,
his course was necessarily uncertain, until a horde of inform-
ers had arisen and turned his suspicions into facts.
This event, however, was not long delayed ; because as
soon as it was learned that the emperor desired to detect
treason in the senators, the informers, whose trade had been
abolished in the mild and just reign of Antoninus Pius,
readily reappeared in numbers sufficient to satisfy the desire
of the emperor. "Distinction of every kind soon became
criminal. The possession of wealth stimulated the diligence
of the informers ; rigid virtue implied a tacit censure of the
jrregularities of Commodus ; important services implied a
dangerous superiority of merit ; and the friendship of the
father always insured the aversion of the son. Suspicion
was equivalent to proof ; trial to condemnation. The exe-
cution of a considerable senator was attended with the death
of all who might lament or revenge his fate ; and when
Commodus had once tasted human blood, he became incap-
able of pity or remorse. . . . Every sentiment of virtue and
humanity was extinct in the mind of Commodus. Whilst he
thus abandoned the reins of .empire to these unworthy
favorites, he valued nothing in sovereign power, except the
unbounded license of indulging his sensual appetites. His
hours were spent in a seraglio of three hundred beautiful
women, and as many boys of every rank and of every prov-
ince ; and wherever the arts of seduction proved ineffectual,
the brutal lover had recourse to violence. . . . The intervals
of lust were filled up with the basest, amusements." —
QMbon."
10 " Decline and Fall," chap, iv, par. 9, 16.
124: THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
Wild beasts were brought from far countries that the
emperor might have the honor of slaying them with his own
hand. The African lion, in his native haunts, men were for-
bidden under heavy penalty to kill even in self-defense, that
he might be reserved for the sport of the emperor. At last
he entered the arena in the character of a gladiator, armed
with a helmet, a sword, and a buckler, and obliged gladia-
tors to fight with him. armed only with a net and a leaden
trident. He thus fought (?) seven hundred and thirty-five
times, and each contest meant the death of his antagonist.
The list of senators sacrificed to his suspicions continued
still to lengthen. His cruelty at last arrived at that pitch
where nobody within his reach could feel secure for an
hour ; and that they might certainly escape his furious
caprice, Marcia his favorite concubine, Eclectus his cham-
berlain, and Laetus his praetorian prefect, formed a conspir-
acy to kill him. Marcia gave him a drink of poisoned wine,
and the poison was assisted in its work by a professional
wrestler who strangled him. Yet Coinmodus icas not a per-
secutor of the Christians ; but with this exception, there
were few people in all the empire whom he did not persecute.
For some reason Marcia was friendly to the Christians, and
her influence with Commodus, as well as his disposition to be
as unlike his father as possible, inclined him to be favorable
to them.
SEPTIMIUS SEVEKUS,
the fifth of the ' ' ten persecutors, " was emperor from A. D.
193 to 211. He was at first the friend of the Christians.
There were Christians among the domestics of his house-
hold. Both the nurse and the teacher of his son Caracalla
were Christians, and "he always treated with peculiar dis-
tinction several persons of both sexes who had embraced the
new religion.'1' — Gibbon.11 It must not be supposed, how-
ever, that Severus himself was inclined to become a Chris-
tian. Finding that the number of Christians was rapidly
increasing, he issued an edict in A. D. 202 forbidding any-
11 Id., chap, xvi, par. 34.
SEPTIMTUS SEVERUS.
GOVERNMENT OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 125
body thereafter to adopt the new religion. This, however,
did not prohibit those who were already Christians from
remaining so. The purpose being to check the spread of the
new religion, he forbade any further changing from the old
to the new. Yet the result of the edict was indirectly to
increase the hardships of the Christians under the already
existing laws. This was the measure of the persecution ty
Septimius Severus. But there is another side to the story of
Severus which, when compared with this, shows that it is
only by a severe stretch of language, if not of imagination,
that the Christians could be counted as persecuted by him.
It was through a triangular civil war that Septimius
Severus secured the imperial power. He was commander
of the troops on the Illyrian frontier, and was in Pannonia.
Pescennius Niger was commander of the troops in Syria.
Clodius Albinus was governor of Britain. The troops of
Niger proclaimed him emperor ; and the troops of Severus
did the same for him. Severus had the advantage of being
nearest to Rome. He hastened into Italy with his army,
and was acknowledged by the Senate as lawful emperor.
War immediately followed between Severus and Niger.
Niger was defeated in two engagements, and slain. As
long as the contest with Niger was uncertain, Severus pre-
tended the utmost friendship for Albinus ; bestowed upon
him the title of Caesar ; sent him a letter in which he called
him the brother of his soul and empire ; and charged the
messengers who carried the letter that when they delivered
it, they should secure a private audience with Albinus and
assassinate him.
Albinus, however, detected the conspiracy, and by it
discovered that if he were to live, it would have to be as
emperor. He crossed into Gaul ; the armies met at Lyons ;
Albinus was defeated, captured, and beheaded. Severus
discovered that the Senate had encouraged Albinus. He
therefore sent to the Romans the head of Albinus with a
letter declaring that none of the adherents of either Albinus
12
126 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
or Niger should be spared. He did, however, pardon thirty-
five senators who were accused of having favored Albinus,
while forty-one other senators with their wives, their children,
and their friends were put to death. The same punishment
was inflicted upon the most prominent characters of Spain,
Gaul, and Syria, while many others were sent into exile, or
suffered the confiscation of all their property, merely because
they had obeyed the governor under whose authority they
had happened to fall in the triangular conflict. Niger had
been a popular governor, and many cities of the East con-
tributed to him considerable sums of money when he was
proclaimed emperor. All these cities were deprived of
their honors, and were compelled to pay to Severus four
times the amount that they had contributed to Niger. To
elevate to the dignity of a persecution the treatment of the
Christians by Septimius Severus in view of his treatment of
the Roman Senate and whole cities and provinces of the
empire, bears too much evidence of an attempt to make out
a case, to be counted worthy of any weight.
Severus was succeeded in A. D. 211, by his two sons,
CARACALLA AND GETA.
A little more than a year afterward, Caracalla murdered
Geta in his mother's arms, who in the struggle to protect
him, was wounded in the hand and covered with blood : and
immediately following, ' ' under the vague appellation of
the friends of Geta, above twenty thousand persons of both
sexes suffered death." This, however, was but the begin-
ning ; for " Caracalla was the common enemy of mankind."
He left the city of Rome in A. D. 213, and spent the rest of
his reign, about four years, in the several provinces of the
empire, particularly those of the East, " and every province
was by turn the scene of his rapine and cruelty." — Gibbon™
The s'enators were compelled to accompany him wherever
he went and to furnish daily entertainment at immense
12 Jd, chap, vi, par. 10, 13.
MAXIMIN.
GOVERNMENT Of CAR AC ALL A.
expense, which he gave over to his soldiers. They were
likewise required to build in every city where he would come,
magnificent palaces and splendid theaters which he would
either not visit at all or else visit and order at once to be
torn down.
The property of the most wealthy was confiscated at
once, while that of the great mass of the people was taken
under the form of taxes heavily increased. In the city of
Alexandria in Egypt, simply because they had indulged in
a bit of raillery at his expense, he took his station on top of
the temple of Serapis, and commanded a general massacre
of the citizens, which he directed and enjoyed from his ele-
vated station. Thousands upon thousands of people were
thus inhumanly slaughtered. And these are but parts of his
wicked ways. Yet Caracalla is not numbered among the
persecutors of the Christians, nor did he, in fact, molest the
Christians as such. Yet it would be difficult to find an
emperor, from Nero to Diocletian, who caused as much
suffering to the Christians, as Caracalla did to almost every-
body but the Christians. It would not be correct, however,
to suppose that the Christians were exempt from his rav-
ages : they of course shared the common lot in his desperate
attentions.
The next in the list of the "Ten Persecutors" is —
MAXIMIN.
In the year 235 A. D., Maximin became emperor by the
murder of the emperor Alexander Severus. Of him and
the persecution of the Christians inflicted by him, the eccle-
siastical historian says : —
"The emperor Alexander being carried off after a reign of thirteen
years, was succeeded by Maximinus, who, inflamed with hatred against
the house of Alexander, consisting of many believers, raised a persecu-
tion, and commanded at first only the heads of the churches to be slain,
as the abettors and agents of evangelical truth." — JSusebius.13
13 " Ecclesiastical History," book vi, chap, xxviii.
128 THE '-'TEN PERSECUTIONS."
Alexander Severus had not only been a friend to the
Christians, but had gone so far as to place an image of
Christ among his household gods. The church in Rome
had appropriated a piece of land in that city which was
claimed by the Cooks' Union. A dispute arose about it,
and the case was brought to the emperor for settlement. He
decided in favor of the church, saying that it was better that
God should be worshiped on that ground than that it should
be given up to the cooks. Through such pronounced favor of
the emperor, many Christians became connected with the
imperial household, and bishops were received at court.
When Maximin murdered the emperor Alexander, the
Christians and the bishops to whom Eusebius refers were
involved in the massacre. And this is the extent of Maxi-
min's persecution of the Christians.
Maximin was a barbarian who had risen from the condi-
tion of a Thracian peasant to the highest military command.
When he was in humble circumstances, he had been slighted
by the Roman nobles, and treated with insolence by their
slaves ; others had befriended him in his poverty, and had
encouraged him in adversity. When he became emperor, he
took vengeance on all alike, for all "were guilty of the
same crime — the knowledge of his original obscurity. For
this crime many were put to death ; and by the execution of
several of his benefactors, Maximin published, in characters
of blood, the indelible history of his baseness and ingrati-
tude."— Gibbon.li Maximin was but little less than a wild
beast in the shape of a man. Knowing full well his own
shameful inferiority, he was supremely suspicious of every-
body else. Being so treacherous and so cruel himself, he
was ready to believe that every distinguished person was
guilty of treason. ' ' Italy and the whole empire were in-
fested with innumerable spies and informers." Magnus, a
principal senator, was accused of conspiracy. ' ' Without a
witness, without a trial, and without an opportunity of de-
14 " Decline and Fall," chap, vii, par. 8.
DECIUS.
PERSECUTION BT MAXIMIN. 129
fense, Magnus with four thousand of his supposed accom-
plices, was put to death. . . . Confiscation, exile, or simple
death were esteemed uncommon instances of his lenity.
Some of the unfortunate sufferers he ordered to be sewed up
in the hides of slaughtered animals, others to be exposed to
wild beasts, others again to be beaten to death with clubs."
— Gttbon."
Such was the conduct of Maximin toward the Roman no-
bles. He next, at one single stroke, confiscated all the treas-
ure and all the revenue of all the cities of the empire, and
turned them to his own use. The temples everywhere were
robbed of all the gold and silver offerings ; " and the statues
of gods, heroes, and emperors were melted down, and
coined into money." In many places these robberies and
exactions were resisted, the people defending the rights of
their cities and the sacredness of their temples. In such
cases massacres accompanied the robbery of the temples and
the confiscation of the cities' treasures.
Of Maximin's treatment of the Christians, as of that of
Domitian and Septimius Severus, it is but proper to remark
that to separate this from all the other evidences of his
cruelty, which were so wide-spread and continuous, magnify-
ing this while ignoring all the rest — in order to bestow upon
it the distinction of a "persecution" — bears too much evi-
dence of an effort to make out a case, to be worthy of
indorsement in any sober or exact history.
The next one in the list of the ' ' Ten Persecutions " is
that by the emperor —
DECIUS,
whose reign was but a little more than two years in length,
from A. D. 249-251. Decius was a man somewhat after the
model of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius — devoted to Rome,
her laws, and her institutions. His serious endeavor was to
bring back the Roman discipline, and the Roman virtue of
earlier times. Therefore, one of the earliest acts of his reign
15 Id., par. 9, 10.
130 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
was to revive the office of censor. The choosing of the censor
was left to the Senate, and as the result, Valerian was
unanimously chosen. The speech which Decius made upon
the investiture of Yalerian with the insignia of his office, will
enable the reader to form some estimate of the ideal which
this emperor had formed for himself in the matter of gov-
ernment. He said : —
"Happy Valerian, — happy in the general approbation of the Senate
and of the Roman republic ! Accept the censorship of mankind : and
judge of our manners. You will select those who deserve to continue
members of the Senate ; you will restore the equestrian order to its
ancient splendor ; you will improve the revenue, yet moderate the public
burdens. You will distinguish into regular classes the various and
infinite multitude of citizens ; and accurately review the military strength,
the wealth, the virtue, and the resources of Rome. Your decisions shall
obtain the force of laws. The army, the palace, the ministers of justice,
and the great officers of the empire, are all subject to your tribunal.
None are exempted excepting only the ordinary consuls, the prefect of
the city, the king of the sacrifices, and (as long as she preserves her
chastity inviolate) the eldest of the vestal virgins. Even these few, who
may not dread the severity, will anxiously solicit the esteem of the
Roman censor." 16
With such views of the public needs and of his duty as
emperor to restore the purity of the old Roman discipline,
it could only be that the effects of his efforts would be first
felt by the Christians, because by their denial of the gods
and repudiation of the Roman religion and their denial of
the right of the State to interfere with their religious exer-
cise or profession, they were placed as the first of the ene-
mies of the Roman people. In the year 250 the persecution
began. Rigorous search was ordered for all the people who
were suspected of refusing to conform to the Roman wor-
ship, with the object of compelling them to return to the
exercise of the ceremonies of the Roman religion. When
they were found, if they refused, threats were first to be
used, and if that failed, torture was to be applied, and if
that failed, death was to be inflicted.
16 Id., chap, x, par. 14.
THE PERSECUTION BT DECIUS. 131
The persecution began in Rome, and as there had been a
long period of peace, many of the professed Christians had
become worldly, and thought more of increasing their
earthly possessions than of cultivating the Christian virtues.
Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, who lived at the time and was
put to death only a few years afterward, says : —
"Forgetful of what believers had either done before in the times of
the apostles, or always ought to do, they, with the insatiable ardor of
covetousness, devoted themselves to the increase of their property." l7
Immediately upon the issuing of this edict, large num-
bers of these gave up their profession, whose ready compli-
ance encouraged the emperor to suppose that it would be
but an easy task entirely to suppress the Christian faith.
Bishops themselves had set the people an example in worldly
degeneracy, for says Cyprian of them : —
"Among the priests there was no devotedness of religion ; among
the ministers there was no sound faith : in their works there was no
mercy ; in their manners their was no discipline. In men, their beards
were defaced ; in women, their complexion was dyed : the eyes were
falsified from what God's hand had made them ; their hair was stained
with a falsehood. Crafty frauds were used to deceive the hearts of the
simple, subtle meanings for circumventing the brethren. They united
in the bond of marriage with unbelievers ; they prostituted the members
of Christ to the Gentiles. They would swear not only rashly, but even
more, would swear falsely ; would despise those set over them with
haughty swelling, would speak evil of one another with envenomed
tongue, would quarrel with one another with obstinate hatred. Not
a few bishops who ought to furnish both exhortation and example to
others, despising their divine charge, became agents in secular business,
forsook their throne, deserted their people, wandered about over foreign
provinces, hunted the markets for gainful merchandise, while brethren
were starving in the church. They sought to possess money in hoards,
they seized estates by crafty deceits, they increased their gains by mul-
tiplying usuries." — Cyprian.16
Seeing, then, that so many of the people had so readily
renounced their profession, and believing that the influence
17 "Ante-Nicene Fathers," Treatises of Cyprian, " On the Lapsed," chap. vi. IS Id.
132 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
of the bishops was to a large extent the cause of the exist-
ence and spread of Christianity, and seeing the character of
many of them thus displayed, the efforts of Decius were first
directed at these with the hope that if their influence was
checked, it would be easy to restore the Roman worship.
But it could not be made to succeed. If a bishop was im-
prisoned or banished, it only bound his flock closer to him ;
if he was put to death, by his example others were only en-
couraged to be the more faithful to their profession ; and
thus, although the persecution began with the bishops, it
soon embraced the people ; and although it had its begin-
ning in Rome, it soon extended throughout the empire.
Thus began the first imperial persecution that there had
been in the city of Rome since that of Nero, and the first
one which really spread over the whole empire. Wherever
the edict was published, the idea was always by mild meas-
ures first, if possible, to restore the Roman worship every-
where ; and it was only when the milder measures failed,
that the severer were employed, even to death. Being so
wide-spread, the Decian persecution was thus the severest
that had ever yet been inflicted upon the Christians by any
emperor ; yet it continued only about two years, for the
emperor lost his life in a battle with the Goths in December,
251.
The author of the next of the "Ten Persecutions"
was —
VALERIAN,
who became emperor in August, 253. At first he was fav-
orable to the Christians. Indeed, Dionysius, as quoted by
Eusebius, says that "never was there any of the emperors
before him so favorably and benevolently disposed toward
them;" that, "in the commencement of his reign" he
' ' plainly received them with excessive civility and friend-
ship ;" and that the emperor's house "was filled with pious
persons, and was, indeed, a congregation of the Lord."1'
19Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book vii, chap. x.
GALLIENUS.
CHRISTIANITY LEGALIZED. 133
This is probably somewhat extravagant, but that the em-
peror was friendly to the Christians at the beginning of his
reign, is very evident.
This leniency continued till the year 257, when his con-
duct toward them was reversed ; but, like Decius, he hoped
to put an end to Christianity without the employment of
violent measures. He endeavored first to compel the church
leaders, — the bishops, the presbyters, and the deacons, — to
renounce Christianity, expecting that the people would fol-
low their example. This failing, he next forbade their hold-
ing meetings ; likewise failing in this, an edict was issued in
258 commanding them to be put to death at once. The sen-
ators and knights who were Christians, were to be deprived
of their rank and property, and if they still persevered, they
were to be beheaded. Women of rank who were Christians,
were to be deprived of their property and banished. Sixtus,
the Roman bishop, and four deacons of the church in Rome
were put to death under this edict in August. This persecu-
tion came to an end in 260, when Valerian was taken pris-
oner by the king of Persia. He was succeeded in the em-
pire by his son —
GALLIENTTS,
who not only immediately put a stop to the persecution, but
issued an edict which in effect recognized Christianity as
among the lawful religions of the Roman empire, by com-
manding that the church property should be restored ; for
none but legally existing bodies could legally hold common
property.
Yet this man who showed himself to be such a friend to
the Christians as to make their religion legal, was very little
behind Maximin in his cruelty to every one but the Chris-
tians. During his reign there arose nineteen usurpers in
different parts of the empire, of whom there was not one
"who enjoyed a life of peace or died a natural death." Gal-
lienus was so fortunate as to be successful over them all, yet
their efforts kept the empire in a state of constant ferment,
134 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
and the disposition of Gallienus toward all may be gathered
from a command that he issued with respect to one Inge-
nuus, who assumed the office of emperor in the province of
Illyricum. When the revolt had been quelled, Gallienus
wrote to his minister there these words : —
"It is not enough that you exterminate such as have appeared in
arms : the chance of battle might have served me as effectually. Tke
male sex of every age must be extirpated ; provided that, in the execu-
tion of the children and old men, you can contrive means to save our
reputation. Let every one die who has dropped an expression, who has
entertained a thought, against me, against me — the son of Valerian, the
father and brother of so many princes. Remember that Ingenuus was
made emperor : tear, kill, hew in pieces. I write to you with my own
hand, and would inspire you with my own feelings." — Gibbon.20
This being a sample of things in nineteen different parts
of the empire, it will be seen that under Gallienus as under
some of the others whom we have named, although the
Christians were unmolested, they were about the only people
in the empire who were so.
The next one in the list of the ten persecutors is —
AUEELIAN,
who became emperor in A. D. 2TO. His persecution, like
that of some of the others in the list, is a myth. So far
from Aurelian's being a persecutor or an enemy of the
Christians, or one whom they dreaded, the bishops them-
selves appealed to him in one of their intestine contro-
versies.
Paul of Samosata was Bishop of Antioch, and like many
other bishops of his day, he assumed a style and an arro-
gance becoming an emperor of Rome rather than a servant
of Christ. He was accused of heresy and tried by a council
of bishops, who pronounced him deposed, and named another
to be seated in his place. But, although they could easily
enough pronounce him deposed, it was another thing to
unseat him in fact. Paul held his bishopric in spite of
20 " Decline and Fall," chap, x, par. 50.
13
AUKELIAN.
THE TEN PERSECUTIONS A FABLE. 135
them. The council then appealed to Aurelian to enforce
their decree and compel Paul to vacate the bishopric.
Aurelian refused to decide the question himself, but referred
them to the Bishop of Rome, saying that whoever the bish-
ops of Rome and Italy should decide to be the proper per-
son, should have the office. They decided against Paul,
and Aurelian compelled him to relinquish his seat. After-
ward, however, in the last year of his reign, as it proved to
be, Eusebius says that Aurelian was persuaded to raise per-
secution against the Christians, and the rumor was spread
abroad everywhere ; yet before any decree was issued, death
overtook him. This is the history of Aurelian as one of the
''Persecutors," and this is the history of "the ninth perse-
cution."
The tenth persecution, that of Diocletian, was a persecu-
tion indeed. We shall not dwell upon it here, because it
will have to be noticed fully in another place.
The evidence here presented, however, is sufficient to
show that the story of the Ten Persecutions is a fable. That
both events and names have been forced into service to
make up the list of ten persecutions and to find among the
Roman emperors ten persecutors, the history plainly shows.
The history shows that only five of the so-called ten
persecutors can by any fair construction be counted such.
These five were Nero, Marcus Aurelius, Valerian, Decius,
and Diocletian. Of the other five Trajan not only added
nothing to the laws already existing, but gave very mild di-
rections for the enforcement of these, which abated rather
than intensified the troubles of the Christians. It would be
difficult to see how any directions could have been more mild
without abrogating the laws altogether, which to Trajan would
liave been only equivalent to subverting the empire itself.
Domitian was not a persecutor of the Christians as such, but
was cruel to all people ; and in common with others, some
Christians suffered, and suffered only as did others who
were not Christians. Septimius Severus only forbade any
136 THE "TEN PERSECUTIONS."
more people to become Christians without particularly inter-
fering with such as were already Christians. The cruelty of
Maximin, more bitter even than that of Domitian, involved
all classes, and where it overtook Christians, that which
befell them was but the common lot of thousands and thou-
sands of people who were not Christians. Aurelian was
not in any sense a persecutor of the Christians in fact. At
the utmost stretch, he only contemplated it. Had he lived
longer, he might have been a persecutor ; but it is not
honest to count a man a persecutor who at the most only
intended to persecute. It is not fair in such a case to turn
an intention into a fact.
Looking again at the record of the five who really were
persecutors, it is found that from Nero to Marcus Aurelius
was ninety-three years ; that from Marcus Aurelius to Decius
was eighty years ; that from Decius to Valerian's edict was
six years ; and that from the edict of Gallienus to Diocletian's
edict of persecution was forty-three years. From the record
of this period, on the other hand, it is found that between
Nero and Marcus Aurelius, Domitian and Yitellius raged ;
that between Marcus and Decius, the savage Commodus and
Caracalla, and Elagabalus and Maximin, all ravaged the em-
pire like wild boars a forest ; and that next after Valerian
came Gallienus.
From these facts it must be admitted that if the persecu-
tion of the Christians by Pagan Rome depended upon the
action of the emperors, and if it is to be attributed to them,
Christians had not much more to bear than had the generality
of people throughout the empire. In short, the story of
the " Ten Persecutions" is a myth.
CHAPTER V.
CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
A LTHOUGH the tale of the "Ten Persecutions" is a
I\ myth, this is not by any means to pronounce as myths
all stories of the persecution of Christians by Pagan Rome.
Though there were not ten persecutions as such, there was
one continuous persecution, only with variations, for two
hundred and fifty years.
Nor is it strictly correct to speak of this as the persecu-
tion of Christians by the Romans. It was all this, it is
true, but it was much more. The controversy between the
Christians and the Romans was not a dispute between indi-
viduals, or a contention between sects or parties. It was a
contest between antagonistic principles. It was, therefore,
a contest between Christianity and Rome, rather than be-
tween Christians and Romans. On the part of Christianity
it was the proclamation of the principle of genuine liberty ;
on the part of Rome it was the assertion of the principle of
genuine despotism. On the part of Christianity it was the
assertion of the principle of the rights of conscience and of
the individual ; on the part of Rome it was the assertion of
the principle of the absolute absorption of the individual,
and. his total enslavement to the State in all things, divine
as well as human, religious as well as civil.
This is detected by a mere glance again at the actions of
the emperors whom we have named in the previous chapter.
With the exception of Nero, the emperors who persecuted
the Christians most, were among the best that Rome ever
[137]
138 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
had ; while those emperors who were the very worst, perse-
cuted the Christians, as such, the least or not at all. Mar-
cus Aurelius, indeed, is acknowledged not only to have
been one of the best of the Roman emperors, but one of the
best men of all pagan times ; while on the other hand,
Doinitian, and Vitellius, and Cornmodus, and Caracalla,
and Elagabalus, and Maximin, were not only the worst of
Roman emperors, but among the worst of all men. While
on the part of those emperors who persecuted the Christians
it was not cruelty that caused them to do so ; on the part of
the others named who did not persecute the Christians as
such, but who persecuted everybody indiscriminately, it was
nothing but cruelty that caused them to do so. With the
exception of Nero, it was invariably the best of the emper-
ors who persecuted the Christians ; and they invariably did
it, not because they were cruel and delighted to see peo-
ple suffer, but only by the enforcement of the laws which
were already extant ; by way of respect to institutions long
established ; and to preserve a system the fall of which,
to them, meant the fall of the empire itself.
The best men naturally cared most for the Roman insti-
tutions and held as most sacred the majesty of Rome and
the dignity of Roman law as the expression of that majesty.
Being thus the most jealous of the Roman integrity and
Roman institutions, any disregard of the majesty of Rome,
or any infraction of the laws, would not be suffered by them
to go unnoticed. Christians, caring nothing for the maj-
esty of Rome in view of the awful majesty of Jesus Christ,
not only disregarded the Roman laws on the subject of re-
ligion, but asserted the right to disregard them ; and held it
to be the most sacred and heaven-enjoined duty to spread
abroad these views to all people. Consequently, in the very
nature of things, these would be the first ones to incur the
displeasure of those emperors who held sacred the Roman
institutions. On the other hand, those emperors who cared
little or nothing for anything but the gratification of their
pREEbOM IN JESUS CHRIST. 139
appetites and passions, and the indulgence of their cruel
propensities, cared little or nothing whether the Christians
obeyed the laws or not. They themselves cared nothing for
the laws, the manners, or the institutions of Rome, and they
cared little whether other people cared for these things
or not.
Jesus Christ came into the world to set men free, and to
plant in their souls the genuine principle of liberty, — liberty
actuated by love, — liberty too honorable to allow itself
to be used as an occasion to the flesh, or for a cloak of
maliciousness, — liberty led by a conscience enlightened by
the Spirit of God, — liberty in which man may be free from
all men, yet made so gentle by love that he would willingly
become the servant of all, in order to bring them to the
enjoyment of this same liberty. This is freedom indeed.
This is the freedom which Christ gave to man ; for, whom
the Son makes free is free indeed. In giving to men this
freedom, such an infinite gift could have no other result
than that which Christ intended ; namely, to bind them in
everlasting, unquestioning, unswerving allegiance to him as
the royal benefactor of the race. He thus reveals himself
to men as the highest good, and brings them to himself as
the manifestation of that highest good, and to obedience to
his will as the perfection of conduct. Jesus Christ was God
manifest in the flesh. Thus God was in Christ reconciling
the world to himself, that they might know him, the only
true God, and Jesus Christ whom he sent. He gathered to
himself disciples, instructed them in his heavenly doctrine,
endued them with power from on high, sent them forth into
all the world to preach this gospel of freedom to every
creature, and to teach them to observe all things whatsoever
he had commanded them.
The Roman empire then filled the world, — "the sublim-
est incarnation of power, and a monument the mightiest of
greatness built by human hands, which has upon this planet
been suffered to appear." That empire, proud of its con-
140 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
quests, and exceedingly jealous of its claims, asserted its
right to rule in all things, human and divine. In the
Roman view, the State took precedence of everything. It
was entirely out of respect to the State and wholly to pre-
serve the State, that either the emperors or the laws ever
forbade the exercise of the Christian religion. According
to Roman principles, the State was the highest idea of good.
" The idea of the State was the highest idea of ethics ; and
within that was included all actual realization of the highest
good ; hence the development of all other goods pertaining
to humanity, was made dependent on this." — JVeander.1
Man with all that he had was subordinated to the State ;
he must have no higher aim than to be a servant of the State ;
he must seek no higher good than that which the State could
bestow. Thus every Roman citizen was a subject, and
every Roman subject was a slave. " The more distinguished
a Roman became, the less was he a free man. The omnipo-
tence of the law, the despotism of the rule, drove him into a
narrow circle of thought and action, and his credit and
influence depended on the sad austerity of his life. The
whole duty of man, with the humblest and greatest of the
Romans, was to keep his house in order, and be the obedient
servant of the State." — Jlommsen.2
It will be seen at once that for any man to profess the
principles and the name of Christ, was virtually to set him-
self against the Roman empire ; for him to recognize God
as revealed in Jesus Christ as the highest good, was but
treason against the Roman State. It was not looked upon
by Rome as anything else than high treason ; because as the
Roman State represented to the Roman the highest idea of
lu History of the Christian Religion ind Church," vol. i, part i, Section First,
dlv. 3, par. 1.
2 Quoted by James Freeman Clarke in "Ten Great Religions," chap, viii, sec.
iv, par. 1. He does not cite the place where Mommsen says it. I have noted
quite carefully Mommsen's " History of Rome," and have not found it. The
substance of it is there, in book iii, chap, xiii, par. 1, but this quotation itself is
not there. It must have been taken from some other of Mommsen's. works.
PAGAN IDEA OF THE STATE.
good, for any man to assert that there was a higher good,
was to make Rome itself subordinate. And this would not
be looked upon in any other light by Roman pride than as a
direct blow at the dignity of Rome, and subversive of the Ro-
man State. Consequently the Christians were not only called
"atheists," because they denied the gods, but the accusation
against them before the tribunals was of the crime of " high
treason," because they denied the right of the State to inter-
fere with men's relations to God. The common accusation
against them was that they were "irreverent to the Caesars,
and enemies of the Caesars and of the Roman people. "
To the Christian, the word of God asserted with abso-
lute authority: "Fear God, and keep his commandments;
for this is the whole duty of man." Eccl. xii, 13. To him,
obedience to this word through faith in Christ, was eternal
life. This to him was the conduct which showed his alle-
giance to God as the highest good, — a good as much higher
than that of the Roman State %as the government of God is
greater than was the government of Rome.
This idea of the State, was not merely the State as a
civil institution, but as a divine institution, and the highest
conception of divinity itself. The genius of Rome was the
supreme deity. Thus the idea of the State as the highest
good was the religious idea, and consequently religion was
inseparable from the State. All religious views were to be
held subordinate to the State, and all religion was only the
servant of the State.
The Roman State being the chief deity, the gods of
Rome derived their dignity from the State rather than
the State deriving any honor from them. And the genius
of the Roman State being to the Roman mind the chief
deity, as Rome had conquered all nations, it was demon-
strated to the Roman mind that Rome was superior to all
the gods that were known. And though Rome allowed
conquered nations to maintain the worship of their national
gods, these as well as the conquered people were considered
142 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
only as servants of the Roman State. Every religion was
held subordinate to the religion of Rome, and though ' ' all
forms of religion might come to Rome and take their places
in its pantheon, they must come as the servants of the
State."
. The State being the Roman's conception of the highest
good, Rome's own gods derived all their dignity from, the
fact that they were recognized as such by the State. It was
counted by the Romans an act of the greatest condescension
and an evidence of the greatest possible favor to bestow
State recognition upon any foreign gods, or to allow any
Roman subject to worship any other gods than those which
were recognized as such by the Roman State. A funda-
mental maxim of Roman legislation was, —
" No man shall have for himself particular gods of his own ; no man
shall worship by himself any new or foreign gods, unless they are recog-
nized by the public laws." — Cicero.3
Again : the Roman State being the supreme deity, the
Senate and people were but the organs through which its
ideas were expressed ; hence the maxirn, Vox populi, vox
dei, — the voice of the people is the voice of god. As this
voice gave expression to the will of the supreme deity, and
consequently of the highest good ; and as this will was ex-
pressed in the form of laws; hence again the Roman maxim,
" What the law says is right."
It is very evident that in such a system there was no
place for individuality. The State was everything, and the
majority was in fact the State. What the majority said
should be, that was the voice of the State, that was the voice
of God, that was the expression of the highest good, that
was the expression of the highest conception of right ; — and
everybody must assent to that or be considered a traitor to
the State. The individual was but a part of the State.
3 (Rioted in Neander's " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Section
First, div. 3, par. 2.
ARCH OF AUGUSTUS.
RIGHTS OF INDIVIDUAL CONSCIENCE. .143
There was therefore no such thing as the rights of the people ;
the right of the State only was to be considered, and' that
was to be considered absolute. "The first principle of their
law was the paramount right of the State over the citizen.
Whether as head of a family, or as proprietor, he had no
natural rights of his own ; his privileges were created by the
law as well as defined by it. The State in the plenitude of
her power, delegated a portion of her own irresponsibility
to the citizen, who satisfied the conditions she required, in
order to become the parent of her children ; but at the same
time she demanded of him the sacrifice of his free agency to
her own rude ideas of political expediency." — MerivaleS
It is also evident that in such a system, there was no
such thing as the rights of conscience ; because as the State
was supreme also in the realm of religion, all things relig-
ious were to be subordinated to the will of the State, which
was but the will of the majority. And where the majority
presumes to decide in matters of religion, there is no such
thing as rights of religion or conscience. Against this whole
system Christianity was diametrically opposed, —
First, In its assertion of the supremacy of God ; in the
idea of God as manifested in Jesus Christ as the highest
idea of good ; in the will of God as expressed in his law as
the highest conception of right ; and in the fear of God
and the keeping of his commandments as the whole duty of
man. Christ had set himself before his disciples as the
one possessing all power in heaven and in earth. He had
told them to go into all the world and teach to every
creature all things whatsoever he had commanded them.
Christ had said that the first of all the commandments, that
which inculcates the highest and first of all duties, is "Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all
thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy strength."
This put Jesus Christ above the State, and put allegiance to
him above allegiance to the State ; this denied the suprem-
4 " Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxii, par. 21.
14:4: CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN UMPIRE.
acy of Rome, and likewise denied that either the Roman
gods were gods at all, or that the genius of Rome itself was
in any sense a god.
Secondly, When the republic as represented by the Sen-
ate and people of Rome was merged in the imperial power,
and the emperor became the embodiment of the State, he
represented the dignity, the majesty, and the power of the
State, and likewise, in that, represented the divinity of the
State. Hence divinity attached to the Caesars.
Christianity was directly opposed to this, as shown by
the word of Christ, who, when asked by the Pharisees and
the Herodians whether it was lawful to give tribute to
Caesar or not, answered: "Render therefore unto Caesar
the things which are Caesar's ; and unto God the things that
are God's." In this Christ established a clear distinction
between Caesar and God, and between religion and the State.
He separated that which pertains to God from that which per-
tains to the State. Only that which was Caesar's was to be
rendered to Caesar, while that which is God's was to be
rendered to God and with no reference whatever to Caesar.
The State being divine and the Caesar reflecting this di-
vinity, whatever was God's was Caesar's. Therefore when
Christ made this distinction between God and Caesar, sep-
arated that which pertains to God from that which per-
tains to Caesar, and commanded men to render to God that
which is God's, and to Caesar only that which is Caesar's, he
at once stripped Caesar — the State — of every attribute of
divinity. And in doing this he declared the supremacy of
the individual conscience / because it is left with the individ-
ual to decide what things they are which pertain to God.
Thus Christianity proclaimed the right of the individual
to worship according to the dictates of his own conscience,
while Rome asserted the duty of every man to worship ac-
cording to the dictates of the State. Christianity asserted
the supremacy of God ; Rome asserted the supremacy of the
State. Christianity set forth God as manifested in Jesus
CHRISTIANS SUBJECT TO CIVIL AUTHORITY. 145
Christ as the chief good ; Rome held the State to be the
highest good. Christianity set forth the law of God as the
expression of the highest conception of right ; Rome held
the law of the State to be the expression of the highest idea
of right. Christianity taught that the fear of God and the
keeping of his commandments is the whole duty of man ;
Rome taught that to be the obedient servant of the State is
the whole duty of man. Christianity preached Christ as the
sole possessor of power in heaven and in earth ; Rome as-
serted the State to be the highest power. Christianity sep-
arated that which is God's from that which is Caesar's ;
Rome maintained that that which is God's is Caesar's.
This was the contest, and these were the reasons of it,
between Christianity and the Roman empire.
Yet in all this Christianity did not deny to Caesar a place ;
it did not propose to undo the State. It only taught the
State its proper place ; and proposed to have the State take
that place and keep it. Christianity did not dispute the
right of the Roman State to be ; it only denied the right of
that State to be in the place of God. In the very words in
which he separated between that which is Caesar's and that
which is God's, Christ recognized the rightfulness of Caesar
to be ; and that there were things that rightfully belong to
Caesar, and which were to be rendered to him by Christians.
He said, "Render therefore to Caesar the things that are
Caesar's." In these words he certainly recognized that
Caesar had jurisdiction in certain things, and that within
that jurisdiction he was to be respected. As Caesar repre-
sented the State, in this scripture the phrase represents the
State, whether it be the State of Rome or any other State on
earth. This is simply the statement of the right of civil
government to be ; that there are certain things over which
civil government has jurisdiction ; and that in these things
the authority of civil government is to be respected.
This jurisdiction is more clearly defined in Paul's letter to
the Romans, chap, xiii, 1-10. There it is commanded, " Let
146 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
every soul be subject unto the higher powers." In this is
asserted the right of the higher powers — that is, the right
of the State — to exercise authority, and that Christians must
be subject to that authority. Further it is given as a reason
for this, that "there is no power but of God: the powers
that be are ordained of God." This not only asserts the
right of the State to be and to exercise authority, but it also
asserts the truth that the State is an ordinance of God, and
the power which it exercises is ordained of God. Yet in this
very assertion Christianity was held to be antagonistic to
Rome, because it put the God of the Christians above the
Roman State, and made the State to be only an ordinance
of the God of the Christians. For the Roman empire, or
for any of the Roman emperors, to have recognized the truth
of this statement would have been at once to revolutionize
the whole system of civil and religious economy of the
Romans, and to deny at once the value of the accumulated
wisdom of all the generations of the Roman ages. Yet that
was the only proper alternative of the Roman State, and
that is what ought to have been done.
Civil government being thus declared to be of God, and
its authority ordained of God, the instruction proceeds :
" Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the or-
dinance of God : and they that resist shall receive to them-
selves damnation. . . . Wherefore ye must needs be subject,
not only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake." Govern-
ments being of God, and their authority being ordained of
God, Christians in respecting God will necessarily respect in
its place, the exercise of the authority ordained by him ; Imt
this authority, according to the words of Christ, is to be
exercised only in those things which are . Caesar's and not in
things which pertain to God. Accordingly, the letter to the
Romans proceeds, "For this cause pay ye tribute also ; for
they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this
very thing." This connects Paul's argument directly with
that of Christ above referred to, and shows that this is but a
THE LIMITS OF STATE JURISDICTION. 147
comment on that statement, and an extension of the argu-
ment therein contained.
The scripture proceeds: "Render therefore to all their
dues : tribute to whom tribute is due ; custom to whom cus-
tom ; fear to whom fear ; honor to whom honor. Owe no
man anything, but to love one another ; for he that loveth
another hath fulfilled the law. For this, Thou shalt not
commit adultery, Thou shalt not kill, Thou shalt not steal,
Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt not covet ;
and if there be any other commandment, it is briefly com-
prehended in this saying, namely, Thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyself."
Let it be borne in mind that the apostle is here writing
to Christians concerning the respect and duty which they are
to render to the powers that be, that is, to the State in fact.
He knew full well, and so did those to whom he wrote, that
there are other commandments in the very law of which a
part is here quoted. But he and they likewise knew that
these other commandments do not in any way relate to any
man's duty or respect to the powers that be. Those other
commandments of the law which is here p.artly quoted, re-
late to God and to man's duty to him. One of them is,
"Thou shalt have no other gods before me;" another,
"Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image," etc.;
another, "Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy
God in vain ;" and another, "Remember the Sabbath day
to keep it holy ; six days shalt thou labor and do all thy
work, but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy
'God," etc.: and these are briefly comprehended in that say-
ing, namely, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all
thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and
with all thy strength." According to the words of Christ,
all these obligations, pertaining solely to God, are to be
rendered to him only, and with man in this realm, Caesar
can never of right have anything to do in any way what-
ever.
14
148 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
As, therefore, the instruction in Romans xiii, 1-10 is
given to Christians concerning their duty and respect to
the powers that be ; and as this instruction is confined abso-
lutely to man's relationship to his fellow-men, it is evident
that when Christians have paid their taxes, and have shown
proper respect to their fellow-men, then their obligation,
their duty, arid their respect, to the powers that le, have
been fully discharged, and those powers never can rightly
have any further jurisdiction over their conduct. This is not
to say that the State has jurisdiction of the last six command-
ments as such. It is only to say that the jurisdiction of the
State is confined solely to man's conduct toward man, and
never can touch his relationship to God, even under the sec-
ond table of the law. This will be more fully discussed in a
subsequent chapter.
This doctrine asserts the right of every man to worship
according to the dictates of his own conscience, as he pleases,
and when he pleases. Just this, however, was the subject
of the whole controversy between Christianity and the Ro-
man empire. There was never any honest charge made
that the Christians did violence to any man, or refused to
pay tribute. The direct and positive instruction was not
only that they should do no evil, but that they should speak
no evil of any man ; and that they practiced accordingly is
shown by Pliny's letter to Trajan concerning the Christians,
in which he says that when they met and partook of that
harmless meal, before they separated they pledged one
another not to steal, not to commit adultery, not to do vio-
lence to any man. The Roman State never had any just
charge to bring against the Christians in any of these re-
spects. The charge was atheism, because they denied the
gods, and high treason, because they denied the right of the
State to rule in things pertaining to God. Therefore as a mat-
ter of fact the whole controversy between Christianity and
the Roman empire was upon the simple question of the rights
of conscience, — the question whether it is the right of every
THE ROMAN RELIGION. 149
man to worship according to the dictates of his own con-
science, or whether it is his duty to worship according to
the dictates of the State.
This question was then as it always has been, very far-
reaching. When the right was claimed to worship accord-
ing to the dictates of conscience, in that was claimed the
right to disregard all the Roman laws on the subject of
religion, and to deny the right of the State to have anything
whatever to do with the question of religion. But this,
according to the Roman estimate, was only to bid defiance
to the State and to the interests of society altogether. The
Roman State, so intimately and intricately connected with
religion, was but the reflection of the character of the Roman
people, who prided themselves upon being the most religious
of all nations, and Cicero commended them for this, because
their religion was carried into all the details of life. "The
Roman ceremonial worship was very elaborate and minute,
applying to every part of daily life. It consisted in sacri-
fices, prayers, festivals, and the investigations, by auguries
and haruspices, of the will of the gods and the course of
future events. The Romans accounted themselves an ex-
ceedingly religious people, because their religion was so
intimately connected with the affairs of home and State.
. . . Thus religion everywhere met the public life of the
Roman by its festivals, and laid an equal yoke on his private
life by its requisition of sacrifices, prayers, and auguries.
All pursuits must be conducted according to a system care-
fully laid down by the College of Pontiffs. ... If a man
went out to walk, there was a form to be recited ; if he
mounted his chariot, another." — James Freeman Clarke.6
But this whole system of religion was false. The gods
which they worshiped were false gods. Their gods, in
short, were but reflections of themselves, and the ceremonies
of worship were but the exercise of their own passions and
lusts. Neither in their gods nor their worship was there a
single element of good. Therefore upon it all Christianity
6 " Ten Great Religions," chap, vii, sec. iii, par. 1, 4.
150 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
taught the people to turn their backs. The Christian doc-
trine declared all these gods to be no gods, and all the forms
of worship of the gods to be only idolatry, and a denial of
the only true God — the God and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ.
The games and all the festival days were affairs of
state, and ' ' were an essential part of the cheerful devotion
of the pagans, and the gods were supposed to accept, as the
most grateful offering, the games that the prince and people
celebrated in honor of their peculiar festivals." — Gibbon*
The festivities of the wedding and the ceremonies of the
funeral were all conducted under the protection of the gods.
More than this, ' ' the number of the gods was as great as
the number of the incidents in earthly life." — Mommsen."1
The "pagan's domestic hearth was guarded by the penates,
or by the ancestral gods of his family or tribe. By land
he traveled under the protection of one tutelar divinity,
by sea of another ; the birth, the bridal, the funeral, had
each its presiding deity ; the very commonest household
utensils and implements were cast in mythological forms ;
he could scarcely drink without being reminded of mak-
ing a libation to the gods." — Milman* All this heathen
ceremony Christianity taught the people to renounce, and
every one did renounce it who became a Christian. But so
intricately was the idolatry interwoven into all the associa-
tions of both public and private life, of both State and social
action, that "it seemed impossible to escape the observance
of them without at the same time renouncing the commerce
of mankind and all the offices and amusements of society."
Yet with any of it true Christianity did not compromise.
Every Christian, merely by the profession of Christianity,
severed himself from all the gods of Rome and everything
6 " Decline and Fall," chap, xv, par. 15.
7 " History of Rome," book i, chap, xii, par. 22.
8" History of Christianity," book ii, chaf. Ill, par. 2.
THE ROMAN LAWS. 151
that was done in their honor. He could not attend a wed-
ding or a funeral of his nearest relatives, because every cere-
mony was performed with reference to the gods. He could
not attend the public festival, for the same reason. Nor
could he escape by absenting himself on such occasions,
because on days of public festivity, the doors of the houses,
and the lamps about them, and the heads of the dwellers
therein, must all be adorned with laurel and garlands of
flowers in honor of the licentious gods and goddesses of
Rome. If the Christian took part in these services, he paid
honor to the gods as did the other heathen. If he refused
to do so, which he must do if he would obey God and honor
Christ, he made himself conspicuous before the eyes of the
people, all of whom were intensely jealous of the respect
they thought due to the gods ; and also in so refusing the
Christians disobeyed the Roman law which commanded
these things to be done.
All this subjected the Christian to universal hatred, and
as the laws positively forbade everything that the Christians
taught both with reference to the gods and to the State, the
forms of law furnished a ready channel through which this
hatred found vent. This was the open way for the fury of
the populace to spend itself upon the " deniers of the gods,
and enemies of the Csesars and of the Roman people ; " and
this was the source of the persecution of Christianity by
pagan Rome.
Before Christ was born into the world, Maecenas, one of
the two chief ministers of Augustus, had given to that first
of Roman emperors the following counsel, as embodying
the principle which should characterize the imperial govern-
ment : —
"Worship the gods in all respects according to the laws of your
country, and compel all others to do the same ; but hate and punish
those who would introduce anything whatever, alien to our customs in
this particular ; not alone for the sake of the gods, because whoever de-
152 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
spises them is incapable of reveren'ce for anything else ; but because
such persons, by introducing new divinities, mislead many to adopt also
foreign laws. " 9
The Christians did refuse to worship the gods according
to the laws, or in any other, way ; they did introduce that
which was pre-eminently alien to all the Roman customs in
this particular ; they did despise the gods. In the presence
of the purity, the goodness, and the inherent holiness of
Jesus Christ, the Christians could have no other feeling
than that of abhorrence for the wicked, cruel, and licentious
gods of the heathen. And when from love for Christ they
shrank in abhorrence from this idolatry, it only excited to
bitter hatred the lovers of the licentious worship of the in-
sensate gods ; and, as above stated, there was the law, and
there the machinery of the State, ready to be used in giving
force to the religious enmity thus excited.
One of the ruling principles of law in the Roman State
was this : —
"Whoever introduces new religions, the tendency and character of
which are unknown, whereby the minds of men may be disturbed,
shall, if belonging to the higher rank, be banished ; if to the lower,
punished with death."10
Nothing could be more directly condemned by this law
than was Christianity.
1. It was wholly a new religion, one never before heard
of ; it was not in any sense a national religion, but was ever
announced as that which should be universal. Being so
entirely new, in the nature of the case its tendency and
character were unknown to the Roman mind.
2. Of all religions the world has ever known, Christianity
appeals most directly to the minds of men. The first of all
the commandments demanding the obedience of men de-
9 Neander's " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. i, Section
First, part i, div. iii, par. 2.
10 Id.
SOURCES OF PERSECUTION. 153
clares, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy
heart, and with all thy mind." The law of God was set
forth as the highest conception of right, and the letter to all
the Christians in Rome said, "With the mind I myself serve
the law of God." Rom. vii, 25. Again that same letter
said, "Be not conformed to this world: but be ye trans-
formed Jy the renewing of your mind." Chap, xii, 2. Again
and again in the Christian writings this same idea was set
forth, and it was all summed up in the saying of Christ to
the woman of Samaria, "God is a Spirit: and they that
worship him must worship him in spirit ; " thus setting God
before the mind to be discerned only by the mind, and
worshiped in a mental and spiritual conception only.
3. The Christians were almost wholly from the lower
ranks. The common people heard Christ gladly ; so also
did they hear his gracious gospel from his disciples. There
was yet a further disadvantage, however, in the position of
the Christians. Christianity had sprung from among the
Jews. It had been despised by the Jews. The Jews were
viewed by the Romans as the most despicable of all people.
Therefore, as the Christians were despised by the Jews,
who were despised by the Romans, it followed that to the
Romans the Christians were the despised of the despised.
It was but the record of a literal fact which Paul wrote :
"We are made as the filth of the world, and are the off-
scouring of all things unto this day." 1 Cor. iv, 13. The
law declared that if those who did what the statute forbade
belonged to the lower ranks, they were to be punished with
death ; and as the Christians were mostly from the lower
ranks, death became the most common penalty incurred by
the profession of Christianity.
There was yet another disadvantage. These laws had
all been framed, and the system had been established, long
before there were any Christians in the world. Therefore
the teaching of the Christians, their practice, and their disre-
gard of the Roman laws, appeared to the Romans in no
154 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
other light than as an open insurrection against the govern-
ment, and an attempt at the dissolution of society itself.
The persecution of the Christians, having its foundation
principle in the system of laws and government of Rome,
proceeded from four distinct causes and from four distinct
sources.
First, from the populace. The Christians refused to pay
any respect or honor whatever to the gods to whom the
people were devoted in every act and relationship of life.
They were charged at once with being atheists and enemies
of the gods, and therefore of being the direct cause of all
the calamities and misfortunes that might befall anybody
from any source. Everything in nature, as well as in the
life of the individual, was presided over by some particular
deity, and therefore whatever, out of the natural order,
might happen in the course of the seasons or in the life of
the individual, was held to be a token of the anger of the
insulted gods, which was only to be appeased by the punish-
ment of the Christians.
If the fall of rain was long delayed so that crops and
pastures suffered, it was laid to the charge of the Christians.
If when rain did come, there was too much so that the rivers
overflowed and did damage, they charged this likewise to
the Christians. If there was an earthquake or a famine, the
Christians' disrespect to the gods was held to be the cause
of it. If an epidemic broke out, if there was an invasion by
the barbarians, or if any public calamity occurred, it was
all attributed to the anger of the gods, which was visited
upon the State and the people on account of the spread of
Christianity. For instance ; Esculapius was the god of
healing, and as late as the time of Diocletian, when a plague
had spread far through the empire and continued a long
time, Porphyry, who made strong pretensions to being a
philosopher, actually argued that the reason why the plague
could not be checked was that the spread of Christianity had
destroyed the influence of Esculapius. When such things
SUPERSTITION AND SELFISHNESS. 155
as this were soberly announced as the opinion of the wise, it
can readily be understood how strong a hold the same super-
stition had upon the minds of the common heathen.
The turning away of individuals from the worship of the
gods and their renouncing all respect for them, and holding
as idolaters only, those who would show respect to them,
excited the most bitter feelings in the great mass of the
people. When there was added to this the calamities and
misfortunes that might befall, which were held to be but a
manifestation of the anger of the gods, and their sympathy
with the people in their antagonism to Christianity, — all
these things tended only to deepen that feeling of bitterness
and to inspire the populace with the idea that they were
doing the will of the gods, and performing the most accept-
able service, when they executed vengeance upon the offend-
ing Christians. And "when superstition has once found
out victims, to whose guilt or impiety it may ascribe the
divine anger, human revenge mingles itself with the relent-
less determination to propitiate offended heaven, and con-
tributes still more to blind the judgment and exasperate the
passions. " — \Milman. n
JSTor was this resentment always confined to respect for
the gods, but often private spite and personal animosities
were indulged under cover of allegiance to the gods and
respect to the laws. This was shown not only by prosecu-
tion before the magistrates, but by open riot and mob
violence ; and there was no lack of individuals to work upon
the riotous propensities of the superstitiously enraged people.
For instance, one Alexander of Abonoteichus, a magician,
when he found that his tricks failed to excite the wonder that
he desired, declared that the Pontus was filled with atheists
and Christians, and called on the people to stone them if
they did not want to draw down on themselves the anger of
the gods. He went so far at last as never to attempt to give
an exhibition until he had first proclaimed, "If any atheist,
11 " History of Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 27.
156 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Christian, or Epicurean has slipped in here as a spy, let him
be gone."
The second source from which proceeded the persecution
of the Christians was the priests and artisans. The priests
had charge of the temples and sacrifices, by which they re-
ceived their living and considerable profit besides. Pliny's
testimony, before quoted, plainly says that in his province
"the temples were almost forsaken," and of the sacrifices
"very few purchasers had of late appeared." The influence
of Christianity reached much farther than to those who
openly professed it. Many, seeing the Christians openly for-
saking the gods, and refusing to offer sacrifices, would like-
wise, merely upon economical principles, stop making sacri-
fices in the temples. The priests and the traffickers in sacri-
ficial offerings, seeing their gains falling off, were not slow in
charging to the Christians the delinquency, were prompt to
prosecute them before the tribunals, and were very diligent
to secure the most rigid enforcement of the laws command-
ing sacrifice to the gods. From the same cause the artisans
found their gains vanishing, through the diminished sale of
carved and engraved images, amulets, etc. Upon which,
like that Demetrius of the Scriptures who made silver
shrines for Diana (Acts xix, 21-29), .they became very zeal-
ous for the honor of the gods, and raised persecution
against the disciples in order to restore the worship of the
gods — and their own accustomed income.
A third source from which persecution arose was the
governors of provinces. Some of these were of cruel and
splenetic disposition, and, holding a personal animosity
against the Christians, were glad of the opportunity to be
the ministers of such laws as were of force against them.
Others who were totally indifferent to the merits of the
question, yet who earnestly desired to be popular, were
ready to take part with the people in their fanatical rage,
and to lend their power and use their official influence
against the Christians. Yet others who had no particular
THE GOVERNORS OF PROVINCES.
care for the worship of the gods, could not understand the
Christians' refusal to obey the laws.
The governors could see nothing in such a refusal to
obey the law and perform the ceremonies therein prescribed,
but what appeared to them to be blind, willful obstinacy
and downright stubbornness. They regarded such willful
disobedience to the law to be much more worthy of condem-
nation than even the disrespect to the gods. Such a one
was Pliny, who said, ' ' Let their confessions be of any sort
whatever, this positiveness in inflexible obstinacy deserved
to be punished." Many of the governors "would sooner
pardon in the Christians their defection from the worship of
the gods, than their want of reverence for the emperors, in
declining to take any part in those idolatrous demonstrations
of homage which pagan flattery had invented, such as
sprinkling their images with incense, and swearing by their
genius. " — Necmder. 12
Still others were disposed to be favorable to the Chris-
tians, to sympathize with them in their difficult positions,
and to temper as far as possible the severity of the laws
against them. And when the Christians were prosecuted
before their tribunals, they would make personal appeals to
induce them to make some concession, however slight, that
would justify the governor in certifying that they had con-
formed to the law, so that he might release them, — not only
from that particular accusation, but from any other that
might be made.
Such governors would plead with the Christians to this
effect, "I do not wish to see you suffer ; I know you have
done no real harm, but there stands the law. I am here as
the representative of the empire to see that the laws are
enforced. I have no personal interest whatever in this
matter ; therefore I ask you for my own sake that you will
do some honor to the gods, however slight, whereby I may
be relieved from executing this penalty and causing you to
suffer. All that is required is that you shall worship the
12 Id., par. 5.
158 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
gods. Now your God is one of the gods ; therefore what
harm is there in obeying the law which commands to worship
the gods without reference to any particular one ? Why not
say, 'The Emperor our lord,' and sprinkle a bit of incense
toward his image ? Merely do either of these two simple
things, then I can certify that you have conformed to the
law, and release you from this and all future prosecutions of
the kind. "
When the Christian replied that he could not under any
form or pretense whatever worship any other God than the
Father of the Lord Jesus Christ ; nor honor any other by
any manner of offering ; nor call the emperor lord in the
meaning of the statute, then the governor, understanding
nothing of what the Christian called conscience, and seeing
all of what he considered the kindest possible offers counted
not only as of no worth but even as a reproach, his proffered
mercy was often turned into wrath. He considered such
a refusal only an evidence of open ingratitude and obsti-
nacy, and that therefore such a person was unworthy of
the slightest consideration. He held it then to be only a
proper regard for both the gods and the State to execute to
the utmost the penalty which the law prescribed.
Another thing that made the action of the Christians
more obnoxious to the Roman magistrates, was not only
their persistent disregard for the laws touching religion,
but their assertion of the right to disregard them. And
this plea seemed the more impertinent from the fact that
it was made by the despised of the despised.
The fourth source from which persecution came to the
Christians was the emperors. Yet until Christianity had
become so wide-spread as to attract the attention of the
emperor, there was no general persecution from this source.
The first persecution by the direct instigation of the em-
perors was that inflicted by Nero. With this exception, the
persecution of the Christians by the emperors was solely as
the representatives of the State, to maintain the authority of
STATE SELF-PRESERVATION. 159
the State and the dignity of her laws ; and to preserve the
State from the certain ruin which they supposed to be
threatened from Christianity. This explains why it was
that only the best of the emperors persecuted the Christians,
as such.
In the emperor was merged the State. He alone repre-
sented the divinity of the Roman State. The Christians'
refusal to recognize in him that divinity or to pay respect to
it in any way, was held to be open disrespect to the State.
The Christians' denial of the right of the State to make or
enforce any laws touching religion or men's relationship to
God, was counted as an undermining of the authority of
government. As it was held that religion was essential to
the very existence of the State, and that the State for its
own sake, for its own self-preservation, must maintain proper
respect for religion ; when Christianity denied the right of
the State to exercise any authority or jurisdiction whatever
in religious things, it was held to be but a denial of the
right of the State to preserve itself.
Therefore when Christianity had become quite generally
spread throughout the empire, it seemed to such emperors as
Marcus Aurelius, Decius, Yalerian, and Diocletian — em-
perors who most respected Roman institutions — that the
very existence of the empire was at stake. Consequently
their opposition to Christianity was but an effort to save the
State, and was considered by them as the most reasonable
and laudable thing in the world. And it was only as a mat-
ter of State policy that they issued edicts or emphasized
those already issued for the suppression of Christianity. In
making or enforcing laws against the Christians it was in-
variably the purpose of these emperors to restore and to pre-
serve the ancient dignity and glory of the Roman State. In
an inscription by Diocletian, it is distinctly charged that by
Christianity the State was being overturned, and his views
on this subject are seen in the following extract from one of
his edicts : —
160 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
"The immortal gods have, by their providence, arranged and estab-
lished what is right. Many wise and good men are agreed that this
should be maintained unaltered. They ought not to be opposed. No
new religion must presume to censure the old, since it is the greatest of
crimes to overturn what has been once established by our ancestors, and
what has supremacy in the State."18
This is further shown by the following words from the
edict of Galerius putting a stop to the persecution of Chris-
tianity : —
" Among other matters which we have devised for the benefit and
common advantage of our people, we have first determined to restore all
things according to the ancient laws and the public institutions of the
Romans. And to make provision for this, that also the Christians, who
have left the religion of their fathers, should return again to a good
purpose and resolution." 13
With persecution proceeding from these four sources, it is
evident that from the day that Christ sent forth his disciples
to preach the gospel, the Christians were not certain of a
moment's peace. It might be that they could live a consid-
erable length of time unmolested ; but yet they were at no
time sure that it would be so, because they were subject at
all times to the spites and caprices of individuals and the
populace, and at any hour of the day or night any Christian
was liable to be arrested and prosecuted before the tribunals,
or to be made the butt of the capricious and violent temper
of the heathen populace.
Yet to no one of these sources more than another, could
be attributed the guilt or the dishonor of the persecution,
because each one was but the inevitable fruit of that system
from which persecution is inseparable. The theory which
attaches blame to the emperors as the persecutors of the
Christians is a mistaken one, because the emperor was but
the representative, the embodiment, of the State itself. The
12 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," sec. i, div. iii, under
" Diocletian."
13Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book viii, chap, xvii,
STATE RELIGION MEANS PERSECUTION. 161
State of Rome was a system built up by the accumulated
wisdom of all the Roman ages ; and to expect him whose
chief pride was that he was a Roman, and who was conscious
that it was the highest possible honor to be a Roman em-
peror — to expect such a one to defer to the views of a new
and despised sect of religionists whose doctrines were en-
tirely antagonistic to the entire system of which he was a
representative, would be to expect more than Roman pride
would bear. As the case stood, to have done such a thing,
would have been to make himself one of the despised sect,
or else the originator of another one, worthy only, in the
eyes of the populace, of the same contempt as these. Of
course we know now that the emperors should have done
just that thing, and they were told then that they ought to
do it, but the fact is nevertheless that Roman pride would
not yield. Nor is this the only case of the kind in the his-
tory of Christianity.
The theory that would make the governors responsible is
likewise a mistaken one, because the governors were simply
the officers of the State set over a particular province to
conduct the affairs of the government and to maintain the
laws. It was not in their power to set aside the laws,
although as we have seen, some of them even went as far
as possible in that direction rather than cause the Chris-
tians to suffer by enforcing the law.
The only theory that will stand the test at all is that
which places upon the priests and the people the guilt of
the persecutions. They were the ones who did it from real
bitterness of the persecuting spirit. And yet to attach all
the blame to these, would be a mistake, because it would
have been impossible for them to persecute had it not been
for the system of government of which they were a part.
Had the State been totally separated from religion, taking
no cognizance of it in any way whatever ; had the State
confined itself to its proper jurisdiction, and used its power
and authority to compel people to be civil and to maintain
15
162 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
the public peace, it would have been impossible for either
people, priests, governors, or emperors, to be persecutors.
Had there been no laws on the subject of religion, no laws
enforcing respect for the gods, nor prohibiting the introduc-
tion of new religions, — even though religious controversies
might have arisen, and having arisen even had they engen-
dered bitter controversies and stirred up spiteful spirits, — it
would have been impossible for any party to do any manner
of wrong to another.
Instead of this, however, the Roman government was a
system in which religion was inseparable from the State — a
system in which the religion recognized was held as essential
to the very existence -of the State ; and the laws which com-
pelled respect to this religion were but the efforts of the
State at self-preservation. Therefore there was a system per-
manently established, and an instrument formed, ready to be
wielded by every one of these agencies to persecute the pro-
fessors of that religion.
Except in cases of the open violence of the mob, all that
was done in any instance by any of the agencies mentioned,
was to enforce the law. If the Christians had obeyed the
laws, they never would have been persecuted. But that was
the very point at issue. It was not right to obey the laws.
Tlie laws were wrong. To obey the laws was to cease to be
a Christian. To obey the laws was to dishonor God and to
deny Christ. To obey the laws was to consent that mankind
should be deprived of the blessing of both civil and religious
liberty, as well as to forfeit for themselves eternal life.
If religion be properly a matter of State, and rightfully
a subject of legislation, then there never was any such thing
as persecution of the Christians. And what is more, there
never has been in all history any such thing as persecution
on account of religion. If religion be properly a subject of
legislation and of law, then it is the right of the State to
make any laws it may choose on the subject of religion ; and
it is its right to attach to these laws whatever penalty will
CHRISTIANITY VICTORIOUS. 163
most surely secure proper respect for the religion chosen.
And if the legislation be right, if the law be right, the en-
forcement of the law under whatever penalty cannot be
wrong. Consequently if religion be properly a matter of
the State, of legislation, and of law, there never was and
there never can be any such thing as persecution on account
of religion or for conscience' sake.
From all these evidences it is certain that the real blame
and the real guilt of the persecution of the Christians by the
Roman empire lay in the pagan theory of State and govern-
ment— the union of religion and the State. This was the
theory of the State, and the only theory that then held sway,
and this necessarily embodied both a civil and a religious
despotism. And as Jesus Christ came into the world to set
men free and to plant in their hearts and minds the genuine
principles of liberty, it was proper that he should command
that this message of freedom, and this principle of liberty,
should be proclaimed in all the world to every creature,
even though it should meet with the open hostility of earth's
mightiest power. And proclaim it his disciples did, at the
expense of heavy privations and untold sufferings.
"Among the authentic records of pagan persecutions,
there are histories which display, perhaps more vividly than
any other, both the depth of cruelty to which human nature
may sink, and the heroism of resistance it may attain. . . .
The most horrible recorded instances of torture were usually
inflicted, either by the populace or in their presence in the
arena. We read of Christians bound in chairs of red-hot
iron, while the stench of their half-consumed flesh rose in a
suffocating cloud to heaven ; of others who were torn to the
very bone by shells or hooks of iron ; of holy virgins given
over to the lust of the gladiator, or to the mercies of the
pander ; of two hundred and twenty-seven converts sent on
one occasion to the mines, each with the sinews of one leg
severed by a red-hot iron, and with an eye scooped from its
socket ; of fires so slow that the victims writhed for hours in
164 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
their agonies ; of bodies torn limb from limb, or sprinkled
with burning load ; of mingled salt and vinegar poured over
the flesh that was bleeding from the rack ; of tortures pro-
longed and varied through entire days. For the love of
their divine Master, for the cause they believed to be true,
men, and even weak girls, endured these things without
flinching, when one word would have freed them from their
sufferings. No opinion we may form of the proceedings of
priests in a later age, should impair the reverence with which
we bend before the martyr's tomb." -Lecky.u
All this was endured by men and women, and even weak
girls, that people in future ages might be free — free to wor-
ship according to the dictates of their own consciences — free
both civilly and religiously. All this was endured in sup-
port of the principle that with religion civil government
can of right have nothing to do. Yet for two hundred and
fifty years this contest continued. On one side was the
poor and despised, on the other the rich and the honored.
On one side was the apparently weak, yet really strong ; on
the other the apparently powerful, yet really weak. On one
side was a new doctrine sustained by no earthly power, and
without recognition ; on the other side was a system which
was the outgrowth of ages, and supported by all the resources
of the mightiest empire that the world had ever known.
Yet it was the conflict of truth and right against error and
wrong, of the power of God against the power of the
Roman State ; and it was bound to conquer. Two hundred
and fifty years this contest continued, and then as the out-
come of the longest, the most wide-spread, and the most ter-
rible persecution that ever was inflicted by the Roman State,
that empire was forced officially to recognize the right of
every man to worship as he pleased. Thus was Christianity
acknowledged to be victorious over all the power of Rome.
The rights of conscience were established, and the separa-
tion of religion and the State was virtually complete.
14 " History of European Morals," end of chap, iii,
CHRISTIANITY MEANS RIGHTS OF CONSCIENCE. 105
Whatever men may hold Christianity to be, however
they may view it, whether as the glorious reality that it is,
or only a myth ; whether as the manifestation of the truth
of God, or only an invention of men ; — it never can be
denied that from Christianity alone the world received that
inestimable boon, the rights of conscience ; and the principle
— invaluable alike to religion, the State, and the individual
— of the absolute, complete, and total separation between the
civil and the religious powers.
It never can be denied that Christianity was in the
Roman empire in the first and second centuries as really as
it ever was at any time afterward. Marcus Aurelius, Sueto-
nius, Hadrian, Tacitus, Trajan, and Pliny, all give the most
unexceptionable testimony that it was there. And just as
certainly as it was there, so certainly did it proclaim the
right of men to worship according to the dictates of 'their
own consciences, and that the State has not of right any-
thing to do with religion. And so certainly was there a
prolonged and terrible contest upon this issue. Therefore
those who object to Christianity while advocating the rights
of conscience, and opposing a union of religion and the
State, contradict themselves and undermine the foundation
upon which they stand. Christianity is the glorious original
of the rights of conscience and of the individual. Jesus
Christ was the first to announce it to the world ; and his
disciples were the first to proclaim it to all men, and to
maintain it in behalf of all men in all future ages. George
Bancroft states the literal truth when he says : —
"No one thought of vindicating religion for the conscience of the
individual, till a voice in Judea, breaking day for the greatest epoch in
the life of humanity, by establishing a pure, spiritual, and universal
religion for all mankind, enjoined to render to Caesar only that which is
Caesar's. The rule was upheld during the infancy of the gospel for all
men."15
15 "History of the Formation of the Constitution of the United States,"
book v, chap, i, par. 10.
166 CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Therefore it is not too much to repeat that, from Chris-
tianity alone the world has received that inestimable boon,
the rights of conscience ; and the principle invaluable alike
to religion, the State, and the individual — of the absolute,
complete, and total separation between the civil and the relig-
ious powers.
Yet this victory of Christianity over Pagan Rome was no
sooner won, and the assured triumph of Christianity was no
sooner at hand, than ambitious bishops and political priests
perverted it and destroyed the prospect of all its splendid
fruit. They seized upon the civil power, and by making the
State the servant of the church, established a despotism as
much more cruel than the one which had just been con-
quered, as the truth which was thus perverted was higher,
nobler, and .more glorious than the evil system which had
been established in the blindness and error of paganism.
The system which had been conquered was that in which
the State recognizes and makes use of religion only for its
political value, and only as the servant of the State. This
was paganism, and such a system is pagan wherever found.
The system which was established by the perversion of
Christianity and the splendid victory that it had won, was
a system in which the State is made the servant of the
church, and in which the power of the State is exercised to
promote the interests of the church. This was the papacy.
And to tell the history of the perversion of Christianity,
and the establishment, and the support, of the papal des-
potism, is the purpose of the following chapters of this book.
CHAPTER VI.
THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
"PvUKING the eighty years occupied for the most part by
LJ the "dark, unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula,
the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel Nero, the
beastly Yitellius, and the timid, inhuman Domitian," " Rome
groaned beneath an unremitting tyranny, which extermi-
nated the ancient families of the republic and was fatal
to almost every virtue, and every talent, that arose in that
unhappy period." - Gibbon*
This dreary scene was relieved by a respite of eighty-four
years through the successful reigns of Nerva, Trajan,
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius ; only to be
opened up again by Commodus, A. D. 180, and to continue
unrelieved for more than one hundred years. It is useless
to pursue the subject in detail. Of this period it may be
remarked as of one before, that to attempt to follow it in
detail, would be only " to record the mandates of despotism,
incessant accusations, faithless friendships, the ruin of inno-
cence ; one unvarying repetition of causes terminating in
the same event, and presenting no novelty from their simi-
larity and tiresome reiteration." — Tacitus?
The inroads of the barbarians obliged the legions to be
always stationed on the frontier of the empire, all the way
from the mouth of the Rhine to the mouth of the Danube.
Emperors were made and unmade by the soldiers according
to their own caprice, many of whom never saw the capital
111 Decline and Fall," chap, iii, par. 83. 2" Annals," book iv, chap, xxxlii.
[167]
168 THE RISE OF CON8TANTINE.
of their empire ; and the office was one so certainly to be
terminated by murder that although from Commodus to
Constantine there were sixty men named as emperor, only
seven died a natural death ; two — Decius and Valerian —
perished by the enemy ; and all the rest were murdered in
the internal strifes of the failing empire.
DIOCLETIAN,
the commander of the imperial body-guard, was proclaimed
emperor by the troops September 17, 285. He organized a
system by which he wished to give to the office of emperor
a tenure more secure than that allowed by the licentious
caprice of the soldiery. He reigned alone only about six
months, when — April 1, A. D. 286 — he associated with him-
self in the office of emperor, Maximian. Six years after-
ward, March 1, A. D. 292, he named two other associates,
Galerius and Constantius, though in inferior stations. Dio-
cletian and Maximian each bore the title of Augustus, while
Galerius and Constantius each bore that of Caesar. Both
these Caesars were already married, but each was obliged to
put away his wife and be adopted as a son, and marry a
daughter, of one of the Augusti. Galerius was adopted as
the son of Diocletian, and married his daughter ; Constan-
tius as the son of Maximian, and married his step-daughter.
The empire was then divided into four principal parts, each
to be governed by one of the four emperors. Diocletian re-
tained as his part, Thrace, Egypt, and Asia. To Maximian
was given Italy and Africa. Upon Galerius was bestowed
what was known as the Illyrian provinces, bounded by
Thrace, the Adriatic, the Danube, the Alps, and the Khine ;
while to Constantius fell all that was west of the Rhine and
the Alps ; namely, Gaul, Spain, and Britain.
It appease to have been Diocletian's intention that when-
ever the place of either of the two Augusti became vacant,
it should be filled by one of the Caesars, whose place in turn
should be filled by a new appointment, thus securing a per-
DIOCLETIAN.
THE PERSECUTION UNDER DIOCLETIAN. 169
manent, peaceful, and steady succession to the imperial
authority. Nor did the division and distribution of the
offices stop here. It was extended in regular gradation to
the smallest parts of the empire. Diocletian fixed his capital
at Nicomedia ; and Maximian his at Milan, which under
his care assumed the splendor of an imperial city. "The
houses are described as numerous and well built ; the man-
ners of the people as polished and liberal. A circus, a
theater, a mint, a palace, baths, which bore the name of
their founder Maximian ; porticoes adorned with statues,
and a double circumference of walls contributed to the
beauty of the new capital. . . . By the taste of the monarch,
and at the expense of the people, Nicomedia acquired, in
the space of a few years, a degree of magnificence which
might appear to have required the labor of ages, and became
inferior only to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, in extent or
populousness."-- Gibbon* And with the exception of the
short reign of Maxentius, from the day when these two
emperors made these two cities their capitals, no emperor
ever dwelt in Rome.
Diocletian and Maximian also established each a court
and a ceremonial modeled upon that of the king of Persia.
Whoever would address the emperor must pass a succession
of guards and officers, and "when a subject was at last
admitted to the imperial presence, he was required, whatever
might be his rank, to fall prostrate on the ground, and to
adore according to the eastern fashion, the divinity of his
lord and master." The two emperors assumed not exactly
crowns, but diadems, the first that had been worn by Romans
since the abolition of the kingly office. ' ' The sumptuous
robes of Diocletian and his successors were of silk and gold,
and it is remarked with indignation, that even their shoes
were studded with precious stones."
It is, however, as the author of the last and most terrible
persecution of Christianity by Pagan Rome — the last effort
of the pagan State against the freedom of thought and of
3 Id., chap, xfii, par. 28.
170 THE RISE OF CONSTANTINO.
worship taught by Christianity — that Diocletian is chiefly
known to the world, though strictly speaking he was not the
author of it.
Diocletian and Constantius were both friendly to the
Christians, and had many professed Christians in public of-
fices. In considerable numbers they were employed in Dio-
cletian's palace ; but Galerius and Maximian were savagely
opposed to every form of the Christian name. Galerius
urged upon Diocletian the issuing of a decree condemning
Christianity. Diocletian hesitated, but agreed to prohibit
any Christian from holding any public office or employment,
and spoke strongly against the shedding of blood. Galerius
persuaded him to allow the calling of a council of the officers
of the State, the outcome of which was that on February 24,
A. D. 303, a "general edict of persecution was published;
and though Diocletian, still averse to the effusion of blood,
had moderated the fury of Galerius, who proposed that
every one refusing to offer sacrifice should immediately be
burnt alive, the penalty inflicted on the obstinacy of the
Christians might be deemed sufficiently rigorous and ef-
fectual.
"It was enacted that their churches in all the provinces
of the empire should be demolished to their foundations, and
the punishment of death was denounced against all who
should presume to hold any secret assemblies for the pur-
pose of religious worship. The philosophers, who now as-
sumed the unworthy office of directing the blind zeal of
persecution, had diligently studied the nature and genius of
the Christian religion ; and as they were not ignorant that
the speculative doctrines of the faith were supposed to be
contained in the writings of the prophets, of the evangelists,
and of the apostles, they most probably suggested the order
that the bishops and the presbyters should deliver all their
sacred books into the hands of the magistrates, who were
commanded under the severest penalties, to burn them in a
public and solemn manner. By the same edict the property
THE ATTACK 18 BEGUN. 171
of the church was at once confiscated ; and the several parts
of which it might consist, were either sold to the highest
bidder, united to the imperial domain, bestowed on the cities
and corporations, or granted to the solicitations of rapacious
courtiers.
"After taking such effectual measures to abolish the
worship and to dissolve the government of the Christians, it
was thought necessary to subject to the most intolerable •
hardships the condition of those perverse individuals who
should still reject the religion of nature, of Rome, and of
their ancestors. Persons of a liberal birth were declared
incapable of holding any honors or employments ; slaves
were forever deprived of the hopes of freedom, and the
whole body of the people were put out of the protection of
the law. The judges were authorized to hear and to deter-
mine every action that was brought against a Christian.
But the Christians were not permitted to complain of any
injury which they themselves had suffered ; and thus those
unfortunate sectaries were exposed to the severity, while
they were excluded from the benefits, of public justice." —
Gibbon.*
The attack upon 'the church buildings began the day
before this decree was published. Then, "at the earliest
dawn of day, the Praetorian prsefect, accompanied by sev-
eral generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue, repaired
to the principal church of Nicomedia, which was situated on
an eminence in the most populous and beautiful part of the
city. The doors were instantly broke open ; Jthey rushed
into the sanctuary ; and as they searched in vain for some
visible object of worship, they were obliged to content
themselves with committing to the flames the volumes of
Holy Scripture. The ministers of Diocletian were followed
by a numerous body of guards and pioneers, who marched
in order of battle, and were provided with all the instru-
ments used in the destruction of fortified cities. By their
incessant labor, a sacred edifice which towered above the
*/d., chap, xvi, par. 45.
THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
imperial palace, and had long excited the indignation and
envy of the Gentiles, was in a few hours leveled with the
ground." — Gibbon* ,
The decree had hardly been posted up in the most public
place in Nicomedia, when a professed Christian, whose zeal
outran his good sense, pulled it down, and tore it to pieces.
It had been now more than forty years since the decree of
Gallienus had legally recognized Christianity. In this time
of peace the churches had become filled with a mass of people
who were Christians only in name. Large church buildings
were built in all parts of the empire. The genuine faith and
discipline of the church had been seriously relaxed long be-
fore that, and now in this time of peace, and through the
vast numbers that united themselves with the name of Chris-
tianity, there came the natural result — violent contention
and ambitious aspirations. Quite a striking picture of the
churches in this time is given us in the following extract, by
one who was there at the time : —
" When by reason of excessive liberty, we sunk into negligence and
sloth, one envying and reviling another in different ways, and we were
almost, as it were, on the point of taking up arms against each other and
were assailing each other with words as witR darts and spears, prelates
inveighing against prelates, and people rising up against people, and
hypocrisy and dissimulation had arisen to the greatest height of malig-
nity, then the divine judgment which usually proceeds with a lenient
hand, whilst the multitudes were yet crowding into the church, with
gentle and mild visitations began to afflict its episcopacy, the persecu-
tion having begun with those brethren that were in the army. But as if
destitute of all sensibility, we were not prompt in measures to appease
and propitiate the Deity ; some, indeed, like atheists, regarding our situ-
ation as unheeded and unobserved by a providence, we added one wick-
edness and misery to another. But some that appeared to be our pastors,
deserting the law of piety, were inflamed against each other with mutual
strifes, only accumulating quarrels and threats, rivalship, hostility, and
hatred to each other, only anxious to assert the government as a kind of
sovereignty for themselves." — Eusebius. 6
When the decree was issued for the abolition of Chris-
tianity, vast multitudes of these formal professors turned
6/d., par. 44. 6 "Ecclesiastical History," book viii, chap, i,
AFFLICTIONS OF THE PERSECUTORS.
back again with the same readiness and with the same selfish
motives with which they had joined the church ; and as is
always the case, their easy rejection of the faith made the
persecution so much the more severe upon those refusing to
yield.
Within fifteen days after the publication of the edict, a
fire broke out twice in the emperor's palace at Nicomedia,
and although it was quenched both times without doing any
material damage, as it was attributed to the resentment of
the Christians, it caused their suffering to be yet more severe.
"At first, indeed, the magistrates were restrained from the
effusion of blood ; but the use of every other severity was
permitted, and even recommended to their zeal ; nor could
the Christians, though they cheerfully resigned the ornaments
of their churches, resolve to interrupt their religious assem-
blies, or to deliver their sacred books to the flames." —
Gibbon."1
As they refused to discontinue their meetings or to burn
the Scriptures, another edict was shortly passed, command-
ing that all the bishops, presbyters, readers, and exorcists
should be punished. Another' edict soon followed, com-
manding the magistrates everywhere to compel all these to
renounce the Christian faith and return to the worship of
the gods by offering the appointed sacrifice. This again
was soon followed by an edict, the fourth in the series,
including the whole body of the Christians within the pro-
visions of the edicts which had preceded. Heavy penalties
were pronounced against all who should attempt to shield
the Christians from the force of the edicts.
"Many were .burnt alive, and the tortures by which the
persecutors sought to shake their resolution were so dreadful
that even such a death seemed an act of mercy. The only
province of the empire where the Christians were at peace
was Gaul, which had received its baptism of blood under
Marcus Aurelius, but was now governed by Constantius
Chlorus, who protected them from personal molestation,
7 "Decline and Fall," chap, xvl, par. 48,
174 THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
though he was compelled, in obedience to the emperor, to
destroy their churches. In Spain, which was also under the
government, but not under the direct inspection of Constan-
tius, the persecution was moderate, but in all other parts of
the empire it raged with fierceness, till the abdication of
Diocletian in 305. This event almost immediately restored
peace to the western province, but greatly aggravated the
misfortunes of the Eastern Christians, who passed under the
absolute rule of Galerius. Horrible, varied, and prolonged
tortures were employed to quell their fortitude, and their
final resistance was crowned by the most dreadful of all
deaths, roasting over a slow fire.
"It was not till A. D. 311, eight years after the com-
mencement of the general persecution, ten years after the
first measure against the Christians, that the Eastern perse-
cution ceased. Galerius, the archenemy of the Christians,
was struck down by a fearful disease. His body, it is said,
became a mass of loathsome and fetid sores — a living
corpse, devoured by countless worms, and exhaling the odor
of a charnel-house. He who had shed so much innocent
blood, shrank himself from -a Roman death. In his extreme
anguish he appealed in turn to physician after physician, and
to temple after temple. At last he relented towards the
Christians. He issued a proclamation restoring them to
liberty, permitting them to rebuild their churches, and ask-
ing their prayers for his recovery." — Lecky*
The edict of Galerius here referred to was as follows : —
"Among the important cares which have occupied our mind for the
utility and preservation of the empire, it was our intention to correct
and re-establish all things according to the ancient laws and public
discipline of the Romans. We were particularly desirous of reclaiming,
into the way of reason and nature, the deluded Christians, who had
renounced the religion and ceremonies instituted by their fathers ; and
presumptuously despising the practice of antiquity, had invented extrava-
gant laws and opinions according to the dictates of their fancy, and had
collected a various society from the different provinces of our empire.
8 " History of European Morals," chap, iii, par. 3 from the end.
ROME SURRENDERS. 175
The edicts which we have published to enforce the worship of the gods,
having exposed many of the Christians to danger and distress, many
having suffered death, and many more who still persist in their impious
folly, being left destitute of any public exercise of religion, we are
disposed to extend to those unhappy men the effects of our wonted
clemency. We permit them therefore freely to profess their private
opinions and to assemble in their conventicles without fear or molesta-
tion, provided always that they preserve a due respect to the established
laws and government. By another rescript we shall signify our inten-
tions to the judges and magistrates, and we hope that our indulgence
will engage the Christians to offer up their prayers to the deity whom
they adore, for our safety and prosperity, for their own, and for that of
the republic." 9
Shortly after Diocletian issued the last of the four edicts
against Christianity, and in the twenty-second year of his
reign, he abdicated the empire, May 1, A. D. 305. By previ-
ous arrangement Maximian on his part also abdicated the
imperial authority at his palace in Milan. " The abdication
of Diocletian and Maximian was succeeded by eighteen
years of discord and confusion. The empire was afflicted
by five civil wars ; and the remainder of the time was not
so much a state of tranquillity as a suspension of arms be-
tween several hostile monarchs who, viewing each other with
an eye of fear and hatred, strove to increase their respective
forces at the expense of their subjects."- - G'ibbon.w
Galerius and Constantius immediately succeeded to the
places of these two, each' assuming the title of Augustus.
Galerius at once assumed to himself the authority to appoint
the two Caesars, without waiting to consult Constantius. As
a matter of course he appointed those whom he could use to
promote his own ambitious designs to secure to himself the
supreme authority in the empire. One of these was his own
nephew, Maximin, who was given command of Syria and
Egypt. The other was one of his own subordinate officers,
Severus, who was sent to Milan to succeed Maximian.
'Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book viii, chap. xvii. I adopt Gibbon's
translation, " Decline and Fall," chap, xvi, par. 56. 10 /d., chap, xiv, par. 1.
16
176 THE RISE OF CON8TANTINE.
Thus Galerius virtually held control of three fourths of
the empire, and only waited a good opportunity to lay claim
to the rest. This opportunity he supposed was given him
when, July 25, A. D. 306, Constantius died in Britain ; but
he was disappointed, for as soon as Constantius was dead,
the army proclaimed Constantine Augustus and emperor,
and a messenger was sent to Galerius to announce to him
the fact. Such a proceeding had not been included in his
plans, and Galerius threatened to burn both the letter and
the messenger who brought it. Constantine, however, at
the head of the legions of Britain, was in a position not to be
despised. Galerius, therefore, decided to make the best of
the situation. He recognized Constantine as the successor
of Constantius in that division of the empire, with the title
of Caesar, but fourth in rank, while he raised Severus to the
dignity of Augustus.
Just at this time there was another important move upon
the stage of action. The people of the city of Rome were
greatly offended at the action of Diocletian in removing the
capital, and Galerius now took a step that deepened their
sense of injury. A general census was begun to list all the
property of the Roman citizens for the purpose of levying a
general tax. Wherever there was any suspicion of conceal-
ment of any property, the citizen was tortured to compel an
honest statement of his possessions. Rome had been exempt
from taxation for nearly five hundred years, and when the
census takers began their work there, the injury which the
people felt that they had already suffered by the removal of
their capital, was so deepened, that they broke out into open
revolt, and proclaimed Maxentius emperor, October 28, A. D.
306. Maxentius was the son of Maximian. "The praefect
of the city and a few magistrates, who maintained their
fidelity to Severus, were massacred by the guards ; and
Maxentius, invested with the imperial ornaments, was ac-
knowledged by the applauding Senate and people as the
protector of the Roman freedom and dignity." — Gibbon.11
11/d., chap, xiv, par. 10.
SIX EMPERORS AT ONCE.
At the invitation of Maxentius and the Senate, Maximian
gladly left his place of retirement, and again assumed the
position of associate emperor. Galerius ordered Severus,
who was stationed at Milan, to march to Rome and put
down this .rebellion. But when he reached the city, he
found it so well fortified and defended against him that he
dared not attack it. Besides this, a large number of his
troops deserted him to their old commander Maximian, and
he was compelled, if he would save his life, to march back
again as fast as he could. He stopped at Ravenna, which
was strongly fortified, and where he had a large fleet. Max-
imian soon came up and began a seige. Severus had found
so little favor among the people of Italy, and had been
deserted by so large a number of his troops, that Max-
imian found it an easy task to convince him that there was
a plan formed by the city of Ravenna also, to betray him and
deliver him up. By this means, and the positive assurance
that his life would be preserved, Severus was persuaded to
surrender. But no sooner was the city secured, than he found
that the only liberty that was left him was to kill himself.
February A. D. 307, Maximian went to Milan, took pos-
session of his former capital, and without waiting, crossed
the Alps to meet Constantine, who was then at Aries in
Gaul. March 31 an alliance was formed. Constantine
married Maximian's daughter Fausta, and Maximian gave
him the title of Augustus. Galerius himself now under-
took to punish the Romans for their rebellion ; but his
experience was identical with that of Severus, only that he
was fortunate enough to escape with his life and some of his
troops. In his retreat, the enmity of the Romans was yet
more deepened by the desolation which his legions left in
their train. "They murdered, they ravished, they plun-
dered, they drove away the flocks and herds of the Italians ;
they burnt the villages through which they passed, and they
endeavored to destroy the country which it had not been in
their power to subdue." - GH&on™
12 Id., par. 14.
178 THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
Galerius, not willing to recognize either Maxentius or
Maximian, appointed Licinius to the office of Augustus,
November 11, 307, to fill the vacancy caused by the death of
Severus. Maximin, governor of Syria and Egypt, with the
title of Cassar, no sooner heard of the appointment of Licinius
to the title of Augustus, than he demanded of Galerius the
same honor ; and the demand was made in a tone which in
the existing condition of things Galerius wras compelled to
respect. Thus at the beginning of the year 308, "for the
first, and indeed for the last, time the Roman world was
administered by six emperors." - G-ibbon.™
It was not however the purpose of these six emperors to
administer the Roman world together. Each one was deter-
mined to administer it alone. Each one was jealous of all
the others, and narrowly watched them all, ready instantly
to grasp and make the most of whatever opportunity might
present itself. The first two of the emperors between whom
this mutual jealousy produced an open quarrel, were Maxim-
ian and Maxentius. Maxentius refused to acknowledge him-
self subordinate to his father, and his father insisted that it
was by his ability as a commander that Maxentius was made
secure in his claim to the dignity of emperor. The differ-
ence between them was submitted to the troops for decision.
They decided in favor of Maxentius. Maximian left his son
and Italy, and went to his son-in-law Constantino, in Gaul,
and there a second time he abdicated the imperial dignity ;
but only that he might the more securely contrive new
mischiefs.
Not long afterward an invasion of the Franks called
Constantine and his troops to the Rhine north of the Moselle.
A report of the death of Constantine was hastily seized upon
by Maximian as the truth, and he assumed the position of
emperor ; took the money from Constantino's treasury, and
distributed it among the soldiers ; and began overtures for
an alliance with Maxentius. Constantine heard of Max-
irnian's movements ; marched quickly from the Rhine to the
13 Id., par. 15.
ROMAN EMBASSIES TO CONSTANTINE. If9
Saone ; took some boats at Chalons ; and with his legions
so unexpectedly arrived at Aries that Maximian considered
it his only safety to take refuge in Marseilles. Constantine
followed and attacked the city. The garrison gave up
Maximian, who, like Severus, was allowed the choice of
killing himself or of being put to death.
Galerius died in the month of May, A. D. 311. Four of the
six emperors now remained, and another apportionment of
the eastern dominions was made between Licinius and
Maximin. With the latter Maxentius formed an alliance
which drew Constantine and Licinius together on the other
side. " Maxentius was cruel, rapacious, and profligate," "a
tyrant as contemptible as he was odious." In him it seemed
as though the times of Commodus and Elagabalus were
returned.
In A. D. 308, Marcellus was elected bishop of Rome.
"This new bishop wished to avail himself of the calm
which religion enjoyed, at the commencement of his pon-
tificate, to ordain rules and re-establish in the church the
discipline which the troubles [of the Galerian persecution]
had altered. But his severity rendered him odious to the
people, and caused divisions among the faithful. Discord
degenerated into sedition, arid the quarrel terminated in
murder." Maxentius blamed Marcellus as being the chief
cause of these disturbances, ' ' and condemned him to groom
post-horses in a stable on the high-road.''
After about nine months of this service, some priests suc-
ceeded in carrying Marcellus off. They concealed him in
the house of a Roman lady named Lucilla. When the offi-
cers would have taken him again, the faithful assembled
under arms to defend him. Maxentius ordered out his
guards and dispersed them. He then commanded that
Lucilla's house should be converted into a stable, and ob-
liged Marcellus to continue in the office of groom. In Jan-
uary, A. D. 310, Marcellus died, and was succeeded by
Eusebius, whom Maxentius banished to Sicily. He died
180 THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
there after a few months, and was succeeded by Melchiades,
in the same year, A. D. 310.
In A. D. 311, Melchiades wrote a letter to Constantine,
and sent it by a delegation of bishops to him at Treves in
Gaul, inviting him to come to the relief of the church, and
the conquest of Rome. Constantine deliberated, and Max-
entius became more and more tyrannical. In A. D. 312, an
embassy from Rome went to Constantine at Aries, and in
the name of the Senate and people requested him to de-
liver the city from the despotism of the tyrant. Constan-
tine gladly embraced the opportunity thus offered, and
quickly set out toward Rome.14
At Turin he met and destroyed a strong body of the
troops of Maxentius ; and at Verona after, a considerable
siege of the city, and a hard-fought battle in the field, which,
beginning in the afternoon, continued through the whole of
the following night, he vanquished quite a formidable army.
Between Verona and Rome there was nothing to check the
march of Constantine. Maxentius drew out his army, and
met Constantine on the banks of the Tiber, nine miles from
Rome. He crossed the Tiber and set his army in battle
array, with the river in his rear. The battle was joined.
Maxentius was soon defeated ; and his army, broken to
pieces, attempted to escape. In the confusion and by the
terrible onslaught of Constantino's veterans, thousands of
the soldiers of Maxentius were crowded into the river and
drowned. Maxentius, endeavoring to escape on his horse
across the Milvian bridge, was crowded off into the river,
and being clothed with heavy armor, was drowned, October
28, A. D. 3] 2.
In the month of March, 313, Constantine and Licinius
met in Milan. Constantine's sister Constantia was given in
marriage to Licinius as a bond of friendship between the
u De Cormenin, "History of the Popes," Marcellus, Eusebius, and Mel-
chiades; Bower, "History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 16; Gibbon, "Decline
and Fall," chap, xiv, par. 20.
THE EDICT OF MILAN. 181
two emperors. Maximin, on hearing of the death of Max-
entius, declared war against Licinius, and started with an
army from Syria toward Europe. He crossed the Bosphorus,
captured Byzantium, marched onward and took Heraclea.
By this time Licinius himself had arrived within eighteen
miles of that place, and April 30 a battle was fought, and
Maximin was defeated. He himself, however, escaped,
and in the month of the following August, his life ended in
a manner not certainly known.
The edict of Galerius restoring to the Christians the
right to worship had had little or no effect upon Maximin.
In his dominions and by his direction the persecutions had
continued. Before Constantine and Licinius had separated,
after their meeting at Milan in March, they jointly issued
the celebrated edict of Milan, which acknowledged the right
for which Christianity had contended for two hundred and
fifty weary and painful years, by confirming " to each individ-
ual of the Roman world the privilege of choosing and pro-
fessing his own religion." That edict is as follows : —
"Wherefore, as I, Constantine Augustus, and I, Licinius Augustus,
came under favorable auspices to Milan, and took under consideration
all affairs that pertained to the public benefit and welfare, these things
among the rest appeared to us to be most advantageous and profitable
to all.
' ' We have resolved among the first things to ordain those matters
by which reverence and worship to the Deity might be exhibited. That
is, how Ve may grant likewise to the Christians, and to all, the free choice
to follow that mode of worship which they may wish. That whatsoever
divinity and celestial power may exist, may be propitious to us and to
all that live under our government. Therefore, we have decreed the
following ordinance as our will, with a salutary and most correct inten-
tion, that no freedom at all shall be refused to Christians, to follow or
to keep their observances or worship. But that to each one power be
granted to devote his mind to that worship which he may think adapted to
himself. That the Deity may in all things exhibit to us his accustomed
favor and kindness.
" It was just and consistent that we should write that this was our
pleasure. That all exceptions respecting the Christians being completely
182 THE RISE OF CONSTANTINE.
removed, which were contained in the former epistle that we sent to
your fidelity, and whatever measures were wholly sinister and foreign to
our mildness, that these should be altogether annulled ; and now that
each one of the Christians may freely and without molestation pursue
and follow that course and worship which he has proposed to himself :
which, indeed, we have resolved to communicate most fully to your care
and diligence, that you may know we have granted liberty and full freedom
to the Christians, to observe their own mode of worship ; which as your
fidelity understands absolutely granted to them by us, the privilege is also
granted to others to pursue that worship and religion they wish. Which it is
obvious is consistent with the peace and tranquillity of our times ; that
each may hate the privilege to select and to worship whatsoever divinity he
pleases. But this has been done by us, that we might not appear in any
manner to detract anything from any manner of religion, or any mode
of worship."21
If all the professors of Christianity had been content
with this victory, and had held the tide of events steadily to
the principles of this edict, — the principles for which Chris-
tianity had so long contended, — the miseries of the ages to
come would never have been.
Yet in order that we may enter upon the direct history of
the perversion of this victory, in such a way that it may be
best understood, it is essential that we trace two other lines
of events that culminate in Constantine, and which gave the
most material force to that important series of movements
which made the papacy a success.
21 "Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History," book x, chap. v.
CHAPTER VII.
ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
IN the history of mankind no form of idolatry has been
more widely practiced than that of the worship of the
sun. It may well be described as universal ; for there is
scarcely a nation in which the worship of the sun in some
form has not found a place. In Egypt, the oldest nation of
historic times, under the names of Ra and Osiris, with half
a dozen other forms ; in Phenicia and the land of Canaan,
under the names of Baal, Melkarth, Shamas, Adoni, Moloch,
and many other forms ; in Syria, Tammuz and Elagabalus ;
among the Moabites, under the names of Baal-peor and
Chemosh ; among the Babylonians and Assyrians, under the
names of Bel and Shamas ; among the Medes and Persians
and other kindred nations, under the name of Ormuz and
Mithra ; among the ancient Indians, under the name of Mitra,
Mithra, or Mithras ; * in Greece, under Adonis, Apollo,
Bacchus, and Hercules ; in Phrygia, under the term Atys ;
and in Rome, under Bacchus, Apollo, and Hercules ; — in
1 This is so among the Hindus of India, even to this day. " The most sacred
and the most universally used — even to the present day — of all Vedic prayers
is that composed in the Gayatri meter, and thence called Gayatri, or, as addressed
to the vivifying Sun-god, Savitri : ' Let us meditate on that excellent glory of the
Divine vivifier; may he enlighten our understanding.' "
" Turning toward the Eastern sky, he repeats the Gayatri or Savitri. . . .
This prayer is the most sacred of all Vedic utterances, and, like the Lord's prayer
among Christians, . . . must always among Hindus take precedence of all other
forms of supplication. The next division of the service is called Upasthana (or
Mitro-pasthana) because the worshiper abandons his sitting posture, stands erect
with his face toward the rising sun, and invokes that luminary under the name of
[183]
184 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
all these places, and under all these forms, the sun was wor-
shiped by all these peoples. The myth of Hercules alone
will illustrate the wide-spread practice of this worship :
"The mythology of Hercules is of a very mixed charac-
ter in the form in which it has come down to us. There
is in it the identification of one or more Grecian heroes with
Melcarth, the sun-god of the Phenicians. Hence we find
Hercules so frequently represented as the sun-god, and his
twelve labors regarded as the passage of the sun through
the twelve signs of the zodiac. He is the powerful planet
which animates and imparts fecundity to the universe, whose
divinity has been honored in every quarter by temples
and altars, and consecrated in the religious strains of all
nations. From Meroe in Ethiopia, and Thebes in Upper
Egypt, even to Britain, and the icy regions of Scythia ; from
the ancient Taprobana and Palibothra in India, to Cadiz
and the shores of the Atlantic ; from the forests of Germany
to the burning sands of Africa ; — everywhere, in short,
where the benefits of the luminary of day are experienced,
there we find established the name and worship of a Her-
cules.
"Many ages before the period when Alcmena is said
to have lived, and the pretended Tyrinthian hero to have per-
formed his wonderful exploits, Egypt and Phenicia, which
certainly did not borrow their divinities from Greece, had
raised temples to the sun, under a name analogous to that of
Hercules, and had carried his worship to the isle of Thasus
and to Gades. Here was consecrated a temple to the year,
Mitra. The prayer he now repeats is Rig-veda iii, 59, of which the first verse is
to the following effect : —
" ' Mitra, raising his voice, calls men to activity.
Mitra sustains the earth and the sky.
Mitra, with unwaking eye, beholds all creatures.
Offer to Mitra the oblation of butter ! '
The use of this hymn, is the morning service of every Hindu." — " Jteliffiaus
Thought and Life in India," chap, i, last par., and chap, xv, par., 41, 57.
HERCULES.
THE SECRET OF SUN WORSHIP. 185
and to the months which divided it into twelve parts, that is,
to the twelve labors or victories which conducted Hercules to
immortality. It is under the name of Hercules Astrochyton,
or the god clothed with a mantle of stars, that the poet Kon-
nus designates the sun, adored by the Tyrians. ' He is the
same god,' observes the poet, 'whom different nations adore
under a multitude of different names : Belus on the bank of
the Euphrates, Ammon in Libya, Apis at Memphis, Saturn
in Arabia,2 Jupiter in Assyria, Serapis in Egypt, Helios
among the Babylonians, Apollo at Delphi, ^Esculapius
throughout Greece,' etc. Martianus Capella in his hymn to
the sun, as also Ausonius and Macrobius, confirms the fact
of this multiplicity of names given to a single star.
"The Egyptians, according to Plutarch, thought that Her-
cules had his seat in the sun, and that he traveled with it
around the moon. The author of the hymns ascribed to Or-
pheus, fixes still more strongly the identity of Hercules with
the sun. He calls Hercules ' the god who produced time,
whose forms vary, the father of all things, and destroyer of
all. He is the god who brings back by turns Aurora and
the night, and who, moving onward from east to west, runs
through the career of his twelve labors ; the valiant Titan,
who chases away maladies, and delivers man from the evils
which afflict him. ' ' - Antlwn. 3
By whatever name or under whatever form the sun was
worshiped, there was always a female divinity associated
with it. Sometimes this female was the moon, sometimes
the earth, sometimes the atmosphere, and at other times
simply the female principle in nature. In other forms it was
the idea of a male and female blended in one, as in the case
of Baalim. The female sometimes appeared as the wife of
2 Sun worship, with that of the other heavenly bodies, continued till the rise
of Mahomet. The father of Mahomet, when a boy, was devoted as a sacrifice to
the sun, but fortunately was ransomed. (See Gibbon, " Decline and Fall," chap. 1,
par. 9.) It was from the horrors of sun-worship that Mahomet turned Arabia.
3 "Classical Dictionary," article "Hercules."
186 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
the one with whom she was worshiped ; sometimes as both
the sister and the wife, as in the case of Osiris ; yet again
as the wife of some other god ; and often not exactly as a
wife at all, but simply as a female associate. With Osiris
was associated Isis ; with Baal, Ashtaroth, or Astarte ; with
Bel, Mylitta ; with Shamas, Anunit ; with Adonis, Venus ;
with Hercules, Omphale ; with Apollo, Diana ; with Atys,
Cybele. Sometimes they were worshiped in the images of
the male and female human figure ; sometimes in the form
of a bull and a heifer, as in Osiris and Isis ; sometimes in a
form in which the human and the beast were blended ; some-
times in a simple carved disc for the male, and a piece of
carved wood for the female, as in some forms of Baal and
Astarte ; sometimes in the form of stones which had fallen
from heaven, but mostly in the form of cones or obelisks*
which they themselves had shaped to represent the male, and
of other shapes to represent the female. 'And yet in unison
with all these the sun itself was worshiped, especially at its
rising, by a bow or prostration, or kissing of the hand.
In none of these forms, however, not even in the naked
shining sun, was it the literal object that was worshiped,
but certain functions or powers, of which these were but the
representations. It was observed that the sun in co-opera-
tion with the earth and the atmosphere which gave rain,
caused all manner of verdure to spring forth and bear its
proper fruit. It was held, therefore, that the sun was the
supreme formative power, the mighty author of fruitfulness,
and that the greatest and most glorious manifestation and
exertion of his powers were employed in reproduction. Sun
worship was therefore nothing more nor less than the wor-
ship of the principle of reproduction in man and nature.
And as the influence of the real sun was extended over and
through all nature, so this principle was extended through
all worship.
* The obelisk, or Cleopatra's Needle, brought from Egypt and now standing
in Central Park, New York City, is one of these stone sun-images.
APOLLO.
DIANA OF THE EPHESIANS.
THE RITES OF SUN WORSHIP. 187
" All paganism is at bottom a worship of nature in some
form or other, and in all pagan religions the deepest and
most awe-inspiring attribute of nature was its power of re-
production. The mystery of birth and becoming was the
deepest mystery of nature ; it lay at the root of all thought-
ful paganism, and appeared in various forms, some of a
more innocent, others of a most debasing type. To ancient
pagan thinkers, as well as to modern men of science, the key
to the hidden secret of the origin and preservation of the
universe, lay in the mystery of sex. Two energies or
agents, one an active and generative, the other a feminine,
passive, or susceptible one, were everywhere thought to
combine for creative purposes ; and heaven and earth, sun
and moon, day and night, were believed to co-operate to
the production of being. Upon some such basis as this
rested almost all the polytheistic worship of the old civiliza-
tion ; and to it may be traced back, stage by stage, the sepa-
ration of divinity into male and female gods ; the deification
of distinct powers of nature, and the idealization of man's
own faculties, desires, and lusts ; where every power of his
understanding was embodied as an object of adoration, and
every impulse of his will became an incarnation of deity. " —
' ' Encyclopedia Britannica. " 5
As the sun was the great god, the supreme lord, and
as he exerted his most glorious powers in reproduction, it
was held to be the most acceptable worship for his devotees
so to employ themselves and their powers. Consequently
prostitution was the one chief characteristic of sun worship
wherever found. As the association of a female without
reference to relationship was the only requirement necessary
to worship, the result was the perfect confusion of all rela-
tionships among the worshipers, even to the mutual inter-
change of garments between the sexes. In the eighteenth
chapter of Leviticus there is a faithful record of such a result
among the sun worshipers of the land of Canaan whom the
. _ 6 Article " Christianity,"
188 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
Lord caused to be blotted from the earth. The prohibition
in Deuteronomy xxii, 5 — " The woman shall not wear that
which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a
woman's garment " — was aimed directly at this practice in
sun worship.
The sacrifice of virginity was the most acceptable offer-
ing that ever could be made in the worship of the sun.
Indeed, until this sacrifice had been made, no other offering
was acceptable. One ancient writer saw the manner of wor-
ship of Bel and Mylitta in Babylon, and has left a record of
what he saw. He says : —
"The Babylonians have one most shameful custom. Every woman
born in the country must once in her life go and sit down in the precinct
of Venus, and there consort with a stranger. . . . Venus is called Mylitta
by the Assyrians." — Herodotus.6
Baal-peor, by whose shameful worship Balaam succeeded
in bringing evil upon Israel when he failed in his own ef-
forts to curse them, was the god which in Moab presided
over such characters as above described by Herodotus in
Babylon. This particular system of worship did not pre-
vail outside of Egypt and the Eastern nations. In Greece
and Rome the worship was through Bacchus, Hercules,
Apollo, etc., and was more in the form of festivals — mys-
teries— celebrated with obscene symbols and in most lasciv-
ious rites. The rites of Bacchus are thus described : —
" The worship of Bacchus prevailed in almost all parts of Greece.
Men and women joined in his festivals dressed in Asiatic robes and bon-
nets, their heads wreathed with vine and ivy leaves, with fawn skins
flung over their shoulders, and thyrsi or blunt spears twined with vine
leaves, in their hands. They ran through the country shouting lo
Bacche! Euoi ! lacche! etc., swinging their thyrsi, beating on drums,
and sounding various instruments. Indecent emblems were carried in
procession, and the ceremonies often assumed a most immoral character
and tendency. The women, who bore a chief part in these, frantic
revels, were called Bacchae, Msenades, Thyiades, Euades, etc." —
Anthon.1
6 Book i, chap, cxcix. 7" Classical Dictionary," Bacchus,
BACCHUS.
CYBELE.
SUIT WORSHIP IN THE MYSTERIES. 189
In the mysteries Bacchus was identified with Osiris, and
was worshiped as the sun. In India, Schiva and his wor-
ship were identical with Bacchus and his worship. "The
two systems of worship have the same obscenities, and the
same emblems of the generative power." —Anthon* "An
obscure native of Greece brought first to Etruria, and
shortly afterwards to the more congenial soil of Rome, the
mysterious orgies of Bacchus, which had already obtained
an infamous celebrity in the East. The horrible wicked-
nesses which were perpetrated at the initiations, at which
the passions of the youth of either sex were inflamed by
wine and musio, secresy and security, had been practiced
by the devotees without remorse for some time, before they
were discovered. . . . The Bacchanalia, though constantly
interdicted, continued to reappear in the city." —Merivale.9
The worship of the Phrygian Cybele and Atys was com-
mon in Greece five hundred years before Christ, and was
introduced into Rome about 547 B. c., when an embassy was
sent to the king of Pergamus to ask for the stone which rep-
resented Cybele, and which was said to have fallen from
heaven. The king gave up the stone, which was taken to
Rome. A temple was built, and a festival established in
her honor. The festival was called Megalesia, and was
celebrated annually in the early part of April, and is thus
described : —
"Like Asiatic worship in general, that of Cybele was enthusiastic.
Her priests named Galli and Corybantes, ran about with dreadful cries
and bowlings, beating on timbrels, clashing cymbals, sounding pipes,
and cutting their flesh with knives. The box-tree and cypress were
considered as sacred to her, as from the former she made the pipes, and
Atys was said to have been changed into the latter." — Anthon.1*
The universality of the worship of the sun in Hercules
has been already shown. Of the manner in which his wor-
ship was conducted, we have the following account : —
8 Id. .'" History of the Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxii, par. 19, 20.
10 " Classical Dictionary," article " Cybele."
190 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
"It seems to have beeii marked by an almost delirious sensuality.
Married and unmarried females prostituted themselves at the festival of
the gods. The two sexes changed their respective characters ; and tra-
dition reported that Hercules himself had given an example of this,
when, assuming the vestments and occupation of a female, he subjected
himself to the service of the voluptuous Omphale. The Lydian Hercules
was named Sandon, after the robe dyed with sandyx, in which Omphale
had arrayed him, and which the females of the country imitated in cele-
brating his licentious worship." — Anthon. n
In Rome and Italy, "The worship of Hercules was from
an early date among the most widely diffused ; he was, to
use the words of an ancient author, adored in every hamlet
of Italy, and altars were everywhere erected- to him in the
streets of the cities and along the country roads." —
Mommsen. 12
As before stated, the almost numberless forms of sun
worship were practiced in Canaan. In the practice of these
fearful abominations they had so corrupted themselves that
in the expressive figure of the Scripture, the very earth had
grown so sick that it was compelled to vomit out the filthy
inhabitants. "The land is defiled : therefore I do visit the
iniquity thereof upon it, and the land itself vomiteth out her
inhabitants." Lev. xviii, 25. All of this the God of
heaven taught his people to renounce. "Ye shall there-
fore keep my statutes and my judgments, and shall not
commit any of these abominations ; neither any of your
own nation, nor any stranger that sojourneth among you :
(for all these abominations have the men of the land done,
which were before you, and the land is defiled) : that the
land spue not you out also, when ye defile it, as it spued out
the nations that were before you. For whosoever shall
commit any of these abominations, even the souls that com-
mit them shall be cut off from among their people. There-
fore shall ye keep mine ordinance, that ye commit not any
one of these abominable customs, which were committed
11 Id., "Hercules."
12 " History of Rome," book i, chap, xii, par. 25.
JEHOVAH CONDEMNS 8VN" WORSHIP. 191
before you, and that ye defile not yourselves therein : I am
the Lord your God." Lev, xviii, 26-30. 1S
In all these prohibitions the people were taught to
shun as the terrible plague that it was, every suggestion of
the evil influences of the worship of the sun. They were to
break down all the sun-images and carved stocks — groves
— that might be found anywhere in all the land which the
Lord had given them. See Ex. xxiii, 24 ; xxxiii, 13, 14.
In yet another and most comprehensive way the Lord
taught his people to shun every indication of the worship of
the sun. As has been shown, the devotees of the sun wor-
shiped with their faces toward the east. When God estab-
lished his worship with the children of Israel in the very midst
of the sun worshiping nations round about, at first a sanctuary
was built and afterwards a temple, where he dwelt by the
glory of his presence. To the door of this sanctuary every
form of sacrifice and offering was to be brought, and there
they were to worship. And the door of that sanctuary
(the temple also) was always toward the east, in order that
all who would sacrifice to Jehovah and worship him, would
in so doing turn their Txicks upon the sun and its worship ;
and that whoever joined in the worship of the sun, had first
to turn his back upon Jehovah.
Through the periods of the judges there were lapses into
sun worship among the children of Israel, but they were
restored to the worship of the Lord, and by the influence of
Samuel and David, and Solomon in his early days, the
whole nation was separated from sun worship in all its
forms, and united in the pure worship of Jehovah. Yet in
his later years Solomon turned from the Lord, and "loved
many strange women, together with the daughter of Pharaoh,
women of the Moabites, Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians,
and Hittites ; of the nations concerning which the Lord said
unto the children of Israel, Ye shall not go in to them,
neither shall they come in unto you : for surely they will
13 Read also the whole of Leviticus chapters xvlil, xx.
192 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
turn away your heart after their gods : Solomon clave unto
these in love. And he had seven hundred wives, princesses,
and three hundred concubines : and his wives turned away
his heart. For it came to pass when Solomon was old,
that his wives turned away his heart after other gods : and
his heart was not perfect with the Lord his God, as was
the heart of David his father. For Solomon went after
Ashtaroth the goddess of the Zidonians, and after Milcom
the abomination of the Ammonites. And Solomon did
evil in the sight of the Lord and went not fully after
the Lord, as did David his father. Then did Solomon
build a high place for Chemosh, the abomination of Moab,
in the hill that is before Jerusalem, and for Molech, the
abomination of the children of Ammon. And likewise did
he for all his strange wives, which burnt incense and sacri-
ficed unto their gods." 1 Kings xi, 1-8.
After the death of Solomon, the ten tribes separated
themselves from Judah and Benjamin, and under the king-
ship, and by the direction, of Jeroboam, established a false
worship through the two golden calves copied from Egypt,
one of which was placed in Bethel and the other in Dan.
Each of the successors of Jeroboam walked in the way of
Jeroboam "and in his sin wherewith he made Israel to sin,"
unto the time of Omri, who in this wicked way ' ' did worse
than all that were before him. " ' ' And Ahab the son of
Omri did evil in the sight of the Lord above all that were
before him. And it came to pass as if it had been a light
thing for him to walk in the sins of Jeroboam the son of
Nebat, that he took to wife Jezebel, the daughter of Eth-
baal, king of the Zidonians, and went and served Baal, and
worshiped him. And he reared up an altar for Baal in the
house of Baal, which he had built in Samaria. And Ahab
made a grove ; and Ahab did more to provoke the Lord
God of Israel to anger than all the kings of Israel that were
before him." 1 Kings xvi, 30-33.
VENUS.
ASTARTE.
BUN WORSHIP IN JUDAH. 193
From this it is evident that as corrupt and degrading as
was the worship established by Jeroboam, that of the sun
was far worse. Ethbaal was a priest of Baal and Astarte,
who assassinated the king and made himself king in his
stead. Jezebel brought with her into Israel the worship of
Baal and Astarte, — the male and female sun, — and estab-
lished it to such an extent that in a few years there were
four hundred and fifty prophets of Baal and four hundred
of Astarte, and only seven thousand people in all Israel
who had not joined in the wicked worship. Elijah began a
reformation, but the worship and the gods introduced by
Jezebel remained in some measure till the reign of Jehu,
who gathered every worshiper of Baal to a general assembly
in honor of Baal, and slew them all. "And they brought
forth the images out of the house of Baal, and burned
them. And they brake down the image of Baal, and brake
down the house of Baal, and made it a draught house unto
this day. Thus Jehu destroyed Baal out of Israel. How-
beit from the sins of Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who made
Israel to sin, Jehu departed not from after them, to wit, the
golden calves that were in Bethel and that were in Dan."
2 Kings x, 26-29.
Athaliah, the daughter of Ahab and Jezebel, married
Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat king of Judah, and with
her, sun worship through Baal and Ashtaroth was introduced
into the kingdom of Judah ; for Jehoram ' ' walked in the
way of the kings of Israel, as did the house of Ahab ; for
the daughter of Ahab was his wife : and he did evil in the
sight of the Lord." 2 Kings viii, 18. This worship of
Baalim continued till the time of Hezekiah, who ' ' brake the
images [sun images] in pieces, and cut down the groves
[Asheras, representations of Ashtaroth], and threw down the
high places and the altars out of all Judah and Benjamin."
2 Chron. xxxi, 1. By Manasseh, however, this worship was
all restored in its fullest extent ; ' ' for he built again the
194 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
high places which Hezekiah his father had broken down,
and he reared up altars for Baalim, and made groves, and
worshiped all the host of heaven, and served them. Also
he built altars in the house of the Lord whereof the Lord
had said, In Jerusalem shall my name be forever. And he
built altars for all the host of heaven in the two courts of the
house of the Lord. And he caused his children to pass
through the fire in the valley of the son of Hinnom : also he
observed times and used enchantments, and used witchcraft,
and dealt with a familiar spirit, and with wizards : he wrought
much evil in the sight of the Lord, to provoke him to anger.
And he set a carved image, the idol which he had made in
the house of God of which God had said to David and to
Solomon his son, In this house and in Jerusalem, which I
have chosen before all the tribes of Israel, will I put my
name forever." 2 Chron. xxxiii, 3-7.
This image which he set in the house of the Lord was
rather a double image of Baal and Ashtaroth, which he put
up above the altars of Baal in the house of the Lord. The
cloisters about the temple were used as stables for the
horses which were dedicated to the sun. By the side of the
temple he built houses for the priests and priestesses of the
Baalim, where the women wove hangings for the figures of
Astarte.
Happily, Manasseh was succeeded by Josiah, who anni-
hilated this whole system. "For in the eighth year of his
reign, while he was yet young, he began to seek after the
God of David his father : and in the twelfth year he began
to purge Judah and Jerusalem from the high places, and the
groves, and the carved images, and the molten images.
And they brake down the altars of Baalim in his presence ;
and the images that were on high above them he cut down ;
and the groves, and the carved images, and the molten im-
ages he brake in pieces and made dust of them, and strewed
it upon the graves of them that had sacrificed unto them."
SUN WORSHIP DESTROYS THE KINGDOM. 195
"And he brake down the houses of the sodomites, that
were by the house of the Lord, where the -women wove
hangings for the grove. And he brought all the priests out
of the cities of Judah and defiled the high places where the
priests had burned incense, from Geba to Beer-sheba, and
brake down the high places of the gates that were in the en-
tering in of the gate of Joshua, the governor of the city,
which were on a man's left hand at the gate of the city.
. . . And he defiled Topheth, which is in the valley of the
children of Hinnom, that no man might make his son or his
daughter to pass through the fire to Molech. And he took
away the horses that the kings of Judah had given to the
sun, at the entering in of the house of the Lord, by the
chamber of Nathan-melech the chamberlain, which was in
the suburbs, and burned the chariots of the sun with fire.
And the altars that were on the top of the upper chamber of
Ahaz, which the kings of Judah had made, and the altars
which Manasseh had made in the two courts of the house of
the Lord, did the king beat down, and brake them down
from thence, and cast the dust of them into the brook
Kidron." 2 Chron. xxxiv, 3, 4 ; 2 Kings xxiii, 7-12.
Yet by the time that Zedekiah reigned, there was again a
serious lapse not only into certain forms of sun worship, but
into the open worship of the literal sun. Ezekiel was among
the captives in Babylonia, and by the Spirit of God he was
taken in a vision to Jerusalem, and was caused to see the
abominations that were being practiced there. First, he
was caused to see the image of Jealousy in the very entry
way to the altar of sacrifice, before the house of the Lord.
He was told to turn, and he would see greater abominations
than this. He then saw, " and behold every form of creep-
ing things, and abominable beasts, and all the idols of the
house of Israel, portrayed upon the wall round about. And
there stood before them seventy men of the ancients of the
bouse of Israel, and in the midst of them stood Jaazaniah
196 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
the son of Shaphan, with every man his censer in his hand ;
and a thick cloud of incense went up."
Again he was told to turn, and he would see yet greater
abominations than this that they were doing. He was then
brought "to the door of the gate of the Lord's house which
was toward the north ; and, behold, there sat women weep-
ing for Tammuz. "
And he was told to turn yet again, and he should see
greater abominations even than this. ' ' And he brought me
into the inner court of the Lord's house, and, behold, at the
door of the temple of the Lord, between the porch and the
altar, were about five and twenty men, with their backs to-
ward the temple of the Lord, and their faces toward the east,
and they worshiped the sun toward the east. " Eze. viii, 16.
All that is meant in this we cannot tell ; but this much
is certain, that, in the estimate of Jehovah, as bad as was
the worship of Astarte, and however much it provoked to
jealousy ; as bad as was the worship of all manner of
abominable beasts ; as bad as was the worship of Tammuz ;
yet worse than all these, even though in them were embod-
ied some forms of sun worship — more abominable than all
these was the setting of the face toward the east, in the
worship of the sun itself. This was to turn the hack upon
the Lord; to leave him and his worship behind ; and, in
worshiping the visible sun, to choose all that was included
in all the forms of its worship that might be known. This
was open apostasy — the renunciation of all that was good
and the acceptance of all that was bad.
Now, aside from the lascivious rites of Bacchus and Her-
cules, and beyond the fearful orgies of Cybele, this very
form of worship prevailed in the Roman empire. The wor-
ship of the sun itself was the principal worship of the Rom-
ans in the time of Constantine. The sun, as represented in
Apollo, was the chief and patron divinity recognized by
Augustus. "Apollo was the patron of the spot which had
WEEPING FOR TAMMUZ.
ASHERES (GROVES).
SUN WORSHIP OF AUGUSTUS AND ELAOABALUS. 1<)~
given a name to his great victory of Actium ; Apollo him-
self, it was proclaimed, had fought for Rome and for
Octavius on that auspicious day ; the same Apollo, the sun-
god, had shuddered in his bright career at the murder of
the dictator, and had terrified the nations by the eclipse of
his divine countenance. . . . Besides building a splendid
temple to Apollo on the Palatine Hill, the emperor sought
to honor him by transplanting to the Circus Maximus, the
sports of which were under his special protection, an obelisk
from Heliopolis [city of the sun] in Egypt. This flame-
shaped column was a symbol of the sun, and originally bore
a blazing orb upon its summit." — Merivale.11
To Sol Deus inmctus — the sun, the unconquerable god —
were attributed the world-wide conquests of the Roman power.
The greatest and most magnificent temple that ever was
built on earth, except only that built by Solomon, was
erected by Antoninus Pius, emperor of Rome, at Baalbek,
in honor of the visible shining sun.
But it was in Elagabalus that the worship of the sun
received its strongest imperial impetus. The way that he
became emperor was this : The emperor Caracalla was
murdered near Antioch, March 8, A. D. 217, and there
Macrinus became emperor in his stead. Caracalla's mother
committed suicide shortly afterward, and then Macrinus
commanded Julia Maesa, her sister, to leave Antioch with
her family. She went to Emesa where a considerable body
of troops was stationed, and where was a temple of the sun
which the troops frequented in their worship. Julia's grand-
son, Bassianus, was made high-priest of the sun in this
temple. In this young man the troops " recognized, or
thought they recognized, the features of Caracalla." Julia
took particular pains, by the careful distribution of money,
to deepen this impression, and May 16, 218, he was declared
emperor by the troops at Emesa. He asserted his hereditary
right to the office because of his relationship to Caracalla.
14 "Romans Under the Empire," chap, xxxiii, par. 13.
18
198 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
The rebellion rapidly spread among the troops throughout
the province. Officers who tried to check it were murdered,
and the power of young Bassianus daily grew.
Macrinus assembled his troops, and left Antioch to quell
the insurrection. A battle was fought, and Macrinus was
slain, thus ending a reign of eighty-seven days, and Bassia-
ims became emperor in fact, June 7, A. D. 218. He assumed
the name of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, and sent letters to
the Senate announcing his accession to the empire in the
place of Macrinus. Not being ready just then to go to
Rome personally, he sent a picture of himself which he
commanded to be placed in the Senate house over the altar
of victory. "He was drawn in his sacerdotal robes of silk
and gold, after the loose flowing fashion of the Medes and
Phenicians ; his head was covered with a lofty tiara, his
numerous collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of
an inestimable value. His eyebrows were tinged with black,
and his cheeks painted with an artificial red and white." —
Gibbon.™
The name under which the sun was worshiped at Einesa,
where Bassiauus was high-priest, was Elagabalus. His acces-
sion to the office of emperor he attributed to the favor of
this sun-god. Therefore as emperor he assumed the name
of Elagabalus as greater and more honorable than any that
might be derived from any other source, and by this name
alone is he known in history.
When he went to Rome, the "black conical stone " from
Emesa, the symbol of the functions of the sun, was taken
with him. and as he moved " in a solemn procession through
the streets of Rome, the way was strewed with gold dust ; the
black stone, set in precious gems, was placed on a chariot
drawn by six milk-white horses richly caparisoned. The
pious emperor held the reins, and supported by his ministers,
moved slowly backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy
the felicity of the divine presence. In a magnificent temple
15 " Decline and Fall," chap, vi, par. 22.
ELACiABALUS.
AVREfJAN'8 TEMPLE TO THE SUN. 199
raised on the Palatine Mount, the sacrifices of the god Ela-
gabalus were celebrated with every circumstance of cost
and solemnity. The richest wines, the most extraordinary
victims, and the rarest aromatics, were profusely consumed
on his altar. Around the altar a chorus of Syrian damsels
performed their lascivious dances to the sound of barbarian
music. " — Gibbon. 16
It was in perfect harmony with the rites of sun worship
everywhere that all the laws of nature and decency should
"be violated and subverted by Elagabalus ; that he should
have a long train of concubines, and a rapid succession of
wives ; that a vestal virgin should be taken by force from
her sacred retreat to feed his passion ; and that he should
put on the dress, and play the part, of a woman, while he
publicly assigned to another the title and the place of hus-
band to himself. All these things belonged with the worship
of the sun, and all this Elagabalus did, not as emperor, but
as imperial high-priest and representative of the sun. As
emperor and high-priest of the sun, it was his chief purpose,
and "it was openly asserted, that the worship of the sun,
under his name of Elagabalus, was to supercede all other
worship. " — Milman . "
As soon as Aurelian became emperor, March, A. D. 270,
he began the erection of a temple in- Rome in honor of the
sun. In A. D. 272 he made an expedition against Zenobia,
who had established her authority in the East with her
capital at Baalbek. When he had overthrown her power
and captured her capital city, he left an officer with a garri-
son of troops to govern the city while he returned to Europe.
The people^ arose and murdered the governor and his sol-
diers. Aurelian returned and gave up the people to indis-
criminate massacre, and made of the city itself a heap of
ruins. The only attempt he made to repair it was to restore
the temple of the sun, which Antoninus had built. When
he returned to Koine in A. D. 274, he celebrated a triumph,
16 Id., par. 23. " " History of Christianity," book ii, chap, viii, par. 22.
200 ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
which, in magnificence and the abundance of treasures, was
second to none that Rome had ever seen. At this time also
he dedicated his magnificent temple to the sun.
"A considerable portion of his oriental spoils was con-
secrated to the gods of Rome ; the Capitol, and every other
temple, glittered with the offerings of his ostentatious piety ;
and the temple of the sun alone received above fifteen thou-
sand pounds of gold. This last was a magnificent structure,
erected by the emperor on the side of the Quirinal Hill, and
dedicated soon after the triumph, to that deity whom Aure-
lian adored as the parent of his life and fortunes. His
mother had been an inferior priestess in a chapel of the sun ;
a peculiar devotion to the god of light, was a sentiment
which the fortunate peasant imbibed in his infancy ; and
every step of his elevation, every victory of his reign, forti-
fied superstition by gratitude." — Gribbon.™
The immediate predecessor of the emperor Diocletian
died on his way from Persia to Europe. The fact of his
death was concealed from the army for a time, which gave
rise to a strong suspicion that he had been murdered.
When Diocletian was chosen emperor, he therefore deemed
it necessary to purge himself of all suspicion by a means
which would prove satisfactory to all. He did it by a
solemn oath in the face of the sun. "Conscious that the
station which he had filled, exposed him to some suspicions,
Diocletian ascended the tribunal, and raising his eyes
towards the sun, made a solemn profession of his own inno-
cence, in the presence of that all-seeing deity. "-— (ribbon.19
And it was the oracle of the sun — Apollo — at Miletus,
which he consulted before he issued the decree of persecu-
tion, to which he was so strongly urged by Galerius, wrho
was prompted by his mother, a fanatical worshiper of
Cybele.
But it was in Constantine that, after Elagabalus, the sun
found its most worshipful devotee. As emperor of Rome
18 "Decline and Fall," chap, xi, par. 43. 19/d., chap, xii, par. 41.
CONSTANTINE A WORSHIPER OF THE SUN. 201
he had to show some deference to the other gods, and there-
fore on the medals which were issued in honor of his vic-
tories, there were the figures of Jupiter and MarS, as well as
of Hercules and Apollo. Up to the period of his war with
Maxentius, A. D. 812, "all that we know of Constantine's
religion would imply that he was outwardly, and even zeal-
ously, pagan. In a public oration, his panegyrist extols the
magnificence of his offerings to the gods. His victorious
presence was not merely expected to restore more than their
former splendor to the Gaulish cities ruined by barbaric
incursions, but sumptuous temples were to arise at his bid-
ding, to propitiate the deities, particularly Apollo, his tute-
lary god. The medals struck for these victories are covered
with the symbols of paganism. Eusebius himself admits
that Constantino was at this time in doubt which religion he
should embrace. " — Oilman.20
Thus as emperor, and to satisfy the prejudices of the
people, some respectful deference was shown to other gods,
but "the devotion of Constantine was more peculiarly
directed to the genius of the sun, the Apollo of Greek and
Roman mythology ; and he was pleased to be represented
with the symbols of the god of light and poetry. The
unerring shafts of that deity, the brightness of his eyes, his
laurel wreath, immortal beauty, and elegant accomplish-
ments, seemed to point him out as the patron of a young
hero. The altars of Apollo were crowned with the votive
offerings of Constantine ; and the credulous multitude were
taught to believe that the emperor was permitted to behold
with mortal eyes the visible majesty of their tutelar deity ;
and that, either waking or in a vision, he was blessed with
the auspicious omens of a long and victorious reign. The
sun was universally celebrated as the invincible guide and
protector of Constantine." —(ribbon.*1
In the time of Constantine, and in Constantine himself,
ao " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 36.
21 "Decline and Fall," chap, xx, par. 3.
202
ANCIENT SUN WORSHIP.
the worship of the sun occupied the imperial seat, and was
the imperial religion of Home. It will be necessary in
another chapter to trace the same thing among the people of
the empire.
THE SUN.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE FALLING AWAY — THE GREAT APOSTASY. .
WHEN Paul was at Thessalonica, he preached to the peo-
ple about the second coming of the Lord. After he
had gone away, he wrote to them a letter in which he said
more about this same event, and in his writing he made it
so much of a reality, and his hope was so centered in
the event, that apparently he put himself among those who
would see the Saviour come, and wrote as though he and
others would be alive at that time. He wrote: "For this
we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we which are
alive and remain unto the coming of the Lord shall not pre-
vent [go before] them which are asleep. For the Lord him-
self shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of
the archangel, and with the trump of God : and the dead in
Christ shall rise first : then we which are alive and remain
shall be caught up together with them in the clouds, to
meet the Lord in the air ; and so shall we ever be with the
Lord." 1 Thess. iv, 15-17.
The Thessalonians not bearing in mind what he had told
them when he was there, misinterpreted these strong and
apparently personal statements, and therefore put into the
apostle's words a meaning that he did not intend should be
there. Upon this they fell into the mistake of supposing
that the second coining of Christ was immediately at hand,
and was so near that they could even live without working
until he should come. This idea had been worked up quite
fully among them by persons pretending to have received
[203]
204 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
revelations by the Spirit ; by others pretending that they
had received word from Paul to that effect ; and yet others
went so far as to write letters to that effect, and forge Paul's
name to them. These facts coming to the apostle's knowl-
edge, he wrote a second letter to correct the mistakes which,
in view of the teaching he had given when he was present
with them, they were wholly unwarranted in making.
In his second letter Paul did not modify in the least the
doctrine that Christ is coming, or that he will then certainly
gather his people to himself. There wras no mistake in the
doctrine concerning the fact of his coming. The mistake
was in the time when they expected him to come. This is
the point which the apostle corrects in his second letter,
and writes thus : ' ' Now we beseech you, brethren, by the
coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, and by our gathering
together unto him, that ye be not soon shaken in mind, or
be troubled, neither by spirit, nor by word, nor by letter as
from us, as that the day of Christ is at hand. Let no man
deceive you by any means : for that day shall not come,
except there come a falling away first, and that man of sin
be revealed, the son of perdition ; who opposeth and exalteth
himself above all that is called God, or that is worshiped ;
so that he as God sitteth in the temple of God, showing him-
self that he is God. Remember ye not, that, when I was
yet with *you. I told you these things ? And now ye know
what withholdeth that he might be revealed in his time.
For the mystery of iniquity doth already work : only he who
now letteth will let, until he be taken out of the way. And
then shall that Wicked be revealed, whom the Lord shall
consume with the spirit of his mouth, and shall destroy with
the brightness of his coming." 2 Thess. ii, 1-8.
All this he had taught them when he was there with
them, and therefore reminded them, in the fifth verse, "Re-
member ye not, that, when I was yet with you, I told you
these things ? " Then, having recalled to their minds the
fact, he simply appeals to their knowledge, and says, "And
THE ROOT OF THE APOSTASY. 205
now ye know what withholdeth that he [the son of perdi-
tion] might be revealed in his time." This plainly sets
forth the prophecy of a great falling away or apostasy from
the truth of the gospel. ' The purity of the gospel of Christ
would be corrupted, and its intent perverted.
The falling away of which Paul wrote to the Thessa-
lonians, is referred to in his counsel to the elders of the
church at Ephesus, whom he called to meet him at Miletus.
To them he said : " For I know this, that after my departing
shall grievous wolves enter in among you, not sparing the
flock. Also of your own selves shall men arise, speaking
perverse things, to draw away disciples after them. There-
fore watch, and remember, that by the space of three years
I ceased not to warn every one night and day with tears."
Acts xx, 29-31.
This warning was not alone to the people of Ephesus in
the three years that he was there. It is seen through all his
epistles. Because of this readiness of individuals to assert
themselves, to get wrong views of the truth, and to speak
perverse things, the churches had constantly to be checked,
guided, trained, reproved, and rebuked. There were men
even in the church who were ever ready to question the
authority of the apostles. There were those who made it a
business to follow up Paul, and by every possible means
to counteract his teaching and destroy his influence. They
declared that he was not an apostle of the Lord at all, but
of men ; that he had never seen the Lord ; that he was
simply a tent maker going about over the country working
at his trade, and passing himself off as an apostle. Others
charged him with teaching the doctrine that it is right to do
evil that good may come.
But it was not alone nor chiefly from these characters that
the danger threatened. It was those who from among
the disciples would arise speaking perverse tMnf/x, of which
an instance and a warning are given in the letter to Timo-
thy : " Study to show thyself approved unto God, a workman
206 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
that needeth not to be ashamed, rightly dividing the word of
truth. But shun profane and vain babblings ; for they will
increase unto more ungodliness. And their word will eat as
doth a canker ; of whom is Hymeireus and Philetus ; who
concerning the truth have erred, saying that the resurrection
is past already ; and overthrow the faith of some." 2 Tim.
ii, 15-18.
Nor yet was it with such as these that the greatest danger
lay. It was from those who would arise not only speaking
perverse things, but " speaking perverse things to draw away
disciples after them." Through error of judgment, a man
might speak perverse things with no bad intention ; but the
ones here mentioned would speak perverse things purposely
and with the intention of making disciples for themselves —
to draw away disciples after them instead of to draw disci-
ples to Christ. These would pervert the truth, and would
have to pervert the truth, in order to accomplish their pur-
pose. He who always speaks the truth as it is in Jesus, will
draw disciples to Jesus and not to himself. To draw to
Christ will be his only wish. But when one seeks to draw
disciples to himself, and puts himself in the place of Christ,
then he must pervert the truth, and accommodate it to the
wishes of those whom he hopes to make his own disciples.
This is wickedness ; this is apostasy.
There was another consideration which made the danger
the more imminent. These words were spoken to the bish-
ops. It was a company of bishops, to whom the apostle was
speaking when he said: "Of your own selves shall men
arise speaking perverse things to draw away disciples after
them." From that order of men who were chosen to guide
and to care for the church of Christ, from those who were
set to protect the church — from this order of men there
would be those who would pervert their calling, their office,
and the purpose of it, to build up themselves, and gather
disciples to themselves in the place of Christ. To watch
this spirit, to check its influence, and to guard against its
HEATHEN RITES ADOPTED. 9Q7
workings, was the constant effort of the apostle ; and for the
reason as stated to the Thessalonians, that the mystery of
iniquity was already working. There were at that time
elements abroad which the apostle could plainly see would
develop into all that the Scriptures had announced. And
scarcely were the last of the apostles dead when the evil
appeared in its practical workings.
No sooner were the apostles removed from the stage
of action, no sooner was their watchful attention gone,
and their apostolic authority removed, than this very thing
appeared of which the apostle had spoken. Certain bishops,
in order to make easier the conversion of the heathen ;
to multiply disciples, and by this increase their own influ-
ence and authority ; began to adopt heathen customs and
forms.
When the canon of Scripture was closed, and the last of
the apostles was dead, the first century was gone ; and within
twenty years of that time the perversion of the truth of
Christ had become widespread. In the history of this
century and of this subject the record is,—
"It is certain that to religious worship, both public and private,
many rites were added, without necessity, and to the offense of sober
and good men." — Moshcim.1
And the reason of this is stated to be that —
"The Christians were pronounced atheists, because they were desti-
tute of temples, altars, victims, priests, and all that pomp in which the
vulgar suppose the essence of religion to consist. For unenlightened
persons are prone to estimate religion by what meets their eyes. To
silence this accusation, the Christian doctors thought it necessary to
introduce some external rites, which would strike the senses of the
people, so that they could main tain themselves really to possess all
those things of which Christians were charged with being destitute.
though under different forms." — Mosheim.z
1 " Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part li, chap. Iv, par. 1, Murdock's
translation.
2 Id., par. 3.
208 THE FALLING AWAY— THE QREAT APOSTASY.
This was at once to accommodate the Christian worship
and its forms to that of the heathen, and was almost at one
step to heathenize Christianity. No heathen element or
form can be connected with Christianity or its worship, and
Christianity remain pure.
Of all the ceremonies of the heathen, the mysteries were
the most sacred and most universally practiced. Some
mysteries were in honor of Bacchus, some of Cybele, but
the greatest of all, those considered the most sacred of all
and the most widely practiced, were the Eleusinian, so
called because celebrated at Eleusis in Greece. But what-
ever was the mystery that was celebrated, there was always
in it as an essential part of it, the elements of abomination
that characterized sun worship everywhere, because the mys-
teries were simply forms of the W7ide-spread and multiform
worship of the sun. Among the first of the perversions of
the Christian worship was to give to its forms the title and
air of the mysteries. For says the record : —
" Among the Greeks and the people of the East, nothing was held
more sacred than what were called the mysteries. This circumstance
led the Christians, in order to impart dignity to their religion, to say
that they also had similar mysteries, or certain holy rites concealed from
the vulgar ; and they not only applied the terms used in the pagan mys-
teries to Christian institutions, particularly baptism and the Lord's
sapper, but they gradually introduced also the rites which were des-
ignated by those terms." — Noalicim?
That this point may be more fully understood we shall
give a sketch of the Eleusinian mysteries. As we have
stated, although there were others, these were of such pre-
eminence that they acquired the specific name by way of
pre-eminence — the mysteries. The festival was sacred to
Ceres and Proserpine. Everything about it contained a
mystery, and was to be kept secret by the initiated. "This
mysterious secrecy was solemnly observed and enjoined on all
the votaries of the goddess ; and if any one ever appeared at
3 Id., par. 5,
19
THE MYSTERIES. 209
the celebration, either intentionally or through ignorance,
without proper introduction, he was immediately punished
with death. Persons of both sexes and all ages were ini-
tiated at this solemnity, and it was looked upon as so heinous
a crime to neglect this sacred part of religion, that it was
one of the heaviest accusations which contributed to the con-
demnation of Socrates. The initiated were under the more
particular care of the deities, and therefore their lives were
supposed to be attended with more happiness and real
security than those of other men. This benefit was not
only granted during life, but it extended beyond the grave,
and they were honored with the first places in the Elysian
fields, while others were left to wallow in perpetual filth and
ignominy. " — Anthon. *
There were the greater and the lesser mysteries. The
greater were the Eleusinian in fact, and the lesser were
invented, according to the mythological story, because Her-
cules passed near Eleusis, where the greater mysteries were
celebrated, and desired to be initiated ; but as he was a
stranger and therefore could not lawfully be admitted, a
form of mysteries was adopted into which he could be
initiated. These were ever afterward celebrated as the
lesser, and were observed at Agree. In the course of time
the lesser were made preparatory to the greater, and the
candidate must be initiated into these before he could be
initiated into the greater. "No person could be initiated
at Eleusis without a previous purification at Agree. This
purification they performed by keeping themselves pure,
chaste, and unpolluted during nine days, after which they
came and offered sacrifices and prayers, wearing garlands
of flowers, and having under their feet Jupiter's skin, which
was the skin of a victim offered to that god. The person
who assisted was called Iludranos, from kudor, water,
which was used at the purification ; and they themselves
were called the initiated. A year after the initiation at the
* " Classical Dictionary," Eleusinia,
210 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
less mysteries they sacrificed a sow to Ceres, and were
admitted into the greater, and the secrets of the festivals
were solemnly revealed to them, from which they were
called inspectors.
"The initiation was performed in the following man-
ner : The candidates, crowned with myrtle, were admitted by
night into a place called the mystical temple, a vast and
stupendous building. As they entered the temple, they
purified themselves by washing their hands in holy water,
and received for admonition that they were to come with a
mind pure and undefiled, without which the cleanliness of
the body would be unacceptable. After this the holy mys-
teries were read to them from a large book called petroma,
because made of two stones, petrai, fitly cemented together ;
and then* the priest proposed to them certain questions, to
which they readily answered. After this, strange and fear-
ful objects presented themselves to their sight ; the place
often seemed to quake, and to appear suddenly resplendent
with fire, and immediately covered with gloomy darkness
and horror." — Anthon.6 After initiation, the celebration
lasted nine days.
These mysteries, as well as those of Bacchus and others,
were directly related to the sun, for "the most, holy and
perfect rite in the Eleusinian Mysteries was to show an ear
of corn mowed down in silence, aird this was a symbol of
the Phrygian Atys. "-— " Encyclopedia Eritannica. " '
The Phrygian Atys, as we have before shown, was sim-
ply the incarnation of the sun, and the mysteries being a
form of sun worship, the "sacred" symbols cannot be de-
scribed with decency. Having given in a previous chapter
the characteristics of the celebration of the worship of the
sun, it is not necessary to describe the actions that were per-
formed in the celebration of tho mysteries after the initia-
tion, any further than is spoken by the apostle with direct
5 Id. « Article " Mysteries."
THE FORMS OF SUN WORSHIP ADOPTED. 21 1
reference to this subject. '"Have no fellowship with the
unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them. For
it is a shame even to speak of those things which are done
of them in secret." Eph. v, 11, 12.
It was to accommodate the Christian worship to the
minds of a people who practiced these things that the
bishops gave to the Christian ordinances the name of mys-
teries. The Lord's supper was made the greater mystery,
baptism the lesser and the initiatory rite to the celebration
of the former. After the heathen manner also a white gar-
ment was used as the initiatory robe, and the candidate
having been baptized, and thus initiated into the lesser
mysteries, was admitted into what was called in the church
the order of catechumens, in which order they remained a
certain length of time, as in the heathen celebration, before
they were admitted to the celebration of the Lord's supper,
the greater mystery.
"This practice originated in the Eastern provinces, and
then after the time of Adrian (who first introduced the
pagan mysteries among the Latins) it spread among the
Christians of the West." The reign of Hadrian was from
117-138. Therefore, before the second century was half
gone, before the last of the apostles had been dead forty
years, this apostasy, this working of the mystery of iniquity,
had so largely spread over both the East and the "West, that
it is literally true that " a large part, therefore, of the Chris-
tian observances and institutions even in this century, had
the aspect of the pagan mysteries." — MosJieim.1
Nor is this all. In the previous chapter we have abund-
antly shown the worship of the sun to have been universal.
These apostates not being content with so much of the sun
worship as appeared in the celebration of the mysteries,
adopted the heathen custom of worshiping toward the East.
So says the history : —
7 "Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part ii, chap, iv, par. 5.
212 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
"Before the coming of Christ, all the Eastern nations performed di-
vine worship with their faces turned to that part of the heavens where
the sun displays his rising beams. This custom was founded upon a
general opinion that God, whose essence they looked upon to be light,
and whom they considered as being circumscribed within certain limits,
dwelt in that part of the firmament from which he sends forth the sun,
the bright image of his benignity and glory. The Christian converts, in-
deed, rejected this gross error [of supposing that God dwelt in that part
of the firmament] ; but they retained the ancient and universal custom
of worshiping toward the east, which sprang from it. Nor is this cus-
tom abolished even in our times, but still prevails in a great number of
Christian churches. " — Moslidm*
The next step in addition to this was the adoption of
the day of the sun as a festival day. To such an extent
were the forms of sun worship practiced in this apostasy,
that before the close of the second century the heathen
themselves charged these so-called Christians with worship-
ing the sun. A presbyter of the church of Carthage, then
and now one of the "church Fathers," who wrote about
A. D. 200, considered it necessary to make a defense of the
practice, which he did to the following effect in an address
to the rulers and magistrates of the Roman empire : —
"Others, again, certainly with more information and greater veri-
similitude, believe that the sun is our god. We shall be counted Persians
perhaps, though we do not worship the orb of day painted on a piece of
linen cloth, having himself everywhere in his own disc. The idea no
doubt has originated from our being known to turn to the east in prayer.
But you, many of you, also under pretense sometimes of worshiping
the heavenly bodies, move your lips in the direction of the sunrise. In
the same way, if we devote Sunday to rejoicing, from a far different
reason than sun worship, we have some resemblance to those of you who
devote the day of Saturn to ease and luxury, though they too go far
away from Jewish ways, of which indeed they are ignorant." — Ter-
tuttian.9
And again in an address to all the heathen he justifies
this practice by the argument, in effect, You do the same
8Jd., par. 7, Maclaine's translation. 9" Apology," chap. xvl.
ROME EXALTS SUNDAY. 213
thing, you originated it too, therefore you have no right to
blame us. In his own words his defense is as follows : —
"Others, with greater regard to good manners, it must be confessed,
suppose that the sun is the god of the Christians, because it is a well-
known fact that we pray towards the east, or because we make Sunday
a day of festivity. What then ? Do you do less than this ? Do not
many among you, with an affectation of sometimes worshiping the heav-
enly bodies, likewise move your lips in the direction of the sunrise ? It
is you, at all events, who have admitted the sun into the calendar of the
week ; and you have selected its day, in preference to the preceding day,
as the most suitable in the week for either an entire abstinence from the
bath, or for its postponement until the evening, or for taking rest and
banqueting." — Tertullian.10
This accommodation was easily made, and all this practice
was easily justified, by the perverse-minded teachers, in the
perversion of such scriptures as, " The Lord God is a sun
and shield " (Ps. Ixxxiv, 11) ; and, "Unto you that fear my
name shall the Sun of righteousness arise with healing in
his wings." Mai. iv, 2.
As this custom spread and through it such disciples were
multiplied, the ambition of the bishop of Rome grew apace.
It was in honor of the day of the sun that there was mani-
fested the first attempt of the bishop of Rome to compel the
obedience of all other bishops, and the fact that this attempt
was made in such a cause, at the very time when these pre-
tended Christians were openly accused by the heathen with
worshiping the sun, is strongly suggestive.
From Rome there came now another addition to the sun-
worshiping apostasy. The first Christians being mostly
Jews, continued to celebrate the passover in remembrance
of the death of Christ, the true passover ; and this was con-
tinued among those who from among the Gentiles had turned
to Christ. Accordingly the celebration was always on the
passover day — the fourteenth of the first month. Rome,
10 "Ad Nationes," book i, chap. xiii.
214 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
however, and from her all the West, adopted the day of the
sun as the day of this celebration. According to the Eastern
custom, the celebration, being on the fourteenth day of the
month, would of course fall on different days of the week
as the years revolved. The rule of Rome was that the cele-
bration must always be on a Sunday — the Sunday nearest
to the fourteenth day of the first month of the Jewish year.
And if the fourteenth day of that month should itself be a
Sunday, then the celebration was not to be held on that day,
but upon the next Sunday. One reason of this was not only
to be as like the heathen as possible, but to be as unlike the
Jews as possible : this, in order not only to facilitate the
"conversion" of the heathen by conforming to their cus-
toms, but also by pandering to their spirit of contempt and
hatred of the Jews. It was upon this point that the bishop
of Rome made his first open attempt at absolutism.
We know not precisely when this began, but it was prac-
ticed in Rome as early as the time of Sixtus I, who was
bishop of Rome A. D. 119-128. The practice was promoted
by his successors, and Anicetus, who was bishop of Rome
A. D. 157-168, "would neither conform to that- [Eastern]
custom himself, nor suffer any under his jurisdiction to con-
form to it, obliging them to celebrate that solemnity on the
Sunday next following the fourteenth of the moon." —
Bower}* In A. D. 100, Polycarp, bishop of Ephesus, made
a journey to Rome to consult with Anicetus about this ques-
tion, though nothing special came of the consultation. Victor,
who was bishop of Rome A. D. 192-202, likewise proposed
to oblige only those under his jurisdiction to conform to the
practice of Rome ; but he asserted jurisdiction over all, and
therefore presumed to command all.
"Accordingly, after having taken the advice of some
foreign bishops, he wrote an imperious letter to the Asiatic
prelates commanding them to imitate the example of the
11 " History of the Popes," under " Pius " and " Anicetus."
HEATHEN PHILOSOPHY ADOPTED. 215
Western Christians with respect to the time of celebrating
the festival of Easter. The Asiatics answered this lordly
requisition by the pen of Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus,
who declared in their name, with great spirit and resolution,
that they would by no means depart, in this manner, from
the custom handed down to them by their ancestors. Upon
this the thunder of excommunication began to roar. Victor,
exasperated by this resolute answer of the Asiatic bishops,
broke communion with them, pronounced them unworthy of
the name of his brethren, and excluded them from all fel-
lowship with the church of Rome." — Mosheim.™
In view of these things it will readily be seen that be-
tween paganism and this kind of Christianity it soon became
difficult to distinguish, arid the third century only went to
make any distinction still more difficult to be discerned.
In the latter part of the second century, there sprang up
in Egypt a school of pagan philosophy called the "Eclec-
tic." The patrons of this school called themselves "Eclec-
tics " because they professed to be in search of truth alone,
and to be ready to adopt any tenet of any system in exist-
ence which seemed to them to be agreeable to their ideas
of truth. They held Plato to be the one person above all
others who had attained the nearest to truth in the greatest
number of points. Hence they were also called "Plato-
nists."
"This philosophy was adopted by such of the learned at
Alexandria, as wished to be accounted Christians, and yet
to retain the name, the garb, and the rank of philosophers.
In particular, all those who in this century presided in the
schools of the Christians at Alexandria, Athenagoras, Pan-
trenus, and Clemens Alexandrinus, are said to have approved
of it. These men were persuaded that true philosophy, the
M " Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part ii, chap, iv, par. 11, Maclaine's
translation.
216 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
great and most salutary gift of God, lay in scattered frag-
ments among all the sects of philosophers ; and therefore,
that it was the duty of every wise man, and especially of a
Christian teacher, to collect those fragments from all quar-
ters, and to use them for the defense of religion and the
confutation of impiety. Yet this selection of opinions did
not prevent them from regarding Plato as wiser than all the
rest, and as especially remarkable for treating the Deity, the
soul, and things remote from sense, so as to suit the Chris-
tian scheme." — Mosheim.™
In the end of the second century, and especially in the
first forty-one years of the third, there flourished in Alex-
andria one of these would-be-philosophers — Ammonius
Saccas by name — who gave a turn to the philosophy of the
Eclectics, which caused his sect to be called the New Pla-
tonists. The difference between the Eclectic and the system
founded by Ammonius was this : The Eclectics held, as
above stated, that in every system of thought in the world
there was some truth, but mixed with error, their task being
to select from all systems that portion of truth which was in
each, and from all these to form one harmonious system.
Ammonius held that when the truth was known, all sects
had the same identical system of truth ; that the differences
among them were caused simply by the different ways of
stating that truth ; and that the proper task of the philoso-
pher was to find such a means of stating the truth that all
should be able to understand it, and so each one understand
all the others. This was to be accomplished by a system of
allegorizing and mystification, by which anybody could get
whatever he wanted out of any writing that might come to
his notice.
One of the earliest attache's to this philosophy from
among those who professed to be Christians, was Clem-
ent of Alexandria, who became the head of that kind
13 Id., chap, i, par. 0, Murdoch's translation.
CLEMENT'S PHILOSOPHIC MYSTICISM. 217
of school at Alexandria. These philosophers "believed
the language of Scripture to contain two meanings ; the
one obvious, and corresponding with the direct import of
the words ; the other recondite, and concealed under the
words, like a nut by the shell. The former they neglected,
as of little value, their study chiefly being to extract the
latter : in other words, they were more intent on throwing
obscurity over the sacred writings, by the fictions of their
own imaginations, than on searching out their true meanings.
Some also, and this is stated especially of Clement, accommo-
dated the divine oracles to the precepts of philosophy."
Jtfosheim. "
The following highly edifying explanation by Clement,
of the Scripture relating to the fish which Peter caught, will
illustrate this system of interpretation : —
"That flsli then which, at the command of the Lord, Peter caught,
points to digestible and God-given and moderate food. And by those
who rise from the water to the bait of righteousness, he admonishes us
to take away luxury and avarice, as the coin from the fish ; in order that
he might displace vainglory ; and by giving the stater to the taxgatherers,
and 'rendering to Caesar the things which are Caesar's,' might preserve
'to God the things which are God's.' The stater is capable of other
explanations not unknown to us, but the present is not a suitable occa-
sion for their treatment. Let the mention we make for our present pur-
pose suffice, as it is not unsuitable to the flowers of the Word ; and we
have often done this, drawing to the urgent point of the question the most
beneficial fountain, in order to water those who have been planted by
the Word."15
And this, of the Saviour's miracle of turning the water
into wine, also helps to an understanding of the excellent
wisdom of this philosophy : —
" He gave life to the watery element of the meaning of the law, fill-
ing with his blood the doer of it who is of Adam, that is, the whole
world ; supplying piety with drink from the vine of truth, the mixture
of the old law and of the new word, in order to the fulfillment of the
predestined time." 1(>
14 7d., chap, iii, par. 5. 16"The Instructor," book ii, chap. I. 16Id. chap. i.
218 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
Of the benefits children will derive from a starvation
diet, he gives this valuable instruction : -
" They say that the bodies of children, when shooting up to their
height, are made to grow right by deficiency in nourishment. For then
the spirit, which pervades the body in order to its growth, is not checked
by abundance of food obstructing the freedom of its course."17
The close resemblance between the pagan philosophy
and that of the New Platonists is illustrated by the fact that
but one of the classes concerned could tell to which of them
Ammonius Saccas belonged. The pagans generally re-
garded him a pagan. His own kind of Christians counted
him a good Christian all his life. The genuine Christians
all knew that he was a pagan, and that the truth of the
whole matter was that he was a pretended Christian "who
adopted with such dexterity the doctrines of the pagan phi-
losophy, as to appear a Christian to the Christians, and a
pagan to the pagans." He died A. D. 211.
Clement is supposed to have died about A. n. 220, and
the fame and influence which he had acquired — and it was
considerable — was far outshone by Origen, who had been
taught by both Clement and Ammonius. Origen imbibed
all the allegorical and mystifying processes of both Ammo-
nius and Clement, and multiplied upon them from his own
wild imagination. He was not content with finding two
meanings in the Scriptures as those before him, but took the
secondary sense, the hidden meaning, and added to it four
additional meanings of his own. His system then stood
thus : First, All scripture contains two meanings, the lit-
eral and the hidden. Second, This hidden sense has within
itself two meanings, the moral and the mystical. Ttiird,
The mystical has within it yet two other meanings, the alle-
gorical and the anagogical. According to this method of
17 Id., chap. i.
18 Note to Mosheim's " Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part ii, chap, i,
par. 7, Madame's translation.
ORIOEN'S PHILOSOPHIC MYSTICISM. 219
mysticism, therefore, in every passage of Scripture there
are at least three meanings, and there may be any number
from three to six.
His explanation of it is this : First, Man is composed of
three parts, a rational mind, a sensitive soul, and a visible
body. The Scriptures resemble man, and therefore have a
three-fold sense ; («) a literal sense which corresponds to the
body ; (ty a moral sense corresponding to the soul ; and (c)
a mystical sense which corresponds to the mind. Second,
As the body is the baser part of man, so the literal is the
baser sense of Scripture ; and as the body often betrays
good men into sin, so the literal sense of Scripture often
leads into error. Therefore, those who would see more in
the Scripture than common people could see, must search
out this hidden meaning, and yet further must search in that
hidden meaning for the moral sense. And those who would
be perfect must carry their search yet farther, and beyond
this moral sense which they found in the hidden meaning
they must find the mystical sense, with its additional train of
allegorical and anagogical senses.
As in this system of philosophy the body of man was a
clog to the soul and hindered it in its heavenly aspirations,
and was therefore to be despised, and by punishment and
starvation was to be separated as far as possible from the
soul, it followed that the literal sense of Scripture, which
corresponded to man's body likewise, was a hinderance to
the proper understanding of all the hidden meanings of the
Scripture, and was to be despised and separated as far as
possible from the hidden sense, and counted of the least
possible worth. Accordingly, one of the first principles of
this teaching was the following : —
"The source of many evils lies in adhering to the carnal or external
part of Scripture. Those who do so will not attain to the kingdom of
God. Let us therefore seek after the spirit and substantial fruit of the
word, which are hidden and mysterious." — Origeti.™
19 Quoted in Maclainc's Moshcim, Century iii, part il, chap, iii, par. 5, iiote.
220 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
And the next step was but the logical result of this ;
namely : —
" The Scriptures are of little use to those who understand them as
they are written." — Origen.20
By such a system as this it is evident that any one could
find whatever he pleased in any passage of Scripture, and
that the Scripture could be made to support any doctrine
that was ever invented by the wildest fancy of the veriest
fanatic. Even though the doctrine might be flatly contra-
dictory to the Scripture, the Scripture could be made fully
to agree with and teach the doctrine.
From this sketch of Platonism as held by Origen, the
essential truth of the following passag'e will be readily
seen : —
"This new species of philosophy, imprudently adopted by Origen
and other Christians, did immense harm to Christianity. For it led the
teachers of it to involve in philosophic obscurity many parts of our
religion, which were in themselves plain and easy to be understood ; and
to add to the precepts of the Saviour no few things, of which not a word
can be found in the Holy Scriptures. ... It recommended to Christians
various foolish and useless rites, suited only to nourish superstition, no
small part of which we see religiously observed by many even to the
present day. And finally it alienated the minds of many, in the follow-
ing centuries, from Christianity itself, and produced a heterogeneous
species of religion, consisting" of Christian and Platonic principles com-
bined." — Mosheim.zl
On the part of real Christians, those who loved the
truth as it is in Christ, there was strong opposition from the
20 Id. With such a system as this for a basis, it is logical enough that the
Catholic Church should forbid the common people to read the Scriptures. For
Origen is one of the chiefest fathers of the Catholic Church; and "from the
days of Origen to those of Chrysostom, there was not a single eminent com-
mentator who did not borrow largely from the works of" Origen. "He was
the chief teacher of even the most orthodox of the Western Fathers." — Far-
Tar's "History of Interpretation," last paragraph under "Origen."
21 Id., Century ii, part ii, chap, i, par. 12, Murdock's translation.
IMPERIAL AIMS AT RELIGIOUS UNITY. 221
first to this whole system of philosophy with its mystification
and allegory. uBut the friends of philosophy and litera-
ture gradually acquired the ascendency. To this issue Ori-
gen contributed very much ; who, having early imbibed the
principles of the New Platonism, inauspiciously applied
them to theology, and earnestly recommended them to the
numerous youth who attended on his instructions. And the
greater the influence of this man, which quickly spread
over the whole Christian world, the more readily was his
method of explaining the sacred doctrines propagated." —
Mosheim.™
While this effort was being made on the side of phil-
osophy to unite all religions, there was at the same time a
like effort on the side of politics. This was the aim of
Elagabalus, A. D. 218 to 222. We have already shown that
it was the ambition of • Elagabalus to make the worship of
the sun supersede all other worship in Rome. It is further
related of him that a more ambitious scheme even than this
was in the emperor's mind, which was nothing less than the
blending of all religions into one, of which "the sun was to
be the central object of adoration." — Mil-man.™ But the
elements were not yet fully prepared for such a fusion.
Also the shortness of the reign of Elagabalus prevented
any decided advancement toward success.
Alexander Severus — A. D. 222 to 225 — held to the same
idea, and carried it into effect so far as his individual prac-
tice was concerned. " The mother of Alexander Severus, the
able, perhaps crafty and rapacious, Mammsea, had at least
held intercourse with the Christians of Syria. She had
conversed with the celebrated Or!gen, and listened to his
exhortations, if without conversion, still not without respect.
Alexander, though he had neither the religious education,
the pontifical character, nor the dissolute manners of his
22 JcZ., Century iii, part ii, chap, i, par. 5.
23 " History of Christianity," book ii, chap viii, par. 22.
222 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
predecessor, was a Syrian, with no hereditary attachment to
the Roman form of paganism. He seems to have affected a
kind of universalism : he paid decent respect to the gods of
the capitol ; he held in honor the Egyptian worship, and en-
larged the temples of Isis and Serapis. In his own palace,
with respectful indifference, he enshrined, as it were, as his
household deities, the representatives of the different relig-
ions or theo-philosophic systems which were prevalent in the
Roman empire, — Orpheus, Abraham, Christ, arid Apollo-
nius of Tyana. . . . Tlie homage of Alexander Severus
may Ije a fair test of the general sentiment of tlie more
intelligent heathen of his time." — Milman,u His reign'
was also too short to accomplish anything beyond his own
individual example. But the same tendency went rapidly
forward.
On the side of philosophy and the apostasy, the progress
was continuous and rapid. About the midd]e of this cent-
ury, Origen and Celsus, a pagan philosopher, held a pro-
tracted discussion upon the respective merits of the pagan
and the Christian philosophy. And the standing of the two
systems at this time, is well described in the following state-
ment : —
"Heathenism, as interpreted by philosophy, almost found favor with
some of the more moderate Christian apologists. . . . The Christians
endeavored to enlist the earlier philosophers in their cause ; they were
scarcely content with asserting that the nobler Grecian philosophy might
be designed to prepare the human mind for the reception of Christianity ;
they were almost inclined to endow these sages with a kind of prophetic
foreknowledge of its more mysterious doctrines. 'I have explained,'
says the Christian in Minucius Felft, ' the opinions of almost all the phi-
losophers, whose most illustrious glory it is that they have worshiped one
God, though under various names ; so that one might suppose either
that the Christians of the present day are philosophers, or that the phi-
losophers of old were already Christians.'
"These advances on the part of Christianity were more than met by
paganism. The heathen religion, which prevailed at least among the
21 Id., book ii, chap, viii, par. 24.
PAGANISM AND THE APOSTASY ALIKE. 223
more enlightened pagans during this period, . . . was almost as different
from that of the older Greeks and Romans, or even that which prevailed
at the commencement of the empire, as it was from Christianity. . . .
On the great elementary principle of Christianity, the unity of the
supreme God, this approximation had long been silently made. Celsus,
in his celebrated controversy with Origen, asserts that this philosoph-
ical notion of the Deity is perfectly reconcilable with paganism." —
The emperor Decius, having no sympathy with any re-
ligion, philosophy, or morality, but that of the old original
Roman, did his best to restore it throughout the empire.
Hence the persecution, as described in Chapter IY of this
book. Valerian followed closely the course marked out by
Decius ; but in the forty years of peace to religion, from the
edict of toleration by Gallienus to the edict of persecution
by Diocletian, all these elements worked steadily forward
in the same general direction. Of the progress of the
apostasy during this time, we have a powerful illustration
in the practice of Gregory Thaumaturgus, the "wonder-
worker. "
Gregory was a pupil and a convert of Origen's. Origen
strongly urged him "to devote his acquirements in heathen
science and learning, to the elucidation of the Scriptures."
When he left Origen's school at Alexandria, he returned to
Pontus, and became bishop of Neo Caesarea, A. D. 240 to
270, and how fully he followed the advice of Origen is
shown by the following : —
" ' When Gregory perceived that the ignorant multitude persisted in
their idolatry, on account of the pleasures and sensual gratifications
which they enjoyed at the pagan festivals, he granted them a permis-
sion to indulge themselves in the like pleasures, in celebrating the
memory of the holy martyrs, hoping that, in process of time, they
would return of their own accord, to a more virtuous and regular
course of life.' There is no sort of doubt that, by this permission,
Gregory allowed the Christians to dance, sport, and feast at the tombs
of the martyrs, upon their respective festivals, and to do everything
>» /<*., par. 38.
20
224 THE FALLING AWAY— THE ORE AT APOSTASY.
which the pagans were accustomed to in their temples, during the feasts
celebrated in honor of their gods." — Moslieim.™
Neo Csesarea was one of the most important cities in
Pontus. Yet so diligently did Gregory thus employ the tal-
ents committed to him by Origen, that it is related of him
that whereas ' ' there were said to be only seventeen Chris-
tians in the whole city when he first entered it as bishop,
there were said to be only seventeen pagans in it at the time
of his death."27 It is manifest, however, from Gregory's
practice, that those who were by him brought to the Chris-
tian name were as much pagan as before except in the mere
matter of the name.
In the time of Diocletian, that which was known as
paganism was so far different from the original paganism of
Rome that Milman plainly designates it as the "new pa-
ganism." This new paganism was so little removed from
the apostate form of Christianity which we have traced, as
really to differ from it only in name. The standing of
the two systems at the accession of Diocletian is thus
described : —
"Among the cares of his administration, he by no means neglected
the purification of the ancient religions. In paganism itself, that silent
but manifest change of which we have already noticed the commence-
ment, had been creeping on. . . . This new paganism, as has been
observed, arose out of the alliance of the philosophy and the religion
of the old world. These once implacable adversaries had reconciled
their differences, and coalesced against the common enemy. Chris-
tianity itself had no slight influence upon the formation of the new
system ; and now an Eastern element, more and more strongly dominant,
mingled with the whole, and lent it, as it were, a visible object of wor-
ship. From Christianity, the new paganism had adopted the unity of
the Deity, and scrupled not to degrade all the gods of the older world
into subordinate demons or ministers. The Christians had incautiously
26 "Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part ii, chap, iv, par. 2, note. Mac-
laine's translation.
87 " Ante-Nicene Library," Gregory Thaumaturgus, introduction, par. 1,
THE TWO STREAMS UNITE IN CONSTANTINE. 225
held the same language : both concurred in the name of demons ; but
the pagans used the term in the Platonic sense, as good but subordinate
spirits, while the same term spoke to the Christian ear as expressive of
malignant and diabolic agency. But the Jupiter Optimus Maximus was
not the great Supreme of the new system. The universal deity of the
East, the sun, to the philosophic teas the emblem or representative ; to
the vulgar, the Deity. Diocletian himself, though he paid so much def-
erence to the older faith as to assume the title of Jovius, as belonging to
the lord of the world, yet, on his accession, when he would exculpate
himself from all concern in the murder of his predecessor, Numerian,
appealed in the face of the army to the all-seeing deity of the sun. It is
the oracle of Apollo of Miletus, consulted by the hesitating emperor,
which is to decide the fate of Christianity. The metaphorical language of
Christianity had unconsciously lent strength to this new adversary ; and, in
adoring the visible orb, some, no doubt, supposed that they were not de-
parting far from the worship of the ' Sun of Righteousness.' " — Milman.zs
Diocletian himself really contemplated the same fusion
of all religions into one, with the sun as the one great
universal deity, which Elagabalus had contemplated in his
day ; but by Galerius and the leading philosopher of the
new paganism, he was persuaded to use all the power of
the State in the effort to make paganism alone supreme over
and against every form and every profession of the Christian
name. The result, however, was as already related, that
Galerius was compelled to issue a public edict confessing
his failure.
Then came Constantine, the best imperial representative
of the new paganism, and the most devout worshiper of the
sun as the supreme and universal deity, with the avowed
purpose, as expressed in his own words, " First to bring the
diverse judgments formed by all nations respecting the
Deity to a condition, as it were, of settled uniformity." In
Constantine the new paganism met its ideal and the New
Platonism — the apostate, paganized, sun-worshiping form
of Christianity — met its long-wished-for instrument. In
him the two streams met. In him the aspiration of Elaga-
28 " History of Christianity," book ii, chap, ix, par. 7.
226 THE FALLING AWAY— THE GREAT APOSTASY.
balus, the hope of Ammonius Saccas and Origen, and the
ambition of the perverse-minded, self-exalted bishops, were
all realized and accomplished — a new, imperial, and uni-
versal religion was created. Therefore, "The reign of
Constantine the Great forms one of the epochs in the
history of the world. It is the era of the dissolution of
the Roman empire ; the commencement, or rather consoli-
dation, of a kind of Eastern despotism, with a new capital,
a new patriciate, a new constitution, a new financial system,
a new, though as yet imperfect, jurisprudence, and, finally, a
new religion." — Milman.™
The epoch thus formed was the epoch of the papacy ;
and the new religion thus created was the PAPAL RELIGION.
29 Id., book iii, chap, i, par. 1.
CHAPTER IX.
THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
'TVHE Scripture was fulfilled ; there had come a falling
L away. But that there should come a falling away, was
not all of the story — through that falling away there was to
be revealed "that man of sin," " the son of perdition," "the
mystery of iniquity," "that wicked," who would oppose and
exalt himself above all that is called God or that is wor-
shiped ; and who, when he did appear, would continue even
till that great and notable event — the second coming of the
Lord Jesus Christ.
Referring again to the scripture quoted from 2 Thessalo-
nians ii, 2, at the beginning of the previous chapter, it is
seen that self-exaltation is the spring of the development of
this power.
As that scripture expresses it, ' ' He opposeth and exalteth
himself." As another scripture gives it, "He shall magnify
himself in his heart." And another, " He magnified himself
even to the prince of the host " — the Lord Jesus Christ.
And yet another, "He shall also stand up against the
Prince of princes." That is, he shall reign, or assert
authority above, and in opposition to, the authority of
Christ ; or, as the thought is developed by Paul, this power
would oppose and exalt itself above all that is called God or
that is worshiped, so that he as God sitteth in the temple —
the place of worship — of God, showing himself that he
is God.
Referring also again to the instruction of Paul to the
elders who met him at Miletus, there is seen a prophecy of
[227]
228 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
this same spirit of self-exaltation, — a wish to gain disciples
to themselves instead of to Christ. They would prefer
themselves to Christ, thus at once putting themselves above
him, in opposition to him. And this would be developed
from among the bishops. " Of your own selves shall men
arise, speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after
them. "
This spirit was actively manifested in opposition to the
apostle John while he was yet alive, for he says : "I wrote
unto the church ; but Diotrephes, who loveth to have the
pre-eminence among them, receiveth us not. " 3 John 9.
This assertion of pre-eminence was shown in prating
against the apostle with malicious words, and not only re-
jecting him, but casting out of the church those members
who would receive him. It was but a little while after the
living authority of the apostles was gone, before this was
carried to yet further extremes.
According to the word of Christ, there is no such thing as
pre-eminence, or mastership, or sovereignty of position, among
men in the church. There was once an argument among his
disciples as to who should be counted the greatest, and Jesus
called them unto him and said : "Ye know that they which
are accounted to rule over the Gentiles exercise lordship over
them ; and their great ones exercise authority upon them.
But so shall it not be among you : but whosoever will be
great among you, shall be your minister : and whosoever
among you will be the chiefest, shall be servant of all. For
even the Son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to
minister, and to give his life a ransom for many." Mark x,
42-45.
And in warning his disciples of all times against the prac-
tice of the scribes and Pharisees of that time, who were but
the popes of their day, he says they "love the uppermost
rooms at feasts, and the chief seats in the synagogues, and
greetings in the markets, and to be called of men, Rabbi,
Rabbi. But be not ye called Rabbi : for one is your master,
"ALL Ytf ARE BRETHREN." 229
even Christ ; and all ye are brethren. . . . Neither be ye
called masters : for one is your master, even Christ. But he
that is greatest among you shall be your servant. And who-
soever shall exalt himself shall be abased ; and he that shall
humble himself shall be exalted." Matt, xxiii, 6-12.
With these instructions the apostles went forth under the
great commission of Christ, preaching everywhere that with
the Lord there is no respect of persons, but that all are equal
before God. There is neither lordship nor over-lordship
among men in the church of Christ ; but all are brethren.
Christ only is the head of the church, and the head of
every man in the church.
In the church each member has the same rights as any
other member ; but for the good of all and the mutual bene-
fit of all concerned, as well as better to carry on his work in
the world, the Lord has established his church, and with it a
system of church order in which certain ones are chosen to
exercise certain functions for the mutual benefit of all in the
organization. These officers are chosen from among the
membership by the voice of the membership. Of these of-
ficers there are two classes, and two only, — bishops and
deacons. This is shown by Paul's letter to the Philippians
— "Paul and Timotheus, the servants of Jesus Christ, to all
the saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi, with the
bishops and deacons." Chap, i, 1.
Bishops are sometimes called elders ; but the same office
is always signified. When Paul gave directions to Titus in
this matter, he said : "For this cause left I thee in Crete,
that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting,
and ordain elders in every city, as I had appointed thec : if
any be blameless. . . . For a bishop must be blameless, as
the steward of God." Titus i, 5-7.
This is further shown in Acts xx, to which we have
before referred ; when Paul had called unto him to Miletus
"the elders of the church" of Ephesus, among other things
he said to them : ' ' Take heed therefore unto yourselves, and
230 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
to all the flock, over the which the Holy Ghost hath made
you overseers, " — episkopoi — bishops.
Peter also writes to the same effect : ' ' The elders which
are among you I exhort, who am also an elder, and a witness
of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory
that 'shall be revealed : Feed the flock of God which is among
you, taking the oversight thereof, not by constraint, but will-
ingly ; not for filthy lucre, but of a ready mind ; neither as
being lords over God's heritage, but being ensamples to
the flock." 1 Peter v, 1-3.
This text not only shows that the terms ' ' elder " and
"bishop" refer to the same identical office, but it shows that
Peter counted himself as one among them ; and that not
only by his precept but by his example he showed that in
this office, although overseers they were not overrulers or
lords.
The true idea on this point has been clearly stated as
follows : —
"It has been said that the pope, the bishops, the priests, and all
those who people convents, form the spiritual or ecclesiastical estate ;
and that princes, nobles, citizens, and peasants form the secular or lay
estate. This is a specious tale But let no man be alarmed. All Chris-
tians belong to the spiritual estate ; and the only difference between them
is in the functions which they fulfill. We have all but one baptism, but
one faith ; and these constitute the spiritual man. Unction, tonsure,
ordination, consecration, given by the pope, or by a bishop, may make a
hypocrite, but can never make a spiritual man. We are all consecrated
priests by baptism, as St. Peter says: 'You are a royal priesthood;'
although all do not actually perform the offices of kings and priests,
because no one can assume what is common to all without the common
consent. But if this consecration of God did not belong to us, the
unction of the pope could not make a single priest. If ten brothers,
the sons of one king, and possessing equal claims to his inheritance,
should choose one of their number to administer for them, they would
all be kings, and yet only one of them would be the administrator of
their common power. So it is in the church. Were several pious lay-
men banished to a desert, and were they, from not having among them
a priest consecrated by a bishop, to agree in selecting one of their
A CLERICAL ARISTOCRACY CREATED. 231
number, whether married or not, he would be as truly a priest as if all
the bishops of the world had consecrated him." — Luther.1
Such is the order in the church of Christ, and as every
Christian is God's freeman and Christ's servant, it follows as
has been well stated, that " monarchy in spiritual things does
not harmonize with the spirit of Christianity." — Neander*
Yet this order was not suffered long to remain. A distinc-
tion'was very soon asserted between the bishop and the elder,
and the bishop assumed a precedence and an authority over
the elder, who was now distinguished from the bishop by
the title of "presbyter" only. This was easily and very
naturally accomplished.
For instance, a church would be established in a certain
city. Soon perhaps another church or churches would be
established in that same city, or near to it in the country.
These other churches would look naturally to the original
church as to a mother, and the elders of the original church
would naturally have a care for the others as they arose.
It was only proper to show Christian respect and deference
to these ; but this respect and deference was soon demanded,
and authority to require it was asserted by those who were
bishops first.
Again : as churches multiplied and with them also elders
multiplied, it was necessary, in carrying forward the work of
the gospel, for the officers of the church often to have meetings
for consultation. On these occasions it was but natural and
proper for the seniors to preside ; but instead of allowing
this to remain still a matter of choice in the conducting of
each successive meeting or assembly, it was claimed as a
right that the one originally chosen should hold that position
for life.
1 D'Aubigne's " History of the Reformation," book vi, chap, iii, par. 7.
8" History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. i, Section Second,
part i, div. i, A, par. 5.
EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
Thus was that distinction established between the elders
or presbyters, and the bishops. Those who usurped this per-
manent authority and office took to themselves exclusively
the title of "bishop," and all the others were still to retain
the title of "presbyter." The presbyters in turn assumed
over the deacons a supremacy and authority which did not
belong to them, and all together — bishops, presbyters, and
deacons — held themselves to be superior orders in the church
over the general membership, and assumed to themselves the
title of "clergy," while upon the general membership the
term " laity" was conferred.
In support of these three orders among the "clergy," it
was claimed that they came in proper succession from the
high-priests, the priests, and the Levites of the Levitical law.
"Accordingly, the bishops considered themselves as invested
with a rank and character similar to those of the high-priest
among the Jews, while the presbyters represented the priests,
and the deacons the Levites." — JIbskeim.3
These distinctions were established as early as the middle
of the second century. This led to a further and most
wicked invention. As they were now priests and Levites
after the order of the priesthood of the former dispensation,
it was necessary that they also should have a sacrifice to
offer. Accordingly, the Lord's supper was turned into "the
unbloody sacrifice." Thus arose that which is still in the
Roman Catholic Church the daily "sacrifice" of the mass.
"The comparison of the Christian oblations with the Jewish
victims and sacrifices, produced many unnecessary rites, and
by degrees corrupted the very doctrine of the holy supper,
which was converted, sooner, in fact, than one would think,
into a sacrifice." —Mosheim* With this also came a splen-
dor in dress, copied from that of the former real priesthood.
The estimate in which the bishop was now held may be
8 " Ecclesiastical History," Century ii, part ii, chap, ii, par. 4, Maclaine's trans-
lation.
* Id., chap, iv, par. 4, Murdock's translation.
BISHOPRIC! OF ROME ASSERTS PRE-EMINENCE. 233
gathered from the following words of a document of the
second century: —
"It is manifest, therefore, that we should look upon the bishop even
as we would upon the Lord himself." " It is well to reverence both God
and the bishop. He who honors the bishop has been honored of God ;
he who does anything without the knowledge of the bishop, does (in
reality) serve the devil." — Ignatius.5
The next step was for certain bishops to assert authority
over other bishops ; and the plea upon which this was
claimed as a right, was that the bishops of those churches
which had been established by the apostles were of right to
be considered as superior to all others. Furthermore it was
claimed that in those churches the true doctrine of Christ
had been preserved in the greatest purity. As the bishops
of those churches claimed to be the repositories of the true
doctrine, whenever any question arose upon any matter of
doctrine or interpretation of the scripture, appeal was made
to the bishop of the nearest apostolic church. As Rome
was the capital of the empire, and as the church there
claimed direct descent not only from one but from two
apostles, it soon came to pass that the church of Rome
claimed to be the source of true doctrine, and the bishop
of that church to be supreme over all other bishops. In
the latter part of the second century, during the episco-
pate of Elentherius, A. D. 176 to 192, the absolute authority
of the church of Rome in matters of doctrine was plainly
asserted in the following words : —
"It is incumbent to obey the presbyters who are in the church, —
those who, as I have shown, possess the succession from the apostles ;
those who, together with the succession of the episcopate, have received
the certain gift of truth, according to the good pleasure of the father."
"Since, however, it would be very tedious, in such a volume as this, to
reckon up the successions of all the churches, we do put to confusion all
those who, in whatever manner, whether by an evil self-pleasing, by
vainglory, or by blindness and perverse opinion, assemble in unauthor-
5 " Epistle to the Ephesians," chap, vi, and " To the Smyrnaeans," chap. ix.
234 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
ized meetings ; (we do this, I say) by indicating that tradition derived
from the apostles, of the very great, the very ancient, and universally-
known church founded and organized at Rome by the two most glorious
apostles, Peter and Paul ; as also (by pointing out) the faith preached to
men, which comes down to our time by means of the succession of the
bishops. For it is a matter of necessity that every church should agree
with this church, on account of its pre-eminent authority. . . . Since,
therefore, we have such proofs, it is not necessary to seek the truth among
others which it is easy to obtain from the church ; since the apos-
tles, like a rich man depositing his money in a bank, lodged in her
hands most copiously all things pertaining to the truth : so that every
man, whosoever will, can draw from her the water of life. For she is
the entrance to life; all others are thieves and robbers." — Irenaus.6
When this authority and power was asserted during the
bishopric of Eleutherius, it is not at all strange that his im-
mediate successor, Victor, A. D. 192 to 202, should attempt to
carry into practice the authority thus claimed for him. The
occasion of it was the question of the celebration of what is
now Easter, as already related in the preceding chapter.
This action of Victor is pronounced by Bower "the first
essay of papal usurpation." Thus early did Rome not only
claim supremacy, but attempt to enforce her claim of suprem-
acy, over all other churches. Such was the arrogance of the
bishops of Rome at the beginning of the third century.
The character of the bishopric in A. D. 250 is clearly seen
in the quotation already given on page 131 of this book ;
but for the convenience of the reader, we insert it again in
this place : —
"Not a few bishops who ought to furnish both exhortation and
example to others, despising their divine charge, became agents in secular
business, forsook their throne, deserted their people, wandered about
over foreign provinces, hunted the markets for gainful merchandise,
while brethren were starving in the church. They sought to possess
money in hoards, they seized estates by crafty deceits, they increased
their gains by multiplying usuries." — Cyprian.1
6 "Against Heresies," book iv, chap, xxvi, par. 2 ; book iii, chap, iii, par. 2;
and book iii, chap, iv, par. 1.
7 " On the Lapsed," chap. vi.
CONTENTIONS IN ROME AND CARTHAGE. 235
As the bishopric became more exalted, and arrogated
to itself more authority, the office became an object of un-
worthy ambition and unholy aspiration. Arrogance charac-
terized those who were in power, and envy those who were
not. And whenever a vacancy occurred, unseemly and
wholly unchristian strife arose among rival presbyters for
the vacant seat. "The deacons, beholding the presbyters
thus deserting their functions, boldly invaded their rights and
privileges ; and the effects of a corrupt ambition were spread
through every rank of the sacred order." — Mosheim.*
Cornelius became bishop of Rome, A. D. 251. A pres-
byter of the same church aspired to the same office, and was
supported by a considerable party in the church, and also by
five other presbyters. He wrote letters to Cyprian, bishop
of Carthage, charging Cornelius with heinous sins. Corne-
lius also wrote about the same time to Cyprian, who thus
learning of the division in the church of Rome, called to-
gether in council the bishops of his province, and they sent
two of their number with letters to Rome to inquire into the
trouble. The church in Rome immediately sent letters in
answer to the bishops in Africa, assuring them that Cornelius
had been properly chosen, and was worthy of the situation.
The two messengers returning, also confirmed the testimony
of the letters by a report of their own investigations. Upon
this the African bishops sent Cornelius a series of resolu-
tions which they had adopted in the council lately held,
with respect to those who denied the faith in the time of
the persecution by Decius, to the effect that all such should
not be excluded forever from the church, but should be
admitted after doing sufficient penance — those who had
bought exemption in the time of persecution being obliged
to do longer penance than others ; — and if while doing
penance they should come suddenly to the point of death,
they should be received into the church at once.
Upon receiving the resolutions, Cornelius called a council
8 "Ecclesiastical History," Century iii, part ii, chap, ii, par. 4.
236 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
of sixty bishops, and a large number from the other orders of
the clergy. Among them was Novatian, who had been
opposed to Cornelius for the office of bishop. In the council
he likewise opposed the resolution sent up from Africa. He
maintained that all who had yielded in the time of persecu-
tion ought never again to be admitted to the church upon any
terms whatever. The majority, however, was against him,
and he himself was turned out of the church. Upon this he
joined with a presbyter by the name of Novatus, who had
been turned out of the church at Carthage, and the followers
of the two together agreed to ordain Novatian a bishop in
Rome. Novatian immediately set himself in opposition to
Cornelius. This party then sent letters to the other churches
round about, informing them of the ordination of Novatian,
and exhorting them not to communicate with any who had
in any way denied the faith under persecution. Cornelius
also at the same time wrote to other bishops informing them
that the ordination of Novatian was irregular. Thus the
division and the controversy spread farther and farther.
While this was going on in Rome, there was also a
division in the church of Carthage, where a certain Felicissi-
mus had been excommunicated, whose party also had elected
a bishop of their own, by the name of Fortunatus. Felicissi-
mus went to Rome, hoping to win Cornelius to his side, and
the messengers of Novatian went to Carthage to gain the
favor of Cyprian and the bishops of Africa to their side.
But Cyprian stood by the bishop of Rome, and carried with
him the bishops of Africa. Novatian sent yet other mes-
sengers into Africa, who diligently worked" up partisans
there, and it was not long before they secured the ordination
of some of their party as bishops. These newly ordained
bishops asserted their right to exercise the office of bishop
over churches connected with the church of Rome, instead
of the regular bishops of those churches. This increased
the confusion, which spread finally throughout the provinces
of Africa. This became a matter of great perplexity to
THE BISHOPS USURP THE PLACE OF CHRIST. 23Y
Cornelius. As both parties were continually sending their
letters, and messengers, and embassies, to him, and as both
made the same claims, it was very difficult for him to decide
who were the regular Catholic bishops. But Cyprian, to
relieve this perplexity, drew up a list of all the Catholic
bishops in the African provinces, and sent it to Cornelius at
Rome.
These discussions gave an opportunity for the further
assertion of the dignity and authority of the bishopric.
Cyprian, "the representative of the episcopal system"
(JVeander9), declared that —
''The church is founded upon the bishops, and every act of the church is
controlled by these same rulers." "Whence you ought to know that the
bishop is in the church, and the church in the bishop ; and if any one
be not with the bishop, that he is not in the church." 10
He insisted that God made the bishops and the bishops
made the deacons, and argued thus : —
" But if we [bishops] may dare anything against God who makes
bishops, deacons may also dare against us by whom they are made."11
' ' The epistle of Cyprian to Cornelius, bishop of Rome,
shows the height to which the episcopal power had aspired
before the religion of Christ had become that of the Roman
empire. The passages of the Old Testament, and even of
the New, in which honor or deference is paid to the Hebrew
pontificate, are recited in profuse detail ; implicit obedience
is demanded for the priest of God, who is the sole infallible
judge or delegate of Christ." —Jfilman.™
Cornelius was succeeded in the bishopric of Rome by
Lucius, who was put to death in less than six months, and
was succeeded by Stephen, A. D. 253 to 258. Soon after
9 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. i, Section Second,
part 1, div. i, B, par. 5.
10 Epistle xxvi, chap, i, and epistle Ixviii, chap. viii. u Epistle Ixiv, chap. 111.
12 " History of Christianity, " book iv, chap, i, par. 22.
238 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
Stephen's election, the bishop of Lyons in Gaul wrote to
inform him that the bishop of Aries had adopted the views
and discipline of Novatian. He also wrote to Cyprian to
the same effect. About the same time a question involving
much the same point was causing a difficulty in Spain.
There two bishops, Basilides and Martial, had been deposed
by a council of bishops, and two others were appointed in
their places. They were both charged with surrendering the
Scriptures in the time of persecution. Basilides went to
Rome to secure the support of the bishop of Rome in his
desire to be re-instated. In this he succeeded, and returned
to Spain, and there exercised his office as bishop as he had
formerly done, and Martial followed his example. Then the
bishops of Spain sent letters and deputies to Carthage, asking
the advice and help of the African bishops ; and the deputies
whom they sent were the two bishops whom they had put in
the place of Basilides and Martial. A council of twenty-
eight bishops was held in Carthage, presided over by Cyprian.
Having only a one-sided view of the case, as the bishop of
Rome had had on the other side, they indorsed the action of
the church of Spain, and decided that Basilides and Martial
ought not to be acknowledged as bishops ; that it was not
lawful to commune with them ; and that whosoever should
do so ought to be excommunicated.
Not long afterward, there arose another subject of con-
troversy, which caused much contention with far-reaching
consequences. As the bishops arrogated to themselves more
and more authority, both in discipline and doctrine, "her-
etics " increased. Whosoever might disagree with the bishop,
was at once branded as a heretic, and was cut off from his
communion, as Diotrephes had counted as a heretic even the
apostle John. Upon this point the representative of the
episcopal system further declared : —
"Neither have heresies arisen, nor have schisms originated, from any
other source than from this, that God's priest is not obeyed ; nor do they
ponsider that there is one person for the time priest in the church, and
AN EPISCOPAL PUNIC WAR. 239
for the time judge in the stead of Christ ; whom, if according to divine
teaching, the whole fraternity should obey, no one would stir up any-
thing against the college of priests ; no one, after the divine judgment,
after the suffrage of the people, after the consent of the co-bishops,
would make himself a judge, not now of the bishop, but of God. No
one would rend the church by a division of the unity of Christ." —
Cyprian.™
He therefore argued that if any person was outside of
this system of episcopal unity, and was not obedient to
the bishop, this was all the evidence necessary to demonstrate
that he was a heretic. Consequently he declared that no one
ought " even to be inquisitive as to what" any one "teaches,
so long as he teaches out of the pale of unity." u In this
way the truth itself could easily be made heresy.
By this system, " heretics " soon became numerous, and,
as many persons were changing their residence from place to
place, a question was raised whether baptism by heretics was
valid. Some bishops of important churches held that it was,
others held that it was not. Yet up to this time all bishops
and churches were allowed to decide this for themselves. A
council of bishops in Africa and JNumidia, about the begin-
ning of the third century, had established in those provinces
the discipline that all heretics must be re-baptized when ap-
plying for admission to any of those churches. This practice
was also adopted in Cappadocia, Galatia, Phrygia, Cilicia,
and neighboring provinces, by a council held at Iconium in
Phrygia, A. D. 230. Pontus and Egypt followed the same
course, but Italy, Gaul, and Spain held, on the contrary,
that baptism by heretics was valid, it mattered not what the
heresy might be.
Thus stood the question when Stephen became bishop
of Rome. Soon after the difficulty with the Spanish
bishops, some bishops of Numidia and Mauritania sent in-
quiries to Cyprian, raising anew the question of baptism by
heretics. A council of seventy-one bishops was held at
Carthage, which declared that the practice of re-baptizing
should be invariably followed. The council sent a letter to
13 Epistle liv, chap. v. u/d., li, chap. xiiv.
21
2 -tO THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
Stephen of Home, reporting their decision, and asking him
to agree with it. Stephen answered the council by letter in
which he first called particular attention to the great dignity
of the bishopric of Rome, and the honor which it derived from
its succession to the apostle Peter. Next he informed them
that he absolutely rejected and condemned their decrees.
He then threatened to cut off from his communion all who
should presume to disobey by re-baptizing any heretics, and
finally not only ordered Cyprian to change his opinion on
the subject, and practice accordingly, but declared him to
be "a false Christ," a "false apostle," and a "deceitful
workman."
On receipt of Stephen's letter, Cyprian called another
council of eighty -five bishops, which met September 1, A. D.
256. The council canvassed the whole subject anew, came to
their original conclusion, and again sent word by messengers
to Stephen, who not only refused to receive them at all, but
forbade all the church of Rome either to receive or entertain
them in any manner. He then proceeded to execute his
threat, and excommunicated the whole council, and wThoever
held the same opinion as the council. This excluded
from his communion the bishops of Africa, Numidia,
Mauritania, Egypt, Cilicia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. He
endeavored by a letter, however, to win the bishop of Alex-
andria to his view, but failed.
Cyprian wrote to Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappa-
docia, telling him of Stephen's conduct. In reply Firmilian
wrote to Cyprian a letter in which he compared Stephen to
Judas Iscariot, and branded him as "inhuman," "auda-
cious," "insolent," "wicked," "impious," "schismatic," "a
defamer of Peter and Paul," and "worse than all heretics."
This Firmilian is pronounced "one of the most eminent
prelates at that time in the church, both for piety and
learning ; " but Cyprian was not far behind him and Stephen
in eminence for this kind of piety. For he wrote to the
bishop of Sobrata a letter in which he charged Stephen
THE BISIIOPRIC OF ANTIOGH. 241
with " pride and impertinence, self-contradiction and igno-
rance, with indifference, obstinacy, and childishness," and
called him "a favorer and abettor of heretics against the
church of God.'" -Bower.™ Stephen died August 2, A. D.
257, and thus was stopped the generous flow of pious phrases.
Stephen was succeeded by Sixtus II, who held the
office about a year, and was put to death in the persecu-
tion under Valerian. He was succeeded July 22, A. D. 259,
by JDionysius. At this time there was another Dionysius, who
was bishop of Alexandria, and who had entered into a cer-
tain controversy with Sabellius upon the subject of the
trinity. In the arguments which he published, some per-
sons thought they discovered heresy, and reported it to the
bishop of Rome, who called a council of the bishops of
Italy, and requested Dionysius to answer the accusation
and-give an explanation of his faith. Dionysius addressed
to the bishop of Rome a "confutation and apology," ex-
plaining the expressions in his former writings, which it
was charged contained heresy.
During the bishopric of Dionysius, there occurred the
case of Paul of Samosata, who at that time was bishop of
Antioch, an account of which will illustrate the condition
of the bishoprics of the principal cities of the empire at
this time.
The bishops of the East said of Paul that before his
connection with the church he was poor almost to beggary,
and that he had received neither wealth from his father
nor obtained possessions by any art or trade or business,
yet hud now acquired excessive wealth by his iniquities and
sacrileges ; that by various means which he employed, he
had exacted and extorted from the brethren, promising to
aid them for a reward ; that he took advantage of those
who were in difficulty, to compel them to give him money
to be free from their oppressors ; that he made merchan-
dise of piety ; that he affected lofty things, and assumed too
great things, attaining worldly dignity, wishing rather to be
15 " Lives of the Popes," Stephen, par. 8.
THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
called a magistrate than a bishop ; that he went strutting
through the forum reading letters and repeating them aloud
as he walked ; that in public he was escorted by multitudes
going before and following after him ; that he brought
reproach upon the faith by his pomp and haughtiness ;
that out of vanity and proud pretensions he contrived in
ecclesiastical assemblies to catch at glory and empty shad-
ows, and to confound the minds of the more simple ; that
he had prepared himself a tribunal and a high throne sep-
arated from the people like a ruler of this world, rather than
a disciple of Christ ; that he was in the habit of slapping his
hand upon his thigh and stamping upon the tribunal with
his foot, reproving and insulting those who would not ap-
plaud his sermons ; that he magnified himself not as a
bishop but as a sophist and juggler ; that he stopped the
singing of psalms in honor of Christ, and had prepared
choirs of women to sing other compositions at the great fes-
tivals ; that he hired deacons and presbyters of neighbor-
ing districts to preach his views of the trinity ; that he had
with him certain women whom the people of Antioch called
"adopted sisters;" that he allowed his presbyters and
deacons also to follow the same practice ; that he had made
his presbyters and deacons rich by indulging their covetous
dispositions, and had thus bought their favor, so that none
of them would accuse him of the evil doing ; that many
bishops beside Paul had indulged themselves in the same
things, or had incurred suspicion of it, especially in the
matter of the adopted sisters ; that although Paul had dis-
missed one of these, he retained two others with him, bloom-
ing in age and eminent in beauty, taking them with him
wherever he went, indulging in luxury and surfeiting ; that
although men around him were groaning and lamenting be-
cause of these things, they were so much afraid of his
tyranny and power that they did not venture to accuse him ;
and finally, that all these things might be borne with in the
hope of correcting the evil, were it not that he had trifled
DISGRACEFUL CHARACTER OF THE BISHOPRIC. 243
away the sacred mystery, and paraded his execrable heresy.18
On account of Paul's heresy, a council of eighty bishops
was assembled at Antioch. Paul was excommunicated, pro-
nounced deposed from the bishopric, and the council on their
own authority appointed a successor. Their assumed authority
to appoint a successor without consulting the membership of
the church of Antioch, caused yet a larger number to take
sides with Paul, because such proceeding was decidedly
irregular.
At this time Zenobia was queen of the East, and with her
Paul was rather a favorite. Under her protection and upon
the irregularity of the proceedings of the council, he openly
for four years defied the decrees of the council, and held
his place as bishop of Antioch. When Aurelian, in A. D.
2YO, went to the East to dethrone Zenobia, the bishops
appealed to him to enforce their decrees and remove Paul.
Aurelian referred the case for decision to the bishops of
Rome and Italy. Before this controversy was ended,
Dionysius died, and his successor, Felix, decided against
Paul. Then according to the decree that Aurelian had al-
ready pronounced, Paul was removed from the office and
emoluments of the bishopric of Antioch.
We do not know whether the charges brought against
Paul were all true or not, as those who made the charges were
all his enemies. But whether they were true or not, is not
particularly important ; because if they were true, it is not to
the credit of the bishopric of that time, for they clearly in-
volve other bishops in the most serious moral delinquencies
of Paul. On the other hand if the charges were not true, then
that a company of eighty bishops should falsely make such
charges, is scarcely less to the credit of the bishopric of the
time, than the other would be if it were true.
In either case, therefore, it is certain that the statement
of Eusebius of the condition of the bishopric in 302, when
the Diocletian persecution began, is strictly true. ' ' They were
sunk in negligence and sloth, one envying and reviling an-
16 "Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History," book vii, chap. xxx.
244 THE EXALTATION OF THE BISHOPRIC.
other in different ways, and were almost on the point of tak-
ing up arms against each other, and were assailing each other
with words as with darts and spears, prelates inveighing
against prelates, and people rising up against people, and
hypocrisy and dissimulation had arisen to the greatest height
of malignity." Also some who appeared to be pastors were
inflamed against each other with mutual strifes, only accumu-
lating quarrels and threats, rivalship, hostility, and hatred to
each other, only anxious to assert the government as a kind
of sovereignty for themselves.
The Scripture was fulfilled. There had come a falling
away ; there was a self-exaltation of the bishopric ; and THE
TIME WAS COME WHEN THE MAN OF SIN SHOULD BE REVEALED.
COXSTANTIXE.
CHAPTER X.
THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINE.
MUCH research and great effort have been made to discover
the time of Constantino's conversion to Christianity.
One writer dates it at his accession in 306, another in 312,
another in 321, yet another not till 323, and still another
about 327. Others put it at his death-bed baptism, while
still others insist that he never was a Christian. When he
became a Christian, or whether he ever did, is an interesting
question even at this time, and we propose to set forth as
fully as in our power lies, facts by which any person can
decide this question.
We have already given the history of Constantino's
accession and onward to the defeat of Maxentius. We have
also shown that at the time of his accession to the throne he
was a devout worshiper of the sun. We have related how
an incursion of the Franks into Gaul drew him from Aries
to the Rhine, and gave Maximian an opportunity to usurp
the imperial authority in his absence ; and how he was
called by this usurpation from his war with the Franks to
save his own imperial authority. As he was about to return
to the Rhine to enter again upon the war with the Franks,
he received the intelligence that they had retired from Gaul
to their own country ; and to express his gratitude — A. D.
308 — "he gave public thanks in a celebrated temple of
Apollo, probably at Autun (Augustodunum), and presented
a magnificent offering to the god." — JVeander.1
'"History of the Christian "Religion," Vol. ii, Section First, part i, A, par. 11.
[245]
246 THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINE.
We have also shown how events rapidly culminated in
the war between him and Maxentius, and of his attitude
toward Christians, as expressed in the Edict of Milan. "Up
to this period, all that we know of Constantine's religion
would imply that he was outwardly, and even zealously,
pagan. In a public oration, his panegyrist extols the magnifi-
cence of his offerings to the gods. His victorious presence
was not merely expected to restore more than their former
splendor to the Gaulish cities ruined by barbaric incursions,
but sumptuous temples were to arise at his bidding, to pro-
pitiate the deities, particularly Apollo, his tutelary god.
The medals struck for these victories are covered with the
symbols of paganism." — Milman*
But about the latter part of the year 311 or early in 312,
there certainly came such a change in his mind as to lead
him to favor Christianity. The influences that caused this
change will be more fully set forth hereafter. In this place
it is necessary merely to say that there was enmity between
him and Galerius, which of itself naturally threw Constantine
into opposition to the plans and ambitions of that emperor.
Galerius had done all that he could to keep Constantine from
escaping from the dominions of Diocletian to those of Con-
stantius. Constantine knew that the purpose of Galerius in
this was nothing but evil, if not death, to him. By extra-
ordinary speed he defeated the scheme of Galerius in this,
and when he was made emperor in Britain, as we have seen,
the purposes of Galerius were almost wholly disconcerted.
This, we repeat, naturally made Constantine an opponent of
the plans of Galerius. Therefore when Galerius spent his
strongest efforts in behalf of the pagan party in the State,
Constantine naturally leaned toward the other. In this also
he had the example of his humane father, who, although not
able to defeat wholly the edicts of persecution, greatly
modified their effects. Another thing that influenced him in
this direction was because, as he himself said, —
2 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 33.
HIS LOW UTILITARIANISM. 247
"My father revered the Christian God, arid uniformly prospered,
while the emperors who worshiped the heathen gods, died a miserable
death ; therefore, that I may enjoy a happy life and reign, I will imitate
the example of my father, and join myself to the cause of the Christians,
who are growing daily, while the heathen are diminishing."3
And "this low utilitarian consideration weighed heavily
in the mind of an ambitious captain, who looked forward to
the highest seat of power within the gift of his age." —
SchajfS It is manifest that the only consideration that
operated upon his mind at this time was this utilitarian one,
and that whatever favor he felt toward Christians so far was
merely as a matter of policy, with the hope that by this he
might be aided in his aspirations to the sole rulership of the
empire. This is confirmed by another in these words : —
"But to Constantine himself, if at this time Christianity had obtained
any hold upon his mind, it was now the Christianity of the warrior, as
subsequently it was that of the statesman. It was the military com-
mander who availed himself of the assistance of any tutelar divinity who
might insure success to his daring enterprise." — Milman.5
Such was his attitude toward Christianity before the
defeat of Maxentius. Nor was there afterward any material
change, either in his profession or his character. In the
same manner as the cruel emperors before him, at the defeat
of Maxentius, not content with the death of that emperor
himself and a large number of his adherents, he executed
vengeance also on his infant son. "Utterly devoid of faith
in anything else except himself and his own destiny, unyield-
ing in that ambition to exercise dominion, which nerved him
for the doubtful war against Maxentius, he regarded both
mankind and religion with pity and contempt, and sought to
rule men for their good and his own glory, by means of any
faith which they might prefer ; and hence, as Christianity
became more known and popular, he identified himself with
it more and more, only in order to foster any agency which
3 Schaff, " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 2, par. 15. * Id.
6 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 41.
248 THE RELIGION OF CON8TANTINE.
seemed to be available in the work of consolidating the war-
ring factions of the empire, and securing the permanency of
his throne." - The Author of " Arius the Libyan."
At what time he made the labarum is not certainly known ;
but whenever it was, it was simply another instance of his
policy in pretending to favor the church party while still re-
taining his paganism. For when he constructed the labarum,
he simply " changed the heathen labarum into a standard of
the Christian cross with the Greek monogram of Christ,
which he had also put upon the shields of his soldiers."
" On the top of the shaft was a crown composed of gold and
precious stones, and containing the monogram of Christ ;
and just under this crown was a likeness of the emperor and
his sons in gold. " • — Schaff. °
That by this emblem Constantine intended to profess to
the church party his alliance with them, is evident, yet he
did not propose to forsake his paganism ; for the object in
placing there the likenesses of himself and his sons was that
they might be worshiped by the pagan part of his army.
This is confirmed in the following words : —
"Even in the labarum, if the initiated eyes of the Christian soldiery
could discern the sacred symbol of Christ indistinctly glittering above the
cross, there appeared, either embossed on the beam below or embroidered
on the square purple banner which depended from it, the bust of the em-
peror and those of his family, to whom the heathen part of his army
might pay their homage of veneration." "And so, for the first time, the
meek and peaceful Jesus became the God of battle ; and the cross,
the holy sign of Christian redemption, a banner of bloody strife." —
Mil-man.1
In honor of his triumph over Maxentius, a statue of him-
self was erected in the Roman forum — A. D. 316. In his
right hand was the labarum with the inscription, —
"By virtue of this salutary sign, which is the true symbol of valor, I
have preserved and liberated your city from the yoke of tyranny." —
Eusebius.8
6 " History of the Christian Church," Vol iii, \ 2, par. 24, and note 2.
7 " History of Christianity," book iii. chap. I, par. 42, 39.
8 " Life of Constautine," book i, chap. xl.
PAGAN AND APOSTATE CHRISTIAN. 249
Afterward a triumphal arch was also built in Rome to
commemorate the victory at the Milvian bridge, in which his
ambiguous relationship between the two religions is again
displayed : —
'The inscription on this arch of Constantino ascribes his victory
over the hated tyrant, not only to his master mind, but indefinitely also
to the impulse of Deity, by which a Christian would naturally under-
stand the true God, while a heathen, like the orator Nazarius, in his
eulogy on Coustantine, might take it for the celestial guardian power of
the ' urbs (cterna' [the eternal city]." —
Again : after the defeat of Maxentius and his triumphal
entry into the city of Rome, though he declined to celebrate
the pagan rite of going to the Capitol to offer sacrifice to
Jupiter and the gods, he restored the pagan temples, and
assumed the title of Pontifex Maximum. And when some
pagans of Africa brought to him the head of Maxentius, he
granted as a reward that the province of Africa should be
permitted to establish a priesthood and a worship in honor of
the family of Constantine.
We have before related that in 313 jointly with Licinius
he issued the Edict of Milan, which "confirmed to each
individual of the Roman world the privilege of choosing and
professing his own religion." Shortly after this he openly
patronized the Catholic Church, and then the Edict of Milan
was reversed in his part of the dominion, "and the sects
who dissented from the Catholic Church were afflicted and
oppressed." Soon afterward he exempted the Catholic-
clergy from all public offices and obligations ; yet in A. D.
317, his coins still bore the pagan symbols. In A. D. 321, to
please the bishops of the Catholic Church he issued an edict
commanding judges, townspeople, and mechanics to rest
on Sunday. Yet in this also his paganism was still manifest,
as the edict required rest on "the venerable day of the sun,"
and "enjoined the observance, or rather forbade the public
desecration, of Sunday, not under the name of Sabbat'int, or
Dies Domini, but under its old astrological and heathen title,
9 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 2, par. 25.
250 THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINE.
Dies Solis, familiar to all his subjects, so that the law was
as applicable to the worshipers of Hercules, Apollo, and
Mithras, as to the Christians." — Schaff. 10
Another considerable authority confirms this fact in the
following statement : —
"To fully understand the provisions of this legislation, the peculiar
position of Constantine must be taken into consideration. He was not
himself free from all remains of heathen superstition. It seems certain
that before his conversion he had been particularly devoted to the wor-
ship of Apollo, the sun-god. . . . The problem before him was to legislate
for the new faith in such a manner as not to seem entirely inconsistent with
his old practices, and not to come in conflict with the prejudices of his pagan
subjects. These facts serve to explain the peculiarities of this decree.
He names the holy day, not the Lord's day, but the ' day of the sun,' the
heathen designation, and thus at once seems to identify it with his former
Apollo-worship." — Rev. Oeo. Elliott.11
Another excellent authority remarks upon this as fol-
lows : -
"It is the day of the sun, which is to be observed by the general
veneration. The courts were to be closed, and the noise and tumult of
public business and legal litigation were no longer to violate the repose
of the sacred day. But the believer in tJie new paganism, of which the
solar worship was the characteristic, might acquiesce without scruple in
the sanctity of the first day of the week." — Milman.12
And yet another adds the following pointed testimony : —
"The same tenacious adherence to the ancient god of light has left
its trace, even to our own time, on one of the most sacred and universal
of Christian institutions. The retention of the old pagan name of 'Dies
Solis,' or ' Sunday,' for the weekly Christian festival, is, in great meas-
ure, owing to the union of pagan and Christian sentiment with which the
first day of the week was recommended by Constantine to his subjects,
pagan and Christian alike, as the ' venerable day of the sun.' ... It was
his mode of harmonizing the discordant religions of the empire under one
common institution." — Stanley.™
10 Id., \ 75, par. 5.
"Fletcher (five hundred dollar) Prize Essay, "Abiding Sabbath," p. 229.
Copyrighted and published by American Tract Society, 1884.
12 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 44.
13 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 15.
HIS PERJURY AND CRUELTY. 251
The next day after issuing this Sunday law, that is, March
8, A. D. 321, he published another edict, in which he "ex-
pressly ordains, that whenever lightning should strike the im-
perial palace or any other public building, the haruspices,
according to ancient usage, should be consulted as to what it
might signify, and a careful report of the answer should be
drawn up for his use. " And by yet another " law of the same
year, he declares also the employment of heathen magic, for
good ends, as for the prevention or healing of diseases, for
the protection of harvests, for the prevention of rain and of
hail, to be permitted, and in such expressions, too, as certainly
betray a faith in the efficacy of these pretended supernatural
means, unless the whole is to be ascribed simply to the legal
forms of paganism." — Neander.u
Meanwhile Constantine had been drawing closer to the
bishops, and bestowing favors on the Catholic Church,
the full account of which will be given in the following
chapters. By this time, therefore, he could afford to hold
the profession of the two religions upon an equal balance.
Accordingly, now " his coins bore on the one side the letters
of the name of Christ ; on the other the figure of the sun-
god, and the inscription, 'Sol invictus^ (the unconquerable
sun), as if he could not bear to relinquish the patronage of
the bright luminary which represented to him, as to Augustus
and to Julian, his own guardian Deity." —Stanley.™
In A. D. 315 there had been war between Constantine and
Licinius. After two battles, a peace was concluded which
continued till 323, when, "without any previous injury,"
but out of sheer ambition and " a love of power that would
brook no rival," and " at the expense of truth and humanity,"
Constantine entered again upon a war with Licinius. On
July 3 was fought the battle of Hadrianople, in which
Licinius was defeated with a loss of thirty-four thousand men.
u " History of the Christian Religion," Vol. ii, Section First, part i, A,
par. 33.
15 "History of the Eastern Church," 7d., par. 14.
22
252 THE RELIGION OF CON8TANTINE.
He retreated to Byzantium, where Constantine beseiged him.
When Constantine was about to take the city, Licinius
deserted it and passed over to Asia. Constantine followed,
and another battle was fought at Chrysopolis, where Licinius
was again defeated with so great a loss of men that he was
compelled to sue for peace. His wife Constantia, the sister
of Constantine, interceded with her brother in favor of her
husband, and obtained from him a solemn promise, con-
firmed by an oath, that if Licinius would resign all claims
to the office of emperor, he should be allowed to pass the
rest of his life in peace and as became his station. Thes-
salonica was appointed as the place of his dwelling, or as it
proved, his imprisonment ; and it was not long before he
was put to death, — A. D. 324, — in violation of the solemn
oath of Constantine. The fact that Licinius was past seventy
years of age at the time, lent to the transaction, in addition
to its character of deliberate perjury, the element of positive
cruelty.
The next year, A. D. 325, Constantine convened at Nice
the first general council of the Catholic Church, presided
over its deliberations, and enforced its decrees. As he
entered to take his seat as president of the council, he is
thus described : —
" There was a brightness in his look and a mingled expression of
fierceness and gentleness in his lion-like eye, which well became one
who, as Augustus before him, had fancied, and perhaps still fancied,
himself to be the favorite of the sun-god Apollo." — Stanley.16
By this time he had progressed so- far in his profession
of the Catholic religion that he counted himself a bishop,
or rather, a bishop of bishops, though he had never yet been
received even into the order of Catechumens, much less had
he been initiated into full membership in the church.
The following year — A. D. 326 — Constantine went to
Rome to celebrate in that city the twentieth year of his
accession to the office of emperor, and while there, in the
16 /d., Lecture iv, par. 4.
MANY TIMES A MURDERER. 253
month of April, and wholly in jealous tyranny, he had his
son Crispus murdered. Crispus was his eldest son, who had
assisted in his wars, especially with Licinius, and had proved
himself an able commander. He commanded the fleet at
the siege of Byzantium, and after the battle the .names of
Constantine and Crispus were united in the joyful acclama-
tions of their Eastern subjects. This excited the jealousy of
Constantine, who soon began to slight Crispus, and bestow
imperial favors upon his younger son, Constantius, who was
but a mere boy. Constantine pretended that Crispus had
entered into a conspiracy against him, and October 21, 325,
he issued an edict restoring the order of delators, after the
manner of Tiberius and Domitian. "By all the allure-
ments of honors and rewards, he invites informers of every
degree to accuse without exception his magistrates or minis-
ters, his friends or his most intimate favorites, protesting,
with a solemn asseveration, that he himself will listen to the
charge." - Gibbon.11
The informers were not long in finding accusations
against Crispus and a large number of his friends, and
"in the midst of the festival, the unfortunate Crispus was
apprehended by order of the emperor, who laid aside the
tenderness of a father, without assuming the equity of a
judge. . . . He was sent under a strong guard to Pola, in
Istria, where, soon afterwards, he was put to death, either
by the hand of the executioner, or by the more gentle opera-
tion of poison. The Caesar Licinius, a youth of amiable
manners, was involved in the ruin of Crispus : and the stern
jealousy of Constantine was unmoved by the prayers and
tears of his favorite sister, pleading for the life of a son,
whose rank was his only crime, and whose loss she did not
long survive." — Gibbon.1*
Nor were these the only ones involved in the execution.
"The sword of justice or of cruelty, once let loose, raged
against those who were suspected as partisans of the danger-
17 "Decline and Fall," chap, xviii, par. 6. I82d., par. 7.
254 THE RELIGION OF CON8TANTINE.
ous Crispus, or as implicated in the wide-spread conspiracy,
till the bold satire of an eminent officer of state did not scru-
ple, in some lines privately circulated, to compare the splen-
did but bloody times with those of Nero." — Jfilman.19
Nor yet did he stop here. "This was only the first act
of the domestic tragedy : the death of the emperor's wife
Fausta, the partner of twenty years of wedlock, the mother
of his three surviving sons, increased the general horror.
She was suffocated in a bath which had been heated to an
insupportable degree of temperature." " The tragedy which
took place in the family of Constantine betrayed to the sur-
prised and anxious world that, if his outward demeanor
showed respect or veneration for Christianity, its milder
doctrines had made little impression on the unsoftened pagan-
ism of his heart." — Milman.™
Shortly after this, Constantine's mother went to Jerusalem
on a pilgrimage to recover the holy places, and to build
churches upon them. She carried a letter from Constan-
tine to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, in which he stated
that it was always his "first and only object to excite all
minds to the observation of the holy law with alacrity and
diligence proportioned to the brightness of the manifestation
which is thrown by new miracles upon the truth of the faith,
day by day : " and that it was his " most intense desire to
erect beautiful edifices " upon that spot which had been con-
secrated ' ' by the sufferings of our Lord, who thus brought
faith to light."21
Helena was said to be about eighty years old at this time,
and the tale was invented, and one hundred years later be-
came a matter of history, that she discovered the tomb in
which the Saviour had been buried ; that in it were found all
three of the crosses that were used on the day of the cruci-
fixion, the nails that were used in the crucifixion of the
19 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ii, par. 12.
20 Id., par. 13, 10.
21 Theodoret's "Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap, xvii.
H
B
o
B
§
P
ffi
THE TRUE CROSS AND CONSTANTINE. 355
Saviour, and the tablet which Pilate had caused to be put upon
the cross of the Saviour. But nobody could tell which was
the true cross. Yet says the fable : —
"From this trouble she was shortly relieved by Macarius, bishop of
Jerusalem, whose faith solved the doubt, for he sought a sign from God
and obtained it. The sign was this : A certain woman of the neighbor-
hood, who had been long afflicted with disease, was now just at the point
of death. The bishop therefore ordered that each of the crosses should
be applied to the dying woman, believing that she would be healed upon
being touched by the precious cross. Nor was he disappointed in his ex-
pectation : for the two crosses having been applied which were not the
Lord's, the woman still continued in a dying state ; but when the third,
which was the true cross, touched her, she was immediately healed, and
recovered her former strength. In this manner then was the genuine
cross discovered. The emperor's mother erected over the place of the
sepulcher a magnificent church, and named it New Jerusalem, having
built it opposite to that old and deserted city. There she left a portion of
the cross, inclosed in a silver case, as a memorial to those who might
wish to see it. The other part she sent to the emperor, who, being per-
suaded that the city would be perfectly secure where that relic should be
preserved, privately inclosed it in his own statue, which stands on a large
column of porphyry in the forum called Constantine's at Constantinople.
/ have written this from report indeed ; but almost all the inhabitants of
Constantinople affirm that it is true. Moreover, Constantino caused the
nails with which Christ's hands were fastened to the cross (for his mother
having found these also in the sepulcher had sent them) to be converted
into bridle bits and a helmet, which he used in his military expeditions."
— Socrates.22
From this it would seem that by this time he would
be ready to stand by the profession of Christianity alone, but
such was not the case ; for in A. D. 328, when he traced the
limits and laid the foundation of his projected new city of
Constantinople, he held the same ambiguous course as form-
erly, and accordingly ' ' issued an imperial edict announcing
to the world that Constantino by the command of God had
founded the eternal city." "But however the Deity might
have intimated his injunctions to commence the work, or
whatever the nature of the invisible guide which, as he de-
22 " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap. xvii.
256 THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINE.
clared, thus directed his steps, this vague appeal to the
Deity would impress with the same respect all his subjects,
and by its impartial ambiguity offend none. In earlier
times the pagans would have bowed down in homage before
this manifestation of the nameless tutelar deity of the new
city ; at the present period, they had become familiarized,
as it were, with the concentration of Olympus into one
Supreme Being. The Christians would, of course, assert
the exclusive right of the one true God to this appellation,
and attribute to his inspiration and guidance every important
act of the Christian emperor." —Milman.™
Yet a little later his actions seemed to indicate that he had
reverted to paganism alone ; for when in A. D. 330 the act-
ual work of building the city was inaugurated, the "ancient
ritual of Roman paganism contained a solemn ceremony,
which dedicated a new city to the protection of the Deity "
(Milmanzi) : and Sopater, a Neoplatonic heathen, "assisted
with his heathen ceremonies at the consecration." — /Stanley.25
However, in building the city he fully acquitted him-
self in the estimation of both pagans and Catholics. For
while he erected magnificent edifices for the Catholic
Church, he also set up the images of the pagan deities "in
all the public places of Constantinople. If the inhabitants
were not encouraged, at least they were not forbidden, to
pay divine honors to the immortal sculptures of Phidias and
Praxiteles, which were brought from all quarters to adorn
the squares and baths of Byzantium. The whole Roman
world contributed to the splendor of Constantinople. The
tutelar deities of all the cities of Greece (their influence, of
course, much enfeebled by their removal from their local
sanctuaries) were assembled, — the Minerva of Lyndus, the
Cybele of Mount Dindymus (which was said to have been
placed there by the Argonauts), the muses of Helicon, the
23 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 5. 2*/d, par. 4.
25 "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 42.
IS THIS PAGANISM OR CHRISTIANITY f 257
Amphitrite of Khodes, t»he Pan consecrated by united Greece
after the defeat of the Persians, the Delphic Tripod. The
Dioscuri [Castor and Pollux] overlooked the Hippodrome." —
Milman.26
When in 334 the city was finished, and he would cele-
brate its completion, "the ceremonial of the dedication was
attended by still more dubious circumstances. After a most
splendid exhibition of chariot games in the Hippodrome,1 the
emperor moved in a magnificent car through the most public
part of the city, encircled by all his guards in the attire of a
religious ceremonial, and bearing torches in their hands.
The emperor himself held a golden statue of the Fortune of
the city in his hands. An imperial edict enacted the annual
celebration of this rite. On the birthday of the city, the
gilded statue of himself, thus bearing the same golden image
of Fortune, was annually to be led through the Hippodrome
to the foot of the imperial throne, and to receive the ado-
ration of the reigning emperor." — MUmcm.™
Yet it seems as though he considered this not enough.
When he had besieged Licinius at this place, he had pitched
his tent on a certain hill. In the building of the city he
chose that spot for the principal forum at one end of which
was a statue of Cybele, and at the other the goddess of
Fortune, the patroness of the new city. In the center of the
forum he planted a column, the pedestal of which was of
white marble twenty feet high. Upon this were set, one
upon another, ten pieces of "porphyry, each of which meas-
ured about ten feet in height and about thirty-three in cir-
cumference," making the pillar in all about one hundred and
twenty feet in height. On the top of this pillar, Constantine
placed a colossaj bronze statue of Apollo, with the figure of
his own head upon it, and round about the crown like the
rays of the sun were the nails of "the true cross," which his
mother had sent to him from Jerusalem. The full account
26 " History of Christianity," par. 6. 27 Id., par. 7.
258 THE RELIGION OF CONSTANTINO.
of this is well given by another, and is of sufficient impor-
tance in this connection to be quoted in full : —
" The lingering attachment of Constantino to the favorite supersti-
tion of his earlier days may be traced on still better authority. The
Grecian worship of Apollo had been exalted into the oriental veneration
of the sun, as the visible representative of the Deity ; and of all the
statues that were introduced from different quarters, none were received
with greater honor than those of Apollo. In one part of the city stood
the Pythian, in another the Sminthian deity. The Delphic Tripod,
which, according to Zosimus, contained an image of the god, stood upon
the column of three twisted serpents, supposed to represent the mystic
Python. But on a still loftier, the famous pillar of porphyry, stood an
image in which, if we are to credit modern authority (and the more
modern our authority, the less likely is it to have invented so singular a
statement), Constantino dared to mingle together the attributes of the
sun, of Christ, and of himself. According to one tradition, this pillar
was based, as it were, on another superstition. The venerable Palladium
itself, surreptitiously conveyed from Rome, was buried beneath it, and
thus transferred the eternal destiny of the old to the new capital. The
pillar, formed of marble and of porphyry, rose to the height of a hundred
and twenty feet. The colossal image on the top was that of Apollo,
either from Phrygia or from Athens. But the head of Constantino had
been substituted for that of the god. The scepter proclaimed the
dominion of the world ; and it held in its hand the globe, emblematic
of universal empire. Around the head, instead of rays, were fixed the
nails of the true cross. Is tJiis paganism approximating to Christianity,
or Christianity degenerating into paganism ? " — Milman.ZK
We are satisfied that the reader will have no difficulty in
answering the question which is here propounded. "It is
no more certain that he despised and pitied paganism while
he was solemnly offering sacrifices to Jupiter, and winning
the admiration and love of the Roman world for his impe-
rial piety, than it is certain that he pitied and despised the
church of Christ, even while he was manipulating the faith
into a sure and reliable support of the empire ; in both
courses he only played with the world, giving men any re-
ligious toy which the greater part might prefer to have, in
28 Id., par. 7.
A MURDERER EVEN IN DEATH. 259
exchange for the liberty of which he robbed them so plausi-
bly and successfully that they scarcely perceived his theft,
and enthusiastically caressed the royal thief.-' — Author of
"Arius tlie Libyan." It was the same mixture of pagan and
apostate Christian wickedness, the origin and progress of
which we have seen in the chapter on "The Falling Away."
Nor is the record yet complete. In A. D. 335, in the
further exercise of his office of bishop of bishops in the
church, Constantine convened the Synod of. Tyre to examine
further into some questions that were raised in the trini-
tarian controversy. Yet all this time" he was still keeping
about him that Sopater who had assisted with the heathen
ceremonials at the foundation of Constantinople. Sopater
was so openly favored by Constantine that the church party
grew jealous and quite alarmed for fear they should lose
their emperor altogether.29
In A. D. 337 Constantine was taken with a serious illness,
and being satisfied that he was about to die, he called for an
Arian bishop, and was baptized. Then " he was clothed in
robes of dazzling whiteness ; his couch was covered with
white also : in the white robes of baptism, on a white death-
bed, he lay, in expectation of his end. . . . At noon on
Whit-Sunday, the 22nd of May, in the sixty-fourth year of
his age, and the thirty-first of his reign, he expired. . . .
So passed away the first Christian emperor, the first defender
of the faith — the first imperial patron of the papal see, and
of the whole Eastern church, — the first founder of tlie holy
places, PAGAN AND CHRISTIAN, ORTHODOX AND HERETICAL,
LIBERAL AND FANATICAL, not to he imitated or admired, hut
much to he remembered, and deeply to he studied." — Stanley.™
His body was inclosed in a coffin of gold and taken in
solemn procession to Constantinople, where it la^in state for
three months, waiting for his two eldest sons to arrive, the
youngest cfnly being present.
29 Id., chap, iv, par. 39. 30 " History of the Eastern Church," end of Lecture vi.
260 THE RELIGION OF CON8TANTINE.
And yet the record is not complete. When he was
attacked by his last illness he suspected poison, and be-
fore he died he gave to the bishop of Nicomedia his
will to be handed to his eldest son when he should arrive
at Constantinople. The bishop having read it and found
its terrible import, put it in the dead emperor's hand, and
left it there until Constantius took it. The purport of the
instruction was that he believed he had been poisoned by
his brothers and their children, and instructed his sons
to avenge his death. "That bequest was obeyed by the
massacre of six out of the surviving princes of the imperial
family. Two alone escaped." — Stanley.*1
As neither Christians nor pagans could tell to which
religion Constantine belonged while he was alive, and con-
sequently both claimed him, so likewise both claimed him
after he was dead : —
" Even after his death both religions vied, as it were, for Constantine.
He received with impartial favor the honors of both. The first Christian
emperor was deified by the pagans ; in a latter period he was worshiped
as a saint by part of the Christian church. On the same medal appears
his title of 'god,' with the monogram, the sacred symbol of Christianity ;
in another he is seated in the chariot of the sun, in a car drawn by four
horses, with a hand stretched forth from the clouds to raise him to
heaven." — Milman.32
Even to this time and to this extent Constantine himself
was to blame for his ambiguous position, as he had been all
the time he had lived as emperor. He himself had erected
a grand church in Constantinople called the Church of the
Apostles, which he intended to be his burial place. Further
particulars are as follows : —
"He had in fact made choice of this spot in the prospect of his own
death, anticipating with extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would
share their tr^e with the apostles themselves, and that he should thus
even after death become the subject, with them, of the devotions which
31 Id., Lecture vi, par. 7 from the end.
3a " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 3 from the end.
LITTLE BETTER THAN A PAGAN. 261
would be performed to their honor in this place. He accordingly caused
twelve coffins to be set up in this church, like sacred pillars in honor and
memory of the apostolic number, in the center of which his own was
placed, having six of theirs on either side of it." — Eusebius.33
And as had been his practice all the way along, he called
this church by a name " truly indicating the mixture of pagan
and Christian ideas which led to its erection, the ' HerodnS '
— Stanley.™ The word " Heroon " denotes the temple or
chapel of a hero.
We have now given the facts simply as we have found
them, in regard to Constantine's religious life. We think
no one can have the slightest difficulty in deciding that he
never was a Christian in any proper sense of the word. We
think all must agree "that his progress in the knowledge of
Christianity was not a progress in the practice of its virtues ; "
that "his love of display and his prodigality, his suspicious-
ness and his despotism, increased with his power ; and that
the very brightest period of his reign is stained with gross
crimes, which even the spirit of the age and the policy of an
absolute monarch cannot excuse." — SeJiaff™
All of this is confirmed by another in recording the " fact
that he was by general consent, a worse prince at the close
of his reign than at its beginning, when he was little better
than a pagan." — Stanley.™
The synopsis of the whole question as to what was the
religion of Constantine, can be no better expressed than it
has already been by another in the following words : —
"Constantine adopted Christianity first as a superstition, and put it
by the side of his heathen superstition, till finally in his conviction the
Christian vanquished the pagan, though without itself developing into a
pure and enlightened faith." — Schaf.*1
33 "Life of Constantine," book iv, chap. vi.
34 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 5 from the end.
35 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, g 2, par. 10, 11.
36 "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 26.
37 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, \ 2, par. 6.
262
THE RELIGION OF CON8TANTINE.
And the final analysis, the conclusion of the whole matter,
the sum of all that has been or that can be said is, that in
Constantino the elements of the actual pagan and the apostate
Christian were so perfectly mixed as to produce THE TYPICAL
PAPIST OF ALL TIMES.
HOME DEIFIED.
CONSTANTINK.
CHAPTER XI.
CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
"T^ROM the reading of Chapter VI, it will be remembered
L that Diocletian had no sooner abdicated than the system
of orderly government which he had established and which
he hoped would continue, fell to pieces, and confusion once
more ruled in the affairs of state. So far as the government
was concerned, the army was now, as it had been for hun-
dreds of years, the source of power ;* but among the four'
aspiring emperors not only the military force, but the terri-
tory of the empire, was almost equally divided. So nearly
equal was this division that not one of the emperors had any
material advantage over another in this respect. Yet it was
the ambition of each one to become sole emperor. It there-
fore became a matter of vital concern to each one to obtain
whatever power he might, and yet there was no further re-
source to be hoped for from the side of the empire. Thus
stood matters among the emperors.
How was it with the church ? We insert again the quo-
tation made from Eusebius concerning the state of things in
the churches before the persecution by Diocletian : —
" When by reason of excessive liberty, we sunk into negligence and
sloth, one envying and reviling another in different ways, and we were
almost, as it were, on the point of taking up arms against each other, and
were assailing each other with words as with darts and spears, prelates
inveighing against prelates, and people rising up against people, and
hypocrisy and dissimulation had arisen to the greatest height of malig-
nity, then the divine judgment, which usually proceeds with a lenient
hand, whilst the multitudes were yet crowding into the church, with
[ 263]
23
264: CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
gentle and mild visitations began to afflict its episcopacy ; the persecution
having begun with those brethren that were in the army. But, as if des-
titute of all sensibility, we were not prompt in measures to appease and
propitiate the Deity ; some, indeed, like atheists, regarding our situation
as unheeded and unobserved by a providence, we added one wickedness
and misery to another. But some that appeared to be our pastors, desert-
ing the law of piety, were inflamed against each other with mutual
strifes, only accumulating quarrels and threats, rivalship, hostility, and
hatred to each other, only anxious to assert the government as a kind of
sovereignty for themselves."
The persecution had caused all these divisions and dis-
putes to be laid aside. Every other interest was forgotten in
the one all-absorbing question of the rights of conscience
against pagan despotism. Thus there was created at least an
outward unity among all the sects of whatever name, profess-
ing the Christian religion in any form. Thus was molded a
compact power which permeated every part of the empire,
and which was at the same time estranged from every
material interest of the empire as it then stood. Here was
power which if it could be secured and used, would assure
success to him who would gain it, as certainly as he could
make the alliance. This condition of affairs was clearly dis-
cerned at the time. Constantine ; ' understood the signs of
the times and acted accordingly."
uTo Constantine, who had fled from the treacherous
custody of Galerius, it naturally occurred that if he should
ally himself to the Christian party, conspicuous advantages
must forthwith accrue to him. It would give him in every
corner of the empire men and women ready to encounter
fire and sword ; it would give him partisans not only ani-
mated by the traditions of their fathers, but — for human
nature will even in the religious assert itself — demanding
retribution for the horrible barbarities and injustice that had
been inflicted on themselves ; it would give him, and this
was the most important of all, unwavering adherents in every
legion in the army. He took his. course. The events of
war crowned him with success. He could not be otherwise
THE NEW THEOCRAGJ. 265
than outwardly true to those who had given him power, and
who continued to maintain him on the throne." — Draper.1
Constantine was not the only one who saw this oppor-
tunity. Maximin likewise detected it, but was distrusted by
the church party. Constantine being a much more accom-
plished politician, succeeded.' In addition to the advantages
which offered themselves in this asserted unity of the
churches, there was a movement among the bishops, which
made it an additional incentive to Constctntine to form the
alliance which he did with the church. Although it is true
that all the differences and disputes and strifes among the
bishops and sects had been forgotten in the supreme conflict
between paganism and freedom of thought, there is one
thing mentioned by Eusebius that still remained. That was
the ambition of the bishops "to assert the government as a
kind of sovereignty for themselves." Nor was it alone
government in the church which they were anxious to assert ;
but government in the State as well, to l)e used in the interests
of the church. For, "There had in fact arisen in the
church . . ". a false theocratical theory, originating, not
in the essence of the gospel, but in the confusion of the
religious constitutions of the Old and New Testaments." —
Neander*
This theocratical theory of the bishops is the key to the
whole history of Constantine and the church of his time, and
through all the dreary period that followed. It led the
bishops into the wildest extravagance in their worship of the
imperial influence, and coincided precisely with Constantine's
idea of an absolute monarchy.
The idea of the theocracy that the bishops hoped to
establish appears more clearly and fully in Eusebius's "Life
of Constantine " than in any other one production of the
time. There the whole scheme appears just as they had
1 " Intellectual Development of Europe," chap, ix, par. 22.
2 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. 11, Section Second,
part i, div. i, par. 2.
266 CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
created it, and as it was applied in the history of the time.
The church was a second Israel in Egyptian bondage.
Maxentius was a second Pharaoh, Constantine was a second
Moses. As the original Moses had grown up in the palace
of the Pharaohs, so likewise £his new Moses had grown up
in the very society of the new Pharaohs. Thus runs the
story : —
"Ancient history relates that a cruel race of tyrants oppressed the
Hebrew nation ; and the God who graciously regarded them in their
affliction, provided that the prophet Moses, who was then an infant,
should be brought up in the very palaces and bosoms of the oppressors,
and instructed in all the wisdom they possessed. And when he had
arrived at the age of manhood, and the time was come for divine jus-
tice to avenge the wrongs of the afflicted people, then the prophet of
God, in obedience to the will of a more powerful Lord, forsook the royal
household, and, estranging himself in word and deed from those by whom
he had been brought up, openly preferred the society of his true brethren
and kinsfolk. And in due time God exalted him to be the leader of the
whole nation ; and, after delivering the Hebrews from the bondage of
their enemies, inflicted divine vengeance through his means upon the
tyrant race. This ancient story, though regarded by too many as fabu-
lous, has reached the ears of all. But now the same God has given to
us to be eye-witnesses of miracles more wonderful than fables, and, from
their recent appearance, more authentic than any report. For the tyrants
of our day have ventured to war against the supreme God, and have
sorely afflicted his church. And in the midst of these, Constantine, who
was shortly to become their destroyer, but at that time of tender age,
and blooming with the down of early youth, dwelt, as God's servant
Moses had done, in the very home of the tyrants. Young, however, as
he was, he shared not in the pursuits of the impious : for from that early
period his noble nature (under the leading of the Divine Spirit), inclined
him to a life of piety and acceptable service to God." — Eusebius.3
We have related how Galerius sought to prevent Con-
stantine's joining his father in Britain ; and how Con-
stantine succeeded in eluding his vigilance. By the theo-
cratical bishops this was made to be the flight of the new
Moses from the wrath of the new Pharaohs. Thus the story
continues : —
8 " Life of Constantino," book i, chap. xii.
THE NEW ISRAEL DELIVERED. 267
"The emperors then in power, who observed his manly and vigorous
figure and superior mind with feelings of jealousy and fear, . . . care-
fully watched for an opportunity of inflicting some brand of disgrace on
his character. But he, being aware of their designs (the details of which,
through the providence of God, were more than once laid open to his
view), sought safety in flight, and in this respect his conduct still affords
a parallel to that of the great prophet Moses." — Eusebius.*
As the original Moses, without the interposition of any
human agency, had been called to the work to which the
Lord had appointed him, so the theocratical bishops had
the new Moses likewise appointed directly by the authority
of God : -
"Thus, then, the God of all, the supreme Governor of the world, by
his own will, appointed Constantino, the descendant of so renowned a
parent, to be prince and sovereign : so that, while others have been
raised to this distinction by the election of their fellow-men, he is the
only one to whose elevation no mortal may boast of having contributed."
— Eusebius. 5
Eusebius knew as well as any other man in the empire
that the legions in Britain had proclaimed Constantine em-
peror, precisely as the armies had been doing in like in-
stances for more than a hundred years. .He knew full well
that Constantine held his title to the imperial power by the
same tenure precisely as had all the emperors Defore him
from the accession of Claudius. In short, when the bishop
Eusebius wrote this statement, he knew that he was writing
a downright lie.
When Constantine marched against Maxentius, it was the
new Moses on his way to deliver Israel. When the army of
Maxentius was defeated and multitudes were drowned in the
river, it was the Red Sea swallowing up the hosts of Pharaoh.
When Maxentius was crowded off the bridge and by the
weight of his armor sank instantly to the bottom of the river,
it was the new Pharaoh and "the horse and his rider" be-
ing thrown into the sea and sinking to the bottom like a stone.
*/<#., chap. xx. 5/d!., chap. xxlv.
268 CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
Then was Israel delivered, and a song of deliverance was
sung by the new Israel as by the original Israel at their deliv-
erance. Thus the story continues : —
"And now those miracles recorded in Holy Writ, which God of old
wrought against the ungodly (discredited by most as fables, yet believed by
the faithful), did he in very deed confirm to all, alike believers and unbe-
lievers, who were eye-witnesses to the wonders I am about to relate. For
as once in the days of Moses and the Hebrew nation, who were worshipers
of God, he cast Pharaoh's chariots and his host into the waves, and drowned
his chosen chariot-captains in the Red Sea, — so at this time did Maxentius,
and the soldiers and guards with him, sink to the bottom as a stone,
when, in his flight before the divinely aided forces of Constantine, he
essayed to cross the river which lay in his way, over which he had made
a strong bridge of boats, and had framed an engine of destruction, really
against himself, but in the hope of ensnaring thereby him who was be-
loved of God. For his God stood by the one to protect him, while the
other, destitute of his aid, proved to be the miserable contriver of these
secret devices to his own ruin. So that one might well say, ' He made a
pit, and digged it, and shall fall into the ditch which he made. His mis-
chief shall return upon his own head, and his iniquity shall come down
upon his own pate.' Thus, in the present instance, under divine direc-
tion, the machine erected on the bridge, with the ambuscade concealed
therein, giving way unexpectedly before the appointed time, the passage
began to sink down, and the boats with the men in them went bodily to
the bottom. At first the wretch himself, then his armed attendants and
guards, even as the sacred oracles had before described, ' sank as lead in
the mighty waters.' So that they who thus obtained victory from God
might well, if not in the same words, yet in fact in the same spirit as the
people of his great servant Moses, sing and speak as they did concerning
the impious tyrant of old : ' Let us sing unto the Lord, for he has been
glorified exceedingly : the horse and his rider has he thrown into the
sea. He is become my helper and my shield unto salvation.' And again,
' Who is like to thee, O Lord, among the gods ? who is like thee, glori-
ous in holiness, marvelous in praises, doing wonders ?'" — fJusebius.6
Such adulation was not without response on the part of
Constantine. He united himself closely with the bishops, of
whom Eusebius was but one, and, in his turn, flattered
them : -
6 Jrf., chap, xxxvfii.
FINAL WAR WITH L1CINIUS. 269
" The emperor was also accustomed personally to invite the society
of God's ministers, whom he distinguished with the highest possible re-
spect and honor, treating them in every sense as persons consecrated to
the service of God. Accordingly, they were admitted to his table, though
mean in their attire and outward appearance ; yet not so in his estima-
tion, since he judged not of their exterior as seen by the vulgar eye, but
thought he discerned in them somewhat of the character of God him-
self." — EusebiusJ1
This worked charmingly. Throughout the empire the
courtly bishops worked in Constantino's interest ; and as
Licinius only now remained between Constantino and his
longed-for position as sole emperor and absolute ruler, the
bishops and their political church-followers prayed against
Licinius and for Constantine. As these "worldly-minded
bishops, instead of caring for the salvation of their flocks,
were often but too much inclined to travel about and
entangle themselves in worldly concerns " (Neander s),
Licinius attempted to check it. To stop their meddling
with the political affairs of his dominions, he forbade the
bishops to assemble together or to pass from their own
dioceses to others. He enacted that women should be
instructed only by women ; that in their assemblies the men
and the women should sit separate ; and commanded that
they of Nicomedia should meet outside the city, as the open
air was more healthful for such large assemblies.
This only tended to make the bishops more active, as the
acts of Licinius could be counted as persecution. Licinius
next went so far as to remove from all public office whoever
would not sacrifice to the gods, and the line was quickly
drawn once more in his dominion in favor of paganism.
This caused Constantino's party to put on a bolder face,
and they not only prayed for Constantine against Licinius,
but they began to invent visions in which they pretended to
7 Id., chap. xlii.
8 "History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section First, part
1, div. A, par. 26.
270 CON8TANTINE AND TEE BISHOPS.
see the "legions of Constantino marching victoriously
through the streets at midday." —Neander*
These enactments on the part of Licinius furnished the
new Moses with an opportunity to conquer the heathen in
the wilderness, and to go on to the possession of the prom-
ised land and the full establishment of the new theocracy.
War was declared, %and Constantine, with the labarum at the
head of his army, took up his march toward the dominions
of Licinius.
Another step was now taken in furtherance of the theo-
cratical idea, and in imitation of the original Moses. It will
be remembered that, after the passage of the Red Sea, Moses
erected a tabernacle, and pitched it afar off from the camp,
where he went to consult the Lord and to receive what the
Lord had to give in commandment to Israel. Constantine,
to sustain his part in this scheme of a new theocracy, and
as far as possible to conform to the theocratical plans of the
bishops, likewise erected a tabernacle, and pitched it a con-
siderable distance from his camp. To this tabernacle he
would repair and pretend to have visions and communica-
tions from the Lord, and to receive directions in regard to
his expected battles with Licinius. The original account is
as follows : —
"In this manner Licinius gave himself up to these impieties, and
rushed blindly towards the gulf of destruction. But as soon as the
emperor was aware that he must meet his enemies in a second battle, he
applied himself in earnestness to the worship of his Saviour. He pitched
the tabernacle of the cross outside and at a distance from his camp, and
there passed his time in pure and holy seclusion, and in offering up
prayers to God ; following thus the example of his ancient prophet, of
whom the sacred oracles testify that he pitched the tabernacle without
the camp. He was attended only by a few, of whose faith and piety, as
well as affection to his person, he was well assured. And this custom
he continued to observe whenever he meditated an engagement with
the enemy. For he was deliberate in his measures, the better to insure
safety, and desired in everything to be directed by divine counsel. And
since his prayers ascended with fervor and earnestness to God, he was
9 ld.t Section First, part i, dlv. A, par. 27.
ORIGINAL STATE CHAPLAINCIES.
always honored with a manifestation of his presence. And then, as if
moved by a divine impulse, he would rush from the tabernacle, and sud-
denly give orders to his army to move at once without delay, and on the
instant to draw their swords. On this they would immediately commence
the attack, with great and general slaughter, so as with incredible celerity
to secure the victory, and raise trophies in token of the overthrow of their
enemies." — Eusebius.10
He soon carried this matter somewhat farther, and pro-
vided a tabernacle in each legion, with attendant priests and
deacons, and also another which was constructed in the form
of a church, "so that in case he or his army might be led
into the desert, they might have a sacred edifice in which to
praise and worship God, and participate in the mysteries.
Priests and deacons followed the tent for the purpose of offi-
ciating therein, according to the law and regulations of the
church. " — Sozomen. n
Such was the original establishment of state chaplaincies.
And it is but proper to remark that the system, wherever
copied, has always been worthy of the original imposture.
The outcome of the war between Constantine and Licinius
we have already related ; also his murder of Licinius. And
when, in violation of his solemn oath to his sister Constantia,
Constantine caused Licinius to be executed, the courtier-
bishop justified the wicked transaction as being the lawful
execution of the will of God upon the enemy of God. Thus
he speaks : —
" He then proceeded to deal with this adversary of God and his
followers according to the laws of war, and consign them to the
fate which their crimes deserved. Accordingly the tyrant himself
[Licinius] and they whose counsels had supported him in his impiety,
were together subjected to the just punishment of death. After this,
those who had so lately been deceived by their vain confidence in false
deities, acknowledged with unfeigned sincerity the God of Constantine,
and openly professed their belief in him as the true and only God." —
10 " Life of Constantine," book ii, chap xil.
11 "Ecclesiastical History," book I, chap. viH.
18 " Life of Constantine," book ii, chap, xviii.
272 GONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
When Constantine went to take his seat as presiding
officer in the Council of Nice, his theocratical flatterers pre-
tended to be dazzled by his splendor, as though an angel of
God had descended straight from heaven, and he who sat at
Constantine's right hand that day, thus testifies : —
"And now, all rising at the signal which indicated the emperor's en-
trance, at last he himself proceeded through the midst of the assembly,
like some heavenly messenger of God." — • Eusebius.13
Constantine, to sustain his part in the farce, declared
openly in the council that " the crimes of priests ought not to
be made known to the multitude, lest they should become an
occasion of offense or of sin ; " and that if he should detect
" a bishop in the very act of committing adultery," he would
throw "his imperial robe over the unlawful deed, lest any
should witness the scene," and be injured by the bad exam-
ple." -Tkeodoret.™ And when the council was closed and
the creed for which they had come together was established, he
sent a letter to the " Catholic Church of the Alexandrians," in
which he announced that the conclusions reached by the coun-
cil were inspired by the Holy Spirit, and could be none other
than the divine will concerning the doctrine of God.
After the council was over, he gave a banquet in honor
of the twentieth year of his reign, to which he invited the
bishops and clergy who had attended the council. The
bishops responded by pretending that it seemed to be the
very likeness of the kingdom of Christ itself. The de-
scription is as follows : —
"The emperor himself invited and feasted with those ministers of
.God whom he had reconciled, and thus offered as it were through them
a suitable sacrifice to God. Not one of the bishops was wanting at the
imperial banquet, the circumstances of which were splendid beyond
description. Detachments of the body guard and other troops sur-
rounded the entrance of the palace with drawn swords, and through the
midst of these the men of God proceeded without fear into the innermost
of the imperial apartments, in which some were the emperor's own com-
panions at table, while others reclined on couches arranged on either side.
13 7d., book iii, chap. x. u "Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap, xi.
THE BISHOPS AND THE EMPEROR. 273
One might have thought that a picture of Christ's kingdom was thus shad-
owed forth, and that the scene was less like reality than a dream. "—
Eusebius. 15
At the banquet "the emperor himself presided, and as
the feast went on, called to himself one bishop after another,
and loaded each with -gifts in proportion to his deserts."
This so delighted the bishops that one of them — James of
Nisibis, a member of that monkish tribe who habitually
lived on grass, browsing like oxen, was wrought up to such
a height that he declared he saw angels standing round the
emperor. Constantine, not to- be outdone, saw angels stand-
ing around James, and pronounced him one of the three
pillars of the world. He said, "There are three pillars of
the world ; Antony in Egypt, Nicolas of Myra, James in
Assyria."16
Another instance of this mutual cajolery is given con-
cerning Eusebius and the emperor as follows : —
" One act, however, I must by no means omit to record, which this
admirable prince performed in my own presence. On one occasion,
emboldened by the confident assurance I entertained of his piety, I had
begged permission to pronounce a discourse on the subject of our
Saviour's sepulcher in his hearing. With this request he most readily
complied, and in the midst of a large number of auditors, in the interior
of the palace itself, he stood and listened with the rest. I entreated him
(but in vain) to seat himself on the imperial throne which stood near :
he continued with fixed attention to weigh the topics of my discourse,
and gave his own testimony to the truth of the theological doctrines it
contained. After some time had passed, the oration being of consider-
able length, I was myself desirous of concluding ; but this he would not
permit, and exhorted me to proceed td the very end. On my again
entreating him to sit, he in his turn admonished me to desist, saying it
was not right to listen in a careless manner to the discussion of doctrines
relating to God ; and again, that this posture was good and profitable to
himself, since it argued a becoming reverence to stand while listening to
sacred truths. Having, therefore concluded my discourse, I returned
home, and resumed my usual occupations." — Eusebius. 17
16 "Life of Constantine," book iii, chap. 15.
16 Stanley, "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture v, par. 34.
17 "Life of Constantine," book iv, chap, xxxiii.
274 CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
Oonstantine himself occasionally appeared in the role of
preacher also. " On these occasions a general invitation
was issued, and thousands of people went to the palace to
hear an emperor turned preacher " (Stanley 18 ) ; they were
ready at the strong points to respond with loud applause and
cheering. At times he would attack his courtiers for their
rapacity and worldliness generally, and they, understanding
him perfectly, would cheer him loudly for his preaching, and
go on in the same old way imitating his actions.
Again : when his mother sent the nails of the true cross to
him from Jerusalem with the instruction that some of them
should be used as bridle bits for his war-horse, it was counted
a further evidence that the kingdom of God was come ; for
it was made to be the fulfillment of that which " Zacha-
riah the prophet predicted, ' that what is upon the bridles of
the horses shall be holiness unto the Lord Almighty."
Theodoret.™ And when he appointed his sons and nephews
as Csesars to a share in the governmental authority, this was
made to be a fulfillment of the prophecy of Daniel vii, 17,
" The saints of the Most High shall take the kingdom ! "
Yet more than this : Eusebius actually argued that the
emperor- s dining hall might be the New Jerusalem described
in the book of Revelation.20 And at the celebration of the
thirtieth year of his reign, another of the bishops was so
carried away with the imperial honors conferred upon him,
that he went so far as to declare that Constantine had been
constituted by God to rule over all in the present world, and
was destined also by the Lord to reign with the Son of God
in the world to come. This, it seems, was rather too much
even for Constantine, and he exhorted the gushing bishop
not to use such language any more ; but instead to pray
for him that he might be accounted worthy to be a servant
18 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 24.
19 " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap, xviil.
20 " Encyclopedia Britannica," article "Millennium."
CONSTANTINE SENT TO HEAVEN. 375
of God, rather than joint ruler, in the world to come. —
Eusebius.*1
But after he was dead, and therefore unable to put
any check upon the extravagance of their adulation, Eu-
sebius pretended to hesitate as to whether it would not be
committing gross sacrilege to attempt to write his life.
However, he finally concluded to venture upon it. Some of
his statements we have already given ; but there are a few
more that should be reproduced in this connection. Refer-
ring to Constantino's lying in state so long before his sons
assumed the imperial authority, he says : —
"No mortal had ever, like this blessed prince, continued to reign
even after his death, and to receive the same homage as during his life :
he only, of all who have ever lived, obtained this reward from God : a
suitable reward, since he alone of all sovereigns had in all his actions
honored the supreme God and his Christ, and God himself accordingly
was pleased that even his mortal remains should still retain imperial
authority among men."21
This was not enough, however. It must needs be that
God should set him forth as the pattern of the human race : —
"And God himself, whom Constantine worshiped, has confirmed this
truth by the clearest manifestations of his will, being present to aid him
at the commencement, during the course, and at the end of his reign, and
holding him up to the human race as an exemplary pattern of godliness."23
Next, he seeks some object worthy to be a standard of
comparison for "this marvelous man." But he is unable
to find any such thing or person but the Saviour himself.
Therefore he declares : —
"We cannot compare him with that bird of Egypt, the only one, as
they say, of its kind, which dies, self-sacrificed, in the midst of aromatic
perfumes, and, rising from its own ashes, with new life soars aloft in the
same form which it had before. Rather did he resemble his Saviour,
81 " Life of Constantine," book iv. chap, xlviii.
22 Id., book iv, chap. Ixvii.
23 7d., book i, chap. iv.
276 CONSTANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
who, as the sown corn which is multiplied from a single grain, had
yielded abundant increase through the blessing of God, and had over-
spread the world with his fruit. Even so did our thrice blessed prince
become multiplied, as it were, through the succession of his sons. His
statue was erected along with theirs in every province ; and the name of
Constantine was owned and honored even after the close of his mortal
life."24
But even this does not- satisfy the aspirations of the
episcopal adulator. The task is now become one of such
grandeur as to transcend all his powers ; he stops amazed,
and in impotence resigns it all to Christ, who only, he
professes, is worthy to do the subject justice : —
"For to whatever quarter I direct my view, whether to the east, or
to the west, or over the whole world, or toward .heaven itself, I see the
blessed emperor everywhere present ; . . . and I see him still living and
powerful, and governing the general interests of mankind more com-
pletely than ever before, being multiplied as it were by the succession of
his children to the imperial power. . . .
"And I am indeed amazed when I consider that he who was but
lately visible and present with us in his mortal body, is still, even after
death, when the natural thought disclaims all superfluous distinctions as
unsuitable, most marvelously endowed with the same imperial dwellings,
and honors, and praises, as heretofore. But further, when I raise my
thoughts even to the arch of heaven, and there contemplate his thrice
blessed soul in communion with God himself, freed from eveiy mortal
and earthly vesture, and shining in a refulgent robe of light ; and when
I perceive that it is no more connected with the fleeting periods and
occupations of mortal life, but honored with an ever-blooming crown,
and an immortality of endless and blessed existence ; I stand as it were
entranced and deprived of all power of utterance : and so, while I con-
demn my own weakness, and impose silence on myself, I resign the task
of speaking his praises worthily to one who is better able, even to him
who alone has power (being the immortal God — the Word) to confirm
the truth of his own sayings."25
All this with much more to the same puipose is set forth
by that bishop who above all others is entitled " one of the
best among the bishops of Constantino's court," and the one
24 Id., book iv, chap. Ixxii. 25 Id., book i, chaps, i, ii.
THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY. 277
who ' ' cannot be reckoned among the number of the ordinary
court bishops of his period." —Neander™
By the plain, unbiased facts of history, Constantine stands
before the world as a confirmed and constant hypocrite, a
perjurer, and a many-times murderer. And yet this bishop,
knowing all this, hesitates not to declare him the special
favorite of God ; to liken him to Jesus Christ ; to make God
indorse him to the human race as an example of godliness ;
and to exalt him so high that no one but "the immortal
God " can worthily speak his praises !
When one of the best of the bishops of his court, one who
was familiar with the whole course of his evil life, could see
in the life and actions of such a man as this, a Moses, and
angels, and the New Jerusalem, and the kingdom of God,
and even the Lord Christ- — when in such a life, all this
could be seen by one of the best of the bishops, we can only
wonderingly inquire what could not be seen there by the
worst of the bishops !
Can any one wonder, or can any reasonable person 'dis-
pute, that from a mixture composed of such bishops and such
a character, there should come the mystery of iniquity in all
its hideous enormity f
NOTE ON CONSTANTINE S VISION OF THE CROSS.
It will be observed that in this account of Constantino nothing has been
said about his "vision of the cross," of which so much h;is been said by almost
every other writer who has gone over this ground. For this there are two main
reasons. First, There is no point in the narrative where it could have been in-
troduced, even though it were true. Second, The whole story is so manifestly
a lie that it is unworthy of serious notice in any narrative that makes any preten-
sions to truth or soberness.
There is no point at which such an account could be inserted, because nobody
ever heard of it until "long after" it was said to have occurred ; and then it
was made known by Constantine himself to Eusebius only, and was never made a
matter of record until after Constautine's death.
26 " History of the Christian Keligion and Church," Vol. ii, Section First,
part i, <"iv. A, par. 45, note.
278 CON8TANTINE AND THE BISHOPS.
These things of themselves would go far to discredit the story; but when it
is borne in mind that the only record that was even then made of it was in
Eusebius's " Life of Constantine," the character of which is quite clearly seen in
the extracts which we have made from it in this chapter, the story may be entirely
discredited. Eusebius's words are as follows : —
"While he was thus praying with fervent entreaty, a most marvelous sign
appeared to him from heaven, the account of which it might have been difficult
to receive with credit, had it been related by any other person. But since the
victorious emperor himself long afterwards declared it to the writer of this
history, when he was honored with his acquaintance and society, and confirmed
his statement by an oath, who could hesitate to accredit the relation, especially
since the testimony of after-time has established its truth? " 27
It will be seen at once that this account is of the same nature as that of
Eusebius's " Life of Constantine " throughout. It is of the same piece with that
by which " no mortal was allowed to contribute to the elevation of Constantine."
If it should be pleaded that Constantine confirmed his statement by an oath,
the answer is that this is no evidence of the truth of the statement. " That
the emperor attested it on oath, as the historian tells us, is indeed no additional
guarantee for the emperor's veracity." — Stanley. z&
He gave his oath to his sister as a pledge for the life of her husband, and
shortly had him killed. In short, when Constantine confirmed a statement, by
an oath, this was about the best evidence that he could give that the statement
was a lie. This is the impression clearly conveyed by Stanley's narrative, as may
be seen by a comparison of Lecture iii, par. 11; Lecture iv, par. 9; Lecture vi,
par. 10, and is sustained by the evidence of Constantine's whole imperial course.
In addition to this, there is the fact that Eusebius himself only credited the
story because it came from Constantine, and because it was established " by the
testimony of after-time," in which testimony he was ever ready to see the most
wonderful evidence of God's special regard for Constantine; and the further fact
that it was one of the principles of Eusebius that " it may be lawful and fitting
to use falsehood as a medicine, for the advantage of those who require such a
method,"29 which principle is fully illustrated in his dealings with Constantine.
When all these things, and many others which might be mentioned, are fairly
considered, they combine to make the story of Constantine's vision of the cross,
utterly unworthy of the slightest credit, or any place, in any sober or exact his-
tory. Therefore I do, and all others ought to, fully concur in the opinion that
this " flattering fable " " can claim no place among the authentic records of his-
tory; and by writers whose only object is truth, it may very safely be consigned
to contempt and oblivion." — Waddington.30
27 " Life of Constantine," book i, chap, xxviii.
28 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture vi, par. 10.
29 Quoted by Waddington in " Note on Eusebius," at the end of chapter yi,
of his "History of the Church."
80 " History of the Church," chap, vi, par. 3.
CHAPTER XII.
THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
T F the mutual flattery of Constantino and the bishops had
i concerned only themselves, it would have been a matter of
very slight importance indeed ; but this was not so. Each
side represented an important interest. Constantine merely
represented the State, and the bishops the church ; and their
mutual flattery was only the covering of a deep laid and far
reaching scheme which each party was determined to work
to the utmost, for its own interests. "It was the aim of
Constantine to make theology a branch of politics ; it was
the hope of every bishop in the empire to make politics a
branch of theology." — Draper.1 Consequently, in their
mutual toadyism were involved the interests of both the
Church and the State, and the welfare of human society for
ages to come.
Therefore, ' ' To the reign of Constantine the Great must
be referred the commencement of those dark and dismal
times which oppressed Europe for a thousand years. It is
the true close of the Roman empire, the beginning of the
Greek. The transition from one to the other is emphatically
and abruptly marked by a new metropolis, a new religion, a
new code, and, above all, a new policy. An ambitious man
had attained to imperial power by personating the interests
of a rapidly growing party. The unavoidable consequences
were a union between the Church and the State, a diverting
1 " Intellectual Development of Europe," chap, x, par. 6.
24 [279]
280 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
of the dangerous classes from civil to ecclesiastical paths,
and the decay and materialization of religion." -Draper.*
To set forth the true account of the seed that was sown in
the workings of this mutual intrigue, and to indicate certain
inevitable fruits thereof, must now employ our thoughts.
As we are to consider acts which were very far-reaching, and
trace their consequences, we shall follow to its logical results
each special act as it occurs, before noticing the next one.
When the alliance was formed between Constantine and
what was represented to him as Christianity, it was with the
idea on his part that this religion formed a united body
throughout the empire. As has been shown, this was true
in a certain sense, because the persecution as carried on by
Galerius under the edicts of Diocletian, was against Chris-
tianity as a profession, without any distinction whatever as
to its phases, and this caused all the different sects to stand
together as one in defense of the principles that were com-
mon to all. Therefore the essential unity of all the profes-
sions of Christianity he supposed to be a fact ; and from all
his actions and writings afterward it is certain that represen-
tations had been made to him by the bishops in a stronger
measure than was true, and in an infinitely stronger measure
than he found it in practice to be.
As has also been shown, the alliance with Christianity on
his part was wholly political, and merely a part of the polit-
ical machinery by which he designed to bring together again
the divided elements of the empire into one harmonious whole,
as contemplated by Diocletian. It being represented to him
by the bishops who met him in Gaul in A. D. 311, that
Christianity was a united body which, if he would support it,
would in turn be a powerful support to him, he accepted
their representations as the truth, and formed the alliance
solely as a part of his political designs, and to help him to
forward his declared "mission to unite the world under one
head."
8 Id., chap, ix, par. 24,
A FALSE UNITY. 281
But an apparent unity upon the grand principles common
to all sects of Christianity, created by a defense of the rights
of Christians to believe and to worship according to the
dictates of their own conscience, and a real unity which
would stand together in Christian brotherhood under the
blandishments of imperial favor, were two very different
things. It was easy enough for all the sects in which
Christianity claimed at that time to be represented, to stand
together against an effort of the imperial power to crush out
of existence the very name, as well as the right to profess
it. It was not so easy for these same denominations to
stand together as one, representing the charity and unifying
influence of Christianity, when imperial support, imperial
influence, and imperial power, were the prizes to be gained.
Therefore, although the alliance was formed with what
was supposed to be Christianity as a whole, without any
respect to internal divisions, it was very soon discovered
that each particular faction of the Christian profession was
ambitious to be recognized as the one in which, above all
others, Christianity was most certainly represented. The
bishops were ready and willing to represent to Constantine
that Christianity was one. They did so represent it to him.
And although he entered the alliance with that understand-
ing, the alliance had no sooner been well formed than it
devolved upon him to decide among the conflicting factions
and divisions just where that one was to be found.
The Edict of Milan ordered that the church property
which had been confiscated by the -edicts of Diocletian,
should be restored to "the whole body of Christians," with-
out any distinction as to particular sects or names. Thus
runs that part of the edict : -
"And this we further decree, with respect to the Christians, that the
places in which they were formerly accustomed to assemble, concerning
which also we formerly wrote to your fidelity, in a different form, that if
any persons have purchased these, either from our treasury, or from any
other one, these shall restore them to the Christians, without money and
282 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
without demanding any price, without any superadded value or augmen-
tation, without delayer hesitancy. And if any have happened to receive
these places as presents, that they shall restore them as soon as possible
to the Christians, so that if either those that purchased or those that
received them as presents, have anything to request of our munificence,
they may go to the provincial governor, as the judge ; that provision
may also be made for them by our clemency. All which it will be
necessary to be delivered up to the body of Christians, by your care,
without any delay.
"And since the Christians themselves are known to have had not
only those places where they were accustomed to meet, but other places
also, belonging not to individuals among them, but to the right of the
whole body of Christians, you will also command all these, by virtue of
the law before mentioned, without any hesitancy, to be restored to these
same Christians, that is, to their body, and to each conventicle respect-
ively. The aforesaid consideration, to wit, being observed ; namely,
that they who -as we have said restore them without valuation and price,
may expect their indemnity from our munificence and liberality. In all
which it will be incumbent on you, to exhibit your exertions as much as
possible to the aforesaid body of Christians, that our orders may be most
speedily accomplished, that likewise in this provision may be made by
our clemency, for the preservation of the common and public tranquillity.
For by these means,, as before said, the divine favor with regard to us,
which we have already experienced in many affairs, will continue firm
and permanent at all times.
" But that the purpose of this our ordinance and liberality may be
extended to the knowledge of all, it is expected that these things written,
by us, should be proposed and published to the knowledge of all. That
this act of our liberality and kindness may remain unknown to none." 3
This was proper enough in itself. But Constantine and
the bishops had formed an alliance for political purposes.
The bishops had lent to Constantine their support, the fruit
of which he was enjoying ; and now they demanded that the
expected return should be rendered. Accordingly, the res-
toration of the property of the Christians, under the Edict
of Milan, had no sooner begun, than the contentions which
had been raised before the late persecution, between the
church of Rome and the churches of Africa, were not only
made to assume new and political significance, but were
3Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book x, chap. v.
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH ESTABLISHED. 283
made an issue upon which to secure the imperial recognition
and the legal establishment of the Catholic Church. As the
rule had already been established that all who did not agree
with the bishops of the Catholic Church were necessarily
heretics, and not Christians, it was now claimed by the
Catholic Church that therefore none such could be par-
takers of the benefits of the edict restoring property to the
Christians. The Catholic Church disputed the right of heretics
to receive property or money under the Edict of Milan, by
disputing their right to the title of Christians. This forced
an imperial decision upon the question as to who were
Christians. The dispute wras raised in Africa. Anulinus
was proconsul in that province. To settle this Question,
Constantine issued the following edict : —
"Hail, our most esteemed Anulinus : This is the course of our
benevolence ; that we wish those things that belong justly to others,
should not only remain unmolested, but should also, when necessary, be
restored, most esteemed Anulinus. Whence it is our will, that when
thou shall receive this epistle, if any of those things belonging to the
Catholic Church of the Christians in the several cities or other places, are
now possessed either by the decurions, or any others, these thou shalt
cause immediately to be restored to their churches. Since we have pre-
viously determined, that whatsoever these same churches before possessed,
shall be restored to their right. When, therefore, your fidelity has
understood this decree of our orders to be most evident and plain, make
all haste to restore, as soon as possible, all that belongs to the churches,
whether gardens or houses, or anything else, that we may learn thou
hast attended to, and most carefully observed, this our decree. Farewell,
most esteemed and beloved Anulinus," *
By this it was made evident that the imperial favors were
only for the Catholic Church. Nor was it enough that Con-
stantine should decide that all his favors were for the Cath-
olic Church ; he must next decide which was the CatJwlic
Church. This was brought about by a division which was
created in the church at Carthage, having its origin in the
late persecution.
284: THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATS.
The edict issued by Diocletian had commanded the magis-
trates everywhere to compel the Christians to deliver up
the Scriptures. Some Christians did so ; others refused and
suffered all kinds of punishments rather than to do so.
"When Constantine formed his alliance with the bishops,
Mensurius was bishop of Carthage, and some of his ene-
mies had falsely accused him of being one of those who
had delivered up the Scriptures rather than to suffer.
They were supported by a certain Donatus, bishop of a
city in Numidia, and they separated themselves from com-
munion with Mensurius. When Mensurius died,, as the
"primacy of the African church was the object of am-
bition to these two parties " (Mil-man 5), and as this prim-
acy carried with it imperial patronage, there were several
candidates. A certain Csecilianus was elected, however,
"in spite of the cabals and intrigues of Botrus and Csele-
sius, two chief presbyters who aspired to that dignity." —
.Bower. 6
Botrus and Cselesius were now joined by Donatus and
his party, and these all were further joined and supported
by a certain Lucilla, a woman of great qualities, wealth, and
interest, and an avowed enemy to Caecilianus. This faction
gathered together about seventy of the bishops of Numidia
for the purpose of deposing Caecilianus as one having been
illegally chosen. When they came together at Carthage,
they found that the great majority of the people were in
favor of Csecilianus ; but they went ahead, nevertheless.
They summoned him to the council. He refused to go, and
it was well that he did so, because one of them had already
said of him, " If he comes among us, instead of laying our
hands on him by way of ordination, we ought to knock out
his brains by wray of penance."- — Bower.1 A council com-
posed of men of this character, it is easy to believe, were
readily susceptible to whatever influence might be brought
5 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 10 from the end.
6 " History of the Popes," Melchiades, par. 2. 7/d., par. 3.
WHICH IS THE CATHOLIC CHURCH? 285
to bear upon them to bring them to a decision. Lucilla, by
the free use of money, succeeded in persuading them to
declare the election of Csecilianus void, and the bishopric of
Carthage vacant. They pronounced him and all who held
with him separated from their communion, and proceeded to
elect and ordain a certain Majorinus, who had formerly been
one of Lucilla's servants, but was now a reader in the church.
Thus stood matters in the church in Africa when in
March, A. D. 313, Constantine sent to the proconsul
Anulinus the following edict : —
"Health to thee, most esteemed Anulinus. As it appears from many
circumstances that when the religion was despised, in which the highest
reverence of the heavenly Majesty is observed, that our public affairs
were beset with great dangers, and that this religion, when legally
adopted and observed, afforded the greatest prosperity to the Roman
name, and distinguished felicity to all men, as it has been granted by
the divine beneficence, we have resolved that those men who gave their
services with becoming sanctity, and the observance of thia law, to the
performance of divine worship, should receive the recompense for their
labors, 0 most esteemed Anulinus ; wherefore it is my will that these
men, within the province intrusted to thee in the Catholic Church, over
which Cacilianus presides, who give their services to this holy religion,
and whom they commonly call clergy, shall be held totally free and exempt
from all public offices, to the end that they may not, by any error or sacri-
legious deviation, be drawn away from the service due to the Divinity,
but rather may devote themselves to their proper law, without any
molestation. So that, whilst they exhibit the greatest possible reverence
to the Deity, it appears the greatest good will be conferred on the State.
Farewell, most esteemed and beloved Anulinus. " 8
As will be seen later, tlys exemption was a most material
benefit. And when the party of Majorinus saw themselves
excluded. from it, they claimed that they were the Catholic
Church, and therefore really the ones who were entitled to it.
Accordingly, they drew up a petition to the emperor, entitled,
"The petition of the Catholic Church, containing the crimes
of Caecilianus, by the party of Majorinus."— Bowet\9 This
8Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book x, chap. vii.
8 "History of the Popes," Melchiades, par. 5.
286 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
petition requested the emperor to refer to the bishops of
Gaul the controversy between them and Caecilianus. The
petition, with a bundle of papers containing their charges
against Caecilianus, they gave to the proconsul Anulinus, who
immediately sent it by a messenger to Constantine, and sent
also by the same messenger a letter giving him an account of
the dispute. When Constantine received the petition and
the accompanying papers, he appointed three of the principal
bishops of Gaul to meet with the bishop of Rome to examine
the matter, and sent to Melchiades, the then bishop of Rome,
the following letter : —
" Constantine Augustus, to Miltiades [ the same as Melchiades], bishop
of Rome, and to Marcus : As many communications of this kind have
been sent to me from Anulinus, the most illustrious proconsul of Africa,
in which it is contained that Csecilianus, the bishop of Carthage, was
accused, in many respects, by his colleagues in Africa ; and as this ap-
pears to be grievous, that in those provinces which divine Providence
has freely intrusted to my fidelity, and in which there is a vast popula-
tion, the multitude are found inclining to deteriorate, and in a manner
divided into two parties, and among others, that the bishops were at
variance ; I have resolved that the same Csecilianus, together with ten
bishops, who appear to accuse him, and ten others, whom he himself may
consider necessary for his cause, shall sail to Rome. That you, being
present there, as also Reticius, Maternus, and Marinus, your colleagues,
whom I have commanded to hasten to Rome for this purpose, may be
heard, as you may understand most consistent with the most sacred law.
And, indeed, that you may have the most perfect knowledge of these
matters. I have subjoined to my own epistle copies of the writings sent
to me by Anulinus, and sent them to your aforesaid colleagues. In
which your gravity will read and consider in what way the aforesaid
cause may be most accurately investigated and justly decided. Since it
neither escapes your diligence, that I show such regard for the holy
Catholic Church, that I wish you, upon the whole, to leave no room for
schism or division. May the power of the great God preserve you many
years, most esteemed." 10
%
Several other bishops besides those named in this letter
were appointed by. the emperor to attend the council, so that
when the council met, there were nineteen members of it.
10Eusebius's "Ecclesiastical History," book x, chap. v.
COUNCILS TO DECIDE THE QUESTION. 287
According to Constantino's letter, as well as by virtue of his
own position, Melchiades presided in the council, and thus
began to reap in imperial recognition and joint authority, the
fruit of the offers which he made when in A. D. 311 he sent
that letter and delegation of bishops to Constantino in Gaul,
inviting him to the conquest of Rome and the deliverance of
the church.
The council met in the apartments of the empress, in the
Lateran Palace in Rome, October 2, 313. Caecilianus ap-
peared in person, and Donatus came as his accuser. The
council decided that none of the . charges were proved, pro-
nounced Caecilianus innocent, and Donatus a slanderer and
the chief author of all the contention. Their decision, with
a full account of the proceedings, was immediately sent to
Constantirie. The Donatists appealed from the council to
the emperor, demanding a larger council, on the plea that
the bishops who composed this one were partial, prejudiced,
and had acted hastily, and, besides this, were too few in num-
ber properly to decide a matter of so great importance.
Constantine ordered another council to be held at Aries, to
be composed of "many bishops." The following is the let-
ter he sent to one of the bishops who was summoned to
Aries, and will show his wishes in the matter : —
"Constantine Augustus, to Chrestus, bishop of Syracuse : As there
were some already before who perversely and wickedly began to waver
in the holy religion and celestial virtue, and to abandon the doctrine of
the Catholic Church, desirous, therefore, of preventing such disputes
among them, I had thus written, that this subject, which appeared to be
agitated among them, might be rectified, by delegating certain bishops
from Gaul, and summoning others of the opposite parties from Africa,
who are pertinaciously and incessantly contending with one another,
that by a careful examination of the matter in their presence, it might
thus be decided. But since, as it happens, some, forgetful of their own
salvation, and the reverence due to our most holy religion, even now do
not cease to protract their own enmity, being unwilling to conform to
the decision already promulgated, and asserting that they were very few
that advanced their sentiments and opinions, or else that all points which
288 TEE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
ought to have been first fully discussed not being first examined, they
proceeded with too much haste and precipitancy to give publicity to the
decision. Hence it has happened that those very persons who ought to
exhibit a brotherly and peaceful unanimity, rather disgracefully and de-
testably are at variance with one another, and thus give this occasion of
derision to those that are without, and whose minds are averse to our
most holy religion. Hence it has appeared necessary to me to provide
that this matter, which ought to have ceased after the decision was issued
by their own voluntary agreement, now, at length, should be fully ter-
minated by the intervention of many.
" Since, therefore, we have commanded many bishops to meet to-
gether from different and remote places, in the city of Aries, towards the
calends of August, I have also thought proper to write to thee, that
taking a public vehicle from the most illustrious Latroniarius, corrector
of Sicily, and taking with thee two others of the second rank, which thou
mayest select, also three servants to afford you services on the way ; I
would have you meet them within the same day at the aforesaid place.
That by the weight of your authority, and the prudence and unanimity
of the rest that assemble, this dispute, which has disgracefully continued
until the present time, in consequence of certain disgraceful contentions,
may be discussed, by hearing all that shall be alleged by those who are
now at variance, whom we have also commanded to be present, and thus
the controversy be reduced, though slowly, to that faith, and observance
of religion, and fraternal concord, which ought to prevail. May
Almighty God preserve thee in safety many years." u
This council met according to appointment, August, A. D.
314, and was composed of the bishops from almost all the
provinces of the Western division of the empire. Sylvester,
who was now bishop of Rome, was summoned to the council,
but declined on account of age, sending two presbyters and
two deacons as his representatives This council also
declared Caecilianus innocent of the crimes laid against
him by the Donatists. The council also decided that who-
ever should falsely accuse his brethren should be cut off
from the communion of the church without hope of ever
being received again, except at the point of death. It
further decided that such bishops as had been ordained by
the Donatists should officiate alternately with the Catholic
bishops till one or the other should die.
THE DONATISTS APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. 289
But the council did not stop with the consideration of
the question which it was summoned to consider. The
bishops in council now took it upon themselves to legislate
in matters of discipline for the world, and to bestow special
preference and dignity upon the bishop of Rome. They
" ordained that Easter should be kept on the same day, and
on a Sunday, by all the churches in the world" (Bower™},
and that the bishop of Rome should announce to the churches
the particular Sunday upon which it should be celebrated.
Before adjourning, the council sent to the bishop of Rome
an account of their proceedings, with a copy of the decrees
which they had adopted concerning the discipline of the
churches, that he might publish them to all the churches.
The Donatists appealed again, not for council, but to the
emperor himself. Constantino held a consistory and heard
their appeal, and in harmony with the council already held,
pronounced in favor of Csecilianus and against the Donatists.
Upon this the Donatists claimed that the emperor had been
influenced by Hosius, one of his favorite bishops, and denied
that he had any jurisdiction in the matter at all, because it
was not right for civil magistrates to have anything to do
with religion ! This claim was true enough, if they had
made it at the beginning, and had refused from the first to
allow their controversy to be touched upon in any way by
the imperial authority. Then they would have stood upon
proper ground ; but when they themselves were the first to
appeal to the civil authority ; when they had asked the em-
peror to consider the matter again and again, with the hope
of getting the imperial power on their side ; and when
they had carried to the last extreme, their efforts in this
direction, — when they had done all this in vain, and then
turned about to protest, their protest was robbed of every
shadow of force or merit.
The question as to which was the Catholic Church having
now been decided, Constantine, in his next epistle, could add
w " History of the Popes," Sylvester, par. I, note A.
290 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
yet another distinguishing title. As we have seen, the Edict
of Milan — March, A. D. 313 — ordered that the churches
should be restored to the Christians — "the whole body
of Christians" —without distinction. When the Catholic
Church asserted its sole right to the designation " Chris-
tian," and backed its assertion with political reasons which
were then peculiarly cogent, the imperial epistle ran — March,
A. D. 313 — "to the Catholic Church of the Christians."
When the emperor wrote to Melchiades appointing the first
council under the imperial authority, his epistle ran —
autumn, A. D. 313 — the holy Catholic Church." When he
wrote to Chrestus — summer, A. D. 314 — summoning him
to the second council under imperial authority, he referred
to the doctrine of the Catholic Church as embodying the
"most holy religion." When it had been decided which
was " the most holy Catholic religion," he addressed an
epistle to Csecilianus — A. D. 316 — announcing imperial
favors to " the legitimate and most holy Catholic religion,"
and empowered Csecilianus to assist the imperial officers in
preventing any diversion from the most holy Catholic Church.
The following is that letter : -
" Constantine Augustus, to Csecilianus, bishop of Carthage : As we
have determined, that in all the provinces of Africa, Numidia, and
Mauritania, something should be granted to certain ministers of the legiti-
mate and most holy Catholic religion to defray their expenses, I have
given letters to Ursus, the most illustrious lieutenant-governor of Africa,
and have communicated to him, that he shall provide, to pay to your au-
thority, three thousand folles [about one hundred thousand dollars].
"After you shall have obtained this sum, you are to order these
monies to be distributed among the aforesaid ministers, according to the
abstract addressed to thee from Hosius. But if thou shalt learn, per-
haps, that anything shall be wanting to complete this my purpose with
regard to all, thou art authorized, without delay, to make demands for
whatever thou mayest ascertain to be necessary, from Heraclides, the
procurator of our possessions. And I have also commanded him when
present, that if thy authority should demand any monies of him, he
should see that it should be paid without delay. And as I ascertained
that some men, who are of no settled mind, wished to divert the people
THE STATE BECOMES PARTISAN. 291
from the most holy Catholic Church, by a certain pernicious adulteration,
I wish thee to understand that I have given, both to the proconsul
Anulinus and to Patricius, vicar-general of the prefects, when present,
the following injunctions : that, among all the rest, they should particu-
larly pay the necessary attention to this, nor should by any means toler-
ate that this should be overlooked. Wherefore, if thou seest any of these
men persevering in this madness, thou shalt, without any hesitancy, pro-
ceed to the aforesaid judges, and report it to them, that they may ani-
madvert upon them, as I commanded them, when present. May the power
of the great God preserve thee many years." 13
When the Donatists rejected the decision of the emperor
himself, and denied his right to say anything in the contro-
versy in which they had invited him over and over again to
participate, as announced in the above letter to Csecilianus he
carried against them — A. D. 316 — the interference which
they had solicited, to the full extent to which it would un-
doubtedly have been carried against the Catholics if the
Donatists had secured the decision in their favor. The
Donatist bishops were driven out, and Constantine ordered
all their churches to be delivered to the Catholic party. As
this was done hi the interests, and by the direct counsel, of
the Catholic party through Hosius, the emperor's chief coun-
sellor, the imperial authority thus became wholly partisan,
and to both parties was given a dignity which was far, far
beyond any merit that was in the question at issue. To the
Catholic party it gave the dignity of an imperial alliance and
the assurance of imperial favor. The Donatist party it elevated
to a dignity and clothed with an importance which placed it
before the world as worthy of imperial antagonism. Into
the Catholic party, it infused more than ever the pride of
place, power, and imperial favor. To the Donatist party it
gave the dignity and fame of a persecuted people, and in-
creased the evil which it attempted to destroy.
More than this, when the governmental authority, which
should be for the protection of all alike from violence, be-
came itself a party to the controversy, it forsook the place of
impartial protector, and assumed the place of a partisan.
13 Eusebius's " Ecclesiastical History," book x, chap, vj.
292 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
This only deepened the sense of injury felt by the defeated,
and the sense of triumph felt by the victorious, party ; and
the antagonism was only the more embittered. " The im-
placable faction darkened into a sanguinary feud. For the
first time, human blood was shed in conflicts between fol-
lowers of the Prince of peace." - Milman.u And the gov-
ernment, by becoming a partisan, had lost the power to keep
the peace. By becoming a party to religious controversy, it
had lost the power to prevent civil violence between religious
factions. " Each party recriminated on the other, but
neither denies the barbarous scenes of massacre and license
which devastated the African cities. The Donatists boasted
of their martyrs, and the cruelties of the Catholic party rest
on their own admission : they deny not, they proudly vindi-
cate, their barbarities : ' Is the vengeance of God to be de-
frauded of its victims ? ' and they appeal to the Old Testament
to justify, by the examples of Moses, of Phineas, and of
Elijah, the Christian duty of slaying by thousands the
renegades and unbelievers." —Milman.15 This, though a
shameful perversion of Scripture, was but the practical work-
ing out of the theocratical theory of government, which was
the basis of the whole system of the union of Church and
State which had been created by Constantine and the bishops.
Constantino issued an edict commanding peace, but it
was all in vain. The tumult went on, constantly increasing
in violence, until the only alternative was for the imperial
authority either to enter upon the horrors of a protracted
war with its own subjects, or openly refuse to go any farther.
The latter step was taken. In A. D. 321, upon the advice of
the civil officers of Africa, Constantine "repealed the laws
against the Donatists, and gave the African people full liberty
to follow either of the contending parties, as they liked
best. " — Mosheim. 16
u " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 5 from the end. 15 Id.
16 "Ecclesiastical History" Century iv, book ii, part ii, chap, v, par. 5, Mur-
dpck's translation.
CLERGY EXEMPT FROM PUBLIC OFFICES. 293
The Donatist controversy touched no point of doctrine,
but of discipline only, and was confined to the provinces of
Africa. The result in this case, however, ought to have
convinced Constantine that the best thing for the imperial
authority to do was to return, and strictly adhere, to the
principles of the Edict of Milan, to let religious questions
and controversies entirely alone, and allow each indi-
vidual "the privilege of choosing and professing his own
religion." Yet, even if this thought had occurred to him,
it would have been impossible for him to do so and attain
the object of his ambition. The principles of the Edict of
Milan had no place in the compact entered into between
Constantine and the bishops. As yet he possessed only half
the empire ; for Licinius still held the East, and Constan-
tine's position was not yet so secure that he dare risk any
break with the bishops. He had bargained to them his influ-
ence in religious things for theirs in politics. The contract
had been entered into, fie had s'old himself to the church
influence, and he could not go back even if he would. The
empire was before him, but without the support of the church
party it could not be his.
It is necessary now to notice the material point in that
edict issued in A. D. 313, exempting from all public offices
the clergy of the Catholic Church. As a benefit to society
and that ' ' the greatest good might be conferred on the State, "
the clergy of the Catholic Church were to "be held totally
free and exempt from all public offices."
At this time the burdens and expenses of the principal
offices of the State were so great that this exemption was of
the greatest material benefit. The immediate effect of the
edict, therefore, was to erect the clerical order into a distinct
and privileged class. For instance, in the days of the sys-
tematic governing of the empire, the decurionate was the
chief office of the State. " The decurions formed the Sen-
ates of the towns ; they supplied the magistrates from their
body, arid had the right of electing them. Under the new
294 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
financial system introduced by Diocletian, the decurions
were made responsible for the full amount of taxation im-
posed by the cataster, or assessment on the town and dis-
trict. " — Milman. "
As the splendor and magnificence of the court display
was increased, and as the imperial power became more
absolute, the taxation became more and more burdensome.
To such an extent indeed was this carried that tenants,
and indeed proprietors of moderate means, were well-nigh
bankrupted. Yet the imperial power demanded of the decu-
rions the full amount of the taxes that were levied in their
town or district. "The office itself grew into disrepute,
and the law was obliged to force that upon the reluctant
citizen of wealth or character which had before been an
object of eager emulation and competition." — Milman.1*
The exemption of the clerical order from all public of-
fices opened the way for all who wpuld escape these burdens,
to become, by whatever means possible, members of .that
order. The effect was, therefore, to bring into the ministry
of the church a crowd of men who had no other purpose in
view than to be relieved from the burdensome duties that
were laid upon the public by the imperial extravagance of
Constantine. So promptly did this consequence follow from
this edict, and " such numbers of persons, in order to secure
this exemption, rushed into the clerical order," that "this
manifest abuse demanded an immediate modification of the
law." It was therefore ordered that " none were to be ad-
mitted into the sacred order except on the vacancy of a relig-
ious charge, and then those only whose poverty exempted
them from the municipal functions" — Milman.19
Nor was this all. The order of the clergy itself found
that it was required to pay for this exemption a tribute which
it had not at all contemplated in the original bargain. Those
already belonging to the clerical order who were sufficiently
17 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ii, par. 2, 3.
18 Id., par. 3. ™ Id,
FRUITS OF THE EXEMPTION. 295
wealthy to exercise the office of decurion, were commanded
to ' ' abandon their religious profession " (Milman 20 ), in order
that they might fill the office which had been deserted by the
exemption which had been granted to their particular order.
This of course was counted by the clergy as a great hardship.
But as they had willingly consented at the first to the inter-
ference of the authority of the State when it was exercised
seemingly to their profit, they had thereby forfeited their
right to protest against that same interference when it was
exercised actually to the denial of their natural rights. Yet
the resources of dishonest intrigue were still left to them,
— especially the plea that their possessions belonged not to
themselves but to the church, — and it was exercised to such
an extent as virtually to defeat the purpose of this later law.
Thus the evil consequences of the original law still flowed
on, and "numbers, without any inward call to the spiritual
office, and without any fitness for it whatever, now got them-
selves ordained as ecclesiastics, for the sake of enjoying this
exemption, whereby many of the worst class came to the ad-
ministration of the most sacred calling." —JVeander.21
Another scheme adopted by Constantino, was fraught with
more evil in the same direction. As he had favored the new
religion only on account of its value to him as a political factor,
he counted it to his advantage to have as many as possible to
profess that religion. He therefore used all the means that
could be employed by the State to effect this purpose. He
made the principal positions about his palace and court, a
gift and reward to the professors of the new imperial religion,
and with " the hopes of wealth and honors, the example of
an emperor, his exhortations, his irresistible smiles, diffused
conviction among the venal and obsequious crowds which
usually fill the apartments of a palace. . . . As the lower
ranks of society are governed by imitation, the conversion of
20 Id.
21 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Second,
part i, div. i, par. 11.
25
296 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
those who possessed any eminence of birth, of power, or of
riches, was soon followed by dependent multitudes. The
salvation of the common people was purchased at an easy
rate, if it be true that, in one year, twelve thousand men
were baptized at Rome, besides a proportionable number of
women and children, and that a white garment, with twenty
pieces of gold, had been promised by the emperor to every
convert." - Gibbon.™
It will be observed that in this statement Gibbon inserts
the cautious clause, "if it be true," but such a precaution
was scarcely necessary ; because the whole history of the
times bears witness that such was the system followed,
whether this particular instance was a fact or not. This is
proved by the next instance which we shall mention of Con-
stantine's efforts in gaining converts to the new religion.
He wrote letters offering rewards both political and financial
to those cities which, as such, would forsake the heathen
religion, and destroy or allow to be destroyed their heathen
temples. "The cities which signalized a forward zeal, by
the voluntary destruction of their temples, were distinguished
by municipal privileges, and rewarded with popular dona-
tives."- - Gibbon.™
In cities that would accept this offer, he would build
churches at the public expense, and send there "a complete
body of the clergy arid a bishop" when "there were as yet
no Christians in the place." Also upon such churches he
bestowed "large sums for the support of the poor; so that
the conversion of the heathen might be promoted by doing
good to their bodies." • — Neander.zi And that this was
simply the manifestation of his constant policy, is shown by
the fact that at the Council of Nice, in giving instruction to
the bishops as to how they should conduct themselves, he
said : —
22 "Decline and Fall," chap, xx, par. 18. 23Id.
24 "History of the Christian Keligion and Church," Vol. ii, Section First, part
j, A, par. 38.
THE CHURCU OF THE MASSES. 297
" In all ways unbelievers must be saved. It is not every one who
will be converted by learning and reasoning. Some join us from desire
of maintenance ; some for preferment ; some for presents : nothing is so
rare as a real lover of truth, We must be like physicians, and accommo"
date our medicines to the diseases, our teaching to the different minds of
all."25
He further enacted "that money should be given in every
city to orphans and widows, and to those who were conse-
crated to the divine service ; and he fixed the amount of
their annual allowance [of provisions] more according to the
impulse of his own generosity, than to the exigencies of
their condition."- - Theodoret.™ In view of these things it
is evident that there is nothing at all extravagant in the state-
ment that in a single year twelve thousand men, besides
women and children, were baptized in Rome.
In addition to all this, he exempted all church property
from taxation, which exemption, in the course of time, the
church asserted as of divine right ; and the example there
set is followed to this day, even among people who profess
a separation of Church and State.
The only result which could possibly come from such
proceedings as these, was, First, the great mass of the
people, of the pagans, in the empire, with no change either
of character or convictions, were drawn into the Catholic
Church. Thus the State and the Church became one and the
same thing ; and that one thing was simply the embodiment
of the second result ; namely, a solid mass of hypocrisy.
"The vast numbers who, from external considerations,
without any inward call, joined themselves to the Christian
communities, served to introduce into the church all the
corruptions of the heathen world. Pagan vices, pagan
delusions, pagan superstition, took the garb and name of
Christianity, and were thus enabled to exert a more corrupt-
ing influence on the Christian life. Such were those who,
25 Stanley, " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture v, par. 13 from the end.
^"Ecclesiastical History," hook 1, chap. xi.
298 THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
without any real interest whatever in the concerns of re-.
ligion, living half in paganism and half in an outward show
of Christianity, composed the crowds that thronged the
churches on the festivals of the Christians, and the theaters
on the festivals of the pagans. Such were those who
accounted themselves Christians, if they but attended church
once or twice in a year ; while, without a thought of any
higher life, they abandoned themselves to every species of
worldly pursuit and pleasure." — Neander*1
It could not be otherwise. The course pursued by Con-
stantine in conformity with the political intrigues of the
bishops, drew into the Catholic Church every hypocrite in
the Roman empire. And this for the simple reason that it
could draw no other kind ; because no man of principle, even
though he were an outright pagan, would allow himself to be
won by any such means. It was only to spread throughout
all the empire the ambiguous mixture of paganism and
apostate Christianity which we have seen so thoroughly ex-
emplified in the life of Constantine himself, who was further
inspired and flattered by the ambitious bishops.
There were some honest pagans who refused all the im-
perial bribes and kept aloof from the wicked system thereby
established. There were some genuine Christians who not
only kept aloof from the foul mass, but protested against
every step that was taken in creating it. But speaking
generally, the whole population of the empire was in-
cluded in the system thus established. "By taking in
the whole population of the Roman empire, the church
became, indeed, a church of the masses, a church of the
people, but at the same time more or less a church of
the world. Christianity became a matter of fashion. The
number of hypocrites and formal professors rapidly in-
creased ; strict discipline, zeal, self-sacrifice, and brotherly
love proportionally ebbed away ; and many heathen customs
""History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Third,
part i, div. i, par. 1.
THE CHURCH A MASS OF HYPOCRITES. 299
and usages, under altered names, crept into the worship of
God and the life of the Christian people. The Roman State
had grown up under the influence of idolatry, and was not to
be magically transformed at a stroke. With the secularizing
process, therefore, a paganizing tendency went hand in hand."
— Schaff.™
The effect of all this was further detrimental to true
Christianity in that it argued that Christianity consists in
the mere profession of the name, pertaining not to the
essential character, nor implying any material change in the
general conduct. Consequently, those who had been by
this means brought into the church acted worse, and really
were worse, than those who remained aloof. When the
bishops or clergy of the church undertook to exhort the
heathen to become Christians, the pagans pointed to the hyp-
ocritical professors who were already members of the church,
and replied to the invitation with such arguments as
these : " 'We lead good lives already : what need have we
of Christ ? We commit no murder, theft, nor robbery ; we
covet no man's possessions ; we are guilty of no breach of
the matrimonial bond. Let something worthy of censure be
found in our lives, and whoever can point it out may make
us Christians.' Comparing himself with nominal Christians :
' Why would you persuade me to become a Christian ? I
have been defrauded by a Christian, I never defrauded any
man ; a Christian has broken his oath to me, and I never
broke my word to any man.' ' —Neander.™
Not only was the church thus rendered powerless to in-
fluence those who were without, but she was likewise power-
less to influence for any good those who were within. When
the vast majority in the church were unconverted and had
joined the church from worldly and selfish motives, liv-
ing only lives of conscious hypocrisy, it was impossible
28 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, g 22, par. 2.
29 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section First,
part i, div. C, par. 1.
THE UNION OF CHURCH AND STATE.
that church discipline should be enforced by church au-
thority.
The next step taken by the bishopric, therefore, was to
secure edicts under which they could enforce church disci-
pline. This, too, not only upon the members of the church,
but likewise upon those who were not. The church having,
out of lust for worldly power and influence, forsaken the
power of God, the civil power was the only resource that
remained to her. Conscious of her loss of moral power, she
seized upon the civil. The account of this further wicked-
ness will be given in the next chapter.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
THE church was fully conscious of her loss of the power
of God before she sought the power of the State. Had
she not been, she never would have made any overtures to
the imperial authority, nor have received with favor any from
it. There is a power that belongs with the gospel of Christ,
and is inseparable from the truth of the gospel, that is the
power of God. In fact, the gospel is but the manifestation
of that power, for the gospel "is the power of God unto
salvation to every one that believeth." Rom. i, 16. As
long, therefore, as any order or organization of people pro-
fessing the gospel of Christ maintains the principle of that
gospel in sincerity, so long the power of God will be with
them, and they will have no need of any other power to
make their influence felt for good wherever known. But
just as soon as any person or association professing the
gospel loses the spirit of it, so soon the power is gone also.
Then, and only then, docs such an organization seek for
another kind of power to supply the place of that which is
lost.
Thus -was it with the church at this time. She had
fallen, deplorably fallen, from the purity and the truth, and
therefore from the power, of the gospel. And having lost
the power of God and of godliness, she greedily grasped for
the power of the State and of ungodliness. And to secure
laws by which she might enforce her discipline and dogmas
upon those whom she had lost the power either to convince
[301]
302 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
or to persuade, \vas the definite purpose which the bishopric
had in view when it struck tlmt bargain with Constantine,
and lent him the influence of the church in his imperial
aspirations.
In the chapter on "Constantine and the Bishops," evi-
dence has been given which shows how diligently the bishops
endeavored to convince themselves that in the theocracy
which they had framed and of which they were now a part,
the kingdom of God was come. But they did not suppose
for a moment that the Lord himself would come and conduct
the affairs of this kingdom in person. They themselves were
to be the representatives of God upon the earth, and the the-
ocracy thus established was to be ruled by the Lord through
them. This was but the culmination of the evil spirit mani-
fested in the self-exaltation of the bishopric. That is to say,
their idea of a theocracy was utterly false, and the working
out of the theory was but the manifestation of the mystery
of iniquity.
Yet this is not to say that all ideas of a theocracy have
always been false. The government of Israel was a true
theocracy. That was really a government of God. At the
burning bush, God commissioned Moses to lead his people
out of Egypt. By signs and wonders and mighty miracles
multiplied, God delivered Israel from Egypt, led .them
through the Red Sea, and through the wilderness, and
finally into the promised land. There he ruled them by
judges, to whom "in divers manners" he revealed his
will, " until Samuel the prophet."
In the days of Samuel, the people asked that they might
have a king. Their request was granted, but only under the
following earnest protest : "And the Lord said unto Samuel,
Hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say
unto thee : for they have not rejected thee, but they have
rejected me, that I should not reign over them. According
to all the works which they have done since the day that I
brought them up out of Egypt even unto this day, wherewith
ISRAEL REJECTS THE LORD AS KINO. 303
they have forsaken me, and served other gods, so do they
also unto thee. Now therefore hearken unto their voice :
howbeit yet protest solemnly unto them, and show them the
manner of the king that shall reign over them.
"And Samuel told all the words of the Lord unto the
people that asked of him a king. And he said, This will be
the manner of the king that shall reign over you : He will
take your sons, and appoint them for himself, for his char-
iots, and to be his horsemen ; and some shall run before his
chariots, and he will appoint him captains over thousands,
and captains over fifties ; and will set them to ear his
ground, and to reap his harvest, and to make his instru-
ments of war, and instruments of his chariots. And he will
take your daughters to be confectionaries, and to be cooks,
and to be bakers. And he will take your fields, and your
vineyards, and your oliveyards, even the best f them, and
give them to his servants. And he will take the tenth of
your seed, and of your vineyards, and give to his officers,
and to his servants. And he will take your menservants,
and your maidservants, and your goodliest young men, and
your asses, and put them to his work. He will take the
tenth of your sheep : and ye shall be his servants. And ye
shall cry out in that day because of your king which ye
shall have chosen you ; and the Lord will not hear you in
that day.
"Nevertheless the people refused to obey the voice of
Samuel ; and they said, Nay ; but we will have a king over
us ; that we also may be like all the nations ; and that our
king may judge us, and go out before us, and fight our bat-
tles. And Samuel heard all the words of the people, and
he rehearsed them in the ears of the Lord. And the Lord
said to Samuel, Hearken unto their voice, and make them a
king. And Samuel said unto the men of Israel, Go ye every
man unto his city. "
God chose Saul, and Samuel anointed him king over
Israel. "And Samuel said unto all Israel, Behold, I have
304 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
hearkened unto your voice in all that ye said unto me, and
have made a king over you. And now, behold, the king
walketh before you : and I am old and gray-headed ; and,
behold, my sons are with you : and I have walked before you
from my childhood unto this day. Behold, here I am :
witness against me before the Lord, and before his
anointed : whose ox have I taken ? or whose ass have I
taken ? or whom have I defrauded ? whom have I op-
pressed? or of whose hand have I received any bribe to
blind mine eyes therewith? and I will restore it to you.
And they said, Thou hast not defrauded us, nor oppressed
us, neither hast thou taken ought of any man's hand. And
he said unto them, The Lord is witness against you, and his
anointed is witness this day, that ye have not found ought
in my hand. And they answered, He is witness.
"And Samuel said unto the people, It is the Lord that
advanced Moses and Aaron, and that brought your fathers
up out of the land of Egypt. Now therefore stand still,
that I may reason with you before the Lord of all the right-
eous acts of the Lord, which he did to you and to your
fathers. When Jacob was come into Egypt, and your
fathers cried unto the Lord, then the Lord sent Moses and
Aaron, which brought forth your fathers out of Egypt, and
made them dwell in this place. And when they forgot the
Lord their God, he sold them into the hands of Sisera, cap-
tain of the host of Razor, and into the hand of the Philis-
tines, and into the hand of the king of Moab, and they
fought against them. And they cried unto the Lord, and
said, We have sinned, because we have forsaken the Lord,
and have served Baalim and Ashtaroth : but now deliver us
out of the hand of our enemies, and we will serve thee.
And the Lord sent Jerubbaal, and Bedan, and Jephthah,
and Samuel, and delivered you out of the hand of your
enemies on every side, and ye dwelt safe. And when ye
saw that Nahash the king of the children of Ammon came
against you, ye said unto me, Nay ; but a king shall reign
THE LORD WOULD NOT FORSAKE THE PEOPLE. 305
over us : when the Lord your God was your king. Now
therefore, behold the king whom ye have chosen, and whom
ye have desired ; and, behold, the Lord hath set a king over
you. If ye will fear the Lord, and serve him, and obey his
voice, and not rebel against the commandment of the Lord ;
then shall both ye and also the king that reigneth over you
continue following the Lord your God : but if ye will not
obey the voice of the Lord, but rebel against the command-
ment of the Lord, then shall the hand of the Lord be against
you, as it was against your fathers.
"Now therefore stand and see this great thing, which
the Lord will do before your eyes. Is it not wheat harvest
to-day ? I will call unto the Lord, and he shall send thunder
and rain ; that ye may perceive and see that your wicked-
ness is great, which ye have done in the sight of the Lord,
in asking you a king. So Samuel called unto the Lord ;
and the Lord sent thunder and rain that day : and all the
people greatly feared the Lord and Samuel. And all the peo-
ple said unto Samuel, Pray for thy servants unto the Lord
thy God, that we die not : for we have added unto all our
sins this evil, to ask us a king.
"And Samuel said unto the people, Fear not : ye have
done all this wickedness : yet turn not aside from following
the Lord, but serve the Lord with all your heart ; and turn
ye not aside ; for then should ye go after vain things, which
cannot profit nor deliver ; for they are vain. For- the Lord
will not forsake his people for his great name's sake : be-
cause it hath pleased the Lord to make you his people.
Moreover as for me, God forbid that I should sin against
the Lord in ceasing to pray for you : but I will teach you
the good and the right way : only fear the Lord, and serve
him in truth with all your heart : for consider how great
things he hath done for you. But if ye shall still do wick-
edly, ye shall be consumed, both ye and your king."
1 Sam., chaps, viii, xii.
Although the people were allowed to have a king, and
306 ME ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
although in this movement they had virtually rejected the
Lord, as Samuel told them, the Lord would not forsake
them. He still continued to guide the nation, communicat-
ing his will by prophets ; and although they had done wrong
in demanding a king, the Lord made even the kingship to be
an additional element in teaching them his eternal purpose ;
he made it to them a reminder of the eternal kingdom which
he would establish in the accomplishment of his purpose
concerning the earth.
Saul failed to do the will of God, and as he rejected the
word of the Lord, the Lord rejected him from being king,
and sent Samuel to anoint David king over Israel ; and
David's house, and David's throne, God established for
evermore.
When Solomon succeeded to the kingdom in the place of
David his father, the record is : "Then Solomon sat on the
throne of the Lord as king instead of David his father."
1 Chron. xxix, 23. David's throne was the throne of the
Lord, and Solomon sat on the throne of the Lord as king
over -the earthly kingdom of God. The succession to the
throne descended in David's line to Zedekiah, who was
made subject to the king of Babylon, that perchance the
kingship with the kingdom might stand. Zedekiah entered
into a solemn covenant before God that he would remain a
faithful subject of the king of Babylon. His name was
Mattaniah at first, and when he entered into this covenant,
the king of Babylon changed his name to Zedekiah, which
means The Justice of Jehovah. Mattaniah gave his hand,
and accepted this new name as the seal of the covenant with
the king of Babylon, and in so doing pledged that if he
should break that covenant, he would incur the judgment of
the Lord.
Zedekiah did break this covenant, upon which the
Lord said : " As I live, saith the Lord God, surely in the
place where the king dwelleth that made him king, whose
oath he despised, and whose covenant he brake, even with
THE KINGDOM NOT OF THIS WORLD. 307
him in the midst of Babylon he shall die. . . . Seeing he
despised the oath by breaking the covenant, when, lo, he
had given his hand, and hath done all these things, he shall
not escape. Therefore thus saith the Lord God ; As I live,
surely mine oath that he hath despised, and my covenant
that he hath broken, even it will I recompense upon his own
head." Eze. xvii, 16-19. And in recompensing this evil
upon the head of Zedekiah, the word of Samuel to the people
was fulfilled when he told them, "If ye shall still do wick-
edly, ye shall be consumed, both ye and your king." For
to Zedekiah, and to the kingdom forever after, God gave this
testimony : "Thou profane, wicked prince of Israel, whose
day is come, when iniquity shall have an end, thus saith the
Lord God : Remove the diadem, and take off the crown ;
this shall not be the same ; exalt him that is low, and abase
him that is high. I will overturn, overturn, overturn it ;
mid it shall l>e no more, until he come whose right it is j and
I will give it him" Eze. xxi, 25-27.
The kingdom was then subject to Babylon. When
Babylon fell, and Medo-Persia succeeded, it was overturned
the first time. When Medo-Persia fell, and was succeeded
by Grecia, it was overturned the second time. When the
Greek empire gave way to Home, it was overturned the
third time. And then says the word, "It shall be no more,
until he come whose right it is ; and I will give it him."
And he whose right it is, is thus named : "Thou . . . shalt
call his name Jesus. He shall be great, and shall be called
the Son of the Highest ; and the Lord God shall give unto
him the throne of his father David ; and he shall reign over
the house of Jacob forever ; and of his kingdom there shall
be no end." Luke i, 31-33.
But that kingdom is not of this world, nor will he sit
upon that throne in this world. While Christ was here as
" that prophet," a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief,
he refused to exercise any earthly authority or office what-
ever. When appealed to, to mediate in a dispute between
308 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
two brothers in regard to their inheritance, he replied,
"Man, who made me a judge or a divider over you?"
Luke xii, 14. And when the people would have taken him
and made him a king, he withdrew himself from them, and
went to the mountain alone. John vi, 15. The last night
he spent on earth before his crucifixion, and in the last talk
with Pilate before he went to the cross, he said, "My
kingdom is not of this world." John xviii, 36. Thus the
throne of the Lord has been removed from this world, and
will be no more in this world nor of this world, until, as
King of kings and Lord of lords, he whose right it is shall
come again. And that time is the end of this world and the
beginning of the world to come. This is shown by many
scriptures, some of which it will be in order here to quote.
To the twelve disciples the Saviour said: "I appoint
unto you a kingdom, as my Father hath appointed unto me ;
that ye may eat and drink at my table in my kingdom, and
sit on thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel." Luke
xxii, 29, 30. As to when this shall be, we are informed by
the word in Matthew thus : "In the regeneration when the
Son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory, ye also shall
sit upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel."
Matt, xix, 23. And the time when he shall sit upon the
throne of his glory, is stated by another passage in Matthew
thus : "When the Son of man shall come in his glory, and
all the holy angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne
of his glory : and before him shall be gathered all nations."
Chap, xxv, 31, 32. By these scriptures and all others on
the subject, it is evident that the kingdom of Christ, the
kingdom of God, is not only not of this world, but is never-
more to be of this world. Therefore while this world stands,
a theocracy can never be in it again. From the death of
Christ until now, every theory of an earthly theocracy has
been a false theory. And from now until the end of the
world, every such theory will be a false theory. Yet such
THE NEW AND FALSE THEOCRACY. 3Q9
was the theory of the bishops of the fourth century ; and
being such, it was utterly false and wicked.
The falsity of this theory of the bishops of the fourth
century has been clearly seen by but one of the church his-
torians, that is, Neander. And this, as well as the scheme
which the bishops had in mind, has been better described by
him than by all the others put together. The design of
the bishops with respect to the civil power is seen in the
following statement : —
"There had in fact arisen in the church ... a false theocratical
theory, originating not in the essence of the gospel, but in the confusion
of the religious constitutions of the Old and New Testaments, which
. . . brought along with it an unchristian opposition of the spiritual to
the secular power, and which might easily result in the formation of a
sacerdotal State, subordinating the secular to itself in a false and outward
way." — Neander.1
That which they had in mind when they joined their
interests to Constantino's, was to use the power which
through him they would thus secure, to carry into effect in
the State and by governmental authority their theocratical
project. The State was not only to be subordinate to the
church, but was to be the servant of the church to assist in
bringing all the world into the new kingdom of God. The
bishops were the channel through which the will of God was
to be made known to the State. Therefore the views of the
bishops were to be to the government the expression of the
will of God, and whatever laws the bishopric might deem
necessary to make the principles of their theocracy effective,
it was their purpose to secure. This also has been well
stated by the same excellent authority just quoted, as
follows : —
" This theocratical theory was already the prevailing one in the time
of Constantine ; and . . . the bishops voluntarily made themselves de-
1 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol ii, Section Second,
part i, div. i, par. 2.
310 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
pendent on him by their disputes, and by their determination to make
use of the power of the State for the furtherance of their aims." —
Neander*
As we have found in the evidence of the previous chap-
ter, the church had become filled with a mass of people who
had no respect for religious exercises, and now it became
necessary to use tne power of the State to assist in preserv-
ing respect for church discipline. As the church-members
had not religion enough to lead them to do what they pro-
fessed was their duty to do, the services of the State had to
be enlisted to assist them in doing what they ' professed
to believe it was right to do. In other words, as only
worldly and selfish interests had been appealed to in bring-
ing them to membership in the church, and as they therefore
had no conscience in the matter, the services of the State
were employed as aids to conscience, or rather to supply the
lack of conscience.
Accordingly, one of the first, if not the very first, of the
laws secured by the bishops in behalf of the church, was
enacted, as it is supposed, about A. D. 314, ordering that on
Friday and on Sunday ''there should be a suspension of
business at the courts and in other civil offices, so that the
day might be devoted with less interruption to the purposes
of devotion." —JVeander.3 To justify this, the specious plea
was presented that when the courts and public offices were
open and regularly conducted by the State on these church
days, the members were hindered from attending to their
religious exercises. It was further argued that if the State
kept its offices open, and conducted the public business on
those days, as the church-members could not conduct the
public business and attend to church services both, they
could not well hold public offices ; and that, therefore, the
State was in fact discriminating against the church, and was
2 "History of the Christian Religion," Vol. ii, Section Second, part i, div. i,
par. 3.
3/tf., Section Third, part ii, div. iii, par. 3.
CONSTANTINE'S SUNDAY-LAW. 3H
hindering rather than helping the progress of the kingdom
of God.
This was simply to confess that their Christianity was
altogether earthly, sensual, and selfish. It was to confess
that there was not enough virtue in their profession of re-
ligion to pay them for professing it ; and they must needs
have the State pay them for professing it. This was in
fact in harmony with the whole system of which they were a
part. They had been paid by the State in the first place to
become professors of the new religion, and it was but con-
sistent for them to ask the State to continue to pay them for
the continued profession of it. This was consistent with
the system there established ; but it was totally inconsistent
with every idea of true religion. Any religion that is not of
sufficient value in itself to pay men for professing it, is not
worth professing, much less is it worth supporting by the
State. In genuine Christianity there is a virtue and a value
which make it of more worth to him who professes it, than
all that the whole world can afford — yea, of more worth
than life itself.
This, however, was but the beginning. The State had
become an instrument in the hands of the church, and she
was determined to use it for all it was worth. As we have
seen by many proofs, one of the first aims of the apostate
church was the exaltation of Sunday as the chief sacred day.
And no sooner had the Catholic Church made herself sure
of the recognition and support of the State, than she secured
from the emperor an edict setting apart Sunday especially to
the purposes of devotion. As the sun was the chief deity of
the pagans, and as the forms of sun worship had been so
fully adopted by the apostate church, it was an easy task to
secure from the sun-loving and church-courting Constantine,
a law establishing the observance of the day of the sun
as a holy day. Accordingly, March 7, A. D. 321, Con-
stantine issued his famous Sunday edict, which reads as
follows : —
26
312 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
Constantine, Emperor Augustus, to Helpidius : On the venerable
day of the sun let the magistrates and people residing in cities rest, and
let all workshops be closed. In the country, however, persons engaged
in agriculture may freely and lawfully continue their pursuits ; because
it often happens that another day is not so suitable for grain-sowing or
for vine-planting ; lest by neglecting the proper moment for such opera-
tions, the bounty of heaven should be lost. (Given the 7th day of March,
Crispus and Constantine being consuls each of them for the second
time. ) " *
Schaff attempts to give the Sunday legislation of Con-
stantine a "civil" character ; but this is not only an error
as to fact, but an anachronism by fifteen hundred and fifty
years. There was no such idea in the conception of gov-
ernment entertained by Constantine and the bishops ; nor
was there any place for any such idea in this piece of legis-
lation. The whole thing was religious. This is seen in at
least five distinct counts.
First Count. As we have abundantly shown, the theory
of government intended by the bishops and sanctioned by
Constantine, was a theocracy ; that is, a government of God,
which, in itself, could be nothing else than religious. We
have shown that the bishops, in behalf of the church, played
the part of oppressed Israel, while Maxentius was made to
occupy the place of a second Pharaoh, and Constantine that
of a new Moses delivering Israel. We have seen that the new
Pharaoh — the horse and his rider — was thrown into the,
sea, and sunk to the bottom like a stone. We have heard the
song of deliverance of the new Israel when the new Moses
had crossed the Red Sea — the River Tiber. We have seen
that the new Moses, going on to the conquest of the heathen
in the wilderness, set up the tabernacle and pitched it far off
4 Schaff's translation, " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, g 75, par.
5, note 1. The following is the Latin, from the same place : " Imperator Con-
stantinus Aug. Helpidio : Omnes judices, urbanseque plebes et cunctarum artium
officia venerabili die Soils quiescant. Ruri tamen positi agrorum culturae libere
licenterque inserviant, quoniam frequenter evenit, ut non aptius alio die f rumenta
sulcis aut vineae ecrobibus mandentur, ne occasione moment! pereat commoditas
eoelesti provisione concessa,"
SUNDAY LEGISLATION 18 RELIGIOUS ONLY. 313
from the camp, where he received " divine" direction as to
how he should conduct "the battles of the Lord." Thus far
in the establishment of the new theocracy, each step in the
course of the original theocracy had been imitated.
Now this establishment of Sunday observance by law,
was simply another step taken by the creators of the new
theocracy in imitation of the original. After the original
Israel had crossed the Red Sea, and had gone a consider-
able journey in the wilderness, God established among
them, by a law, too, the observance of the Sabbath, a day
of weekly rest. This setting apart of Sunday in the new
theocracy, and its observance being established and enforced
by law, was in imitation of the act of God in tlie original
theocracy in establishing the observance of the Sabbath.
This view is confirmed by the testimony of the same bishop,
who has already given us so extensive a view of the work-
ings of the new theocracy. And these are the words : —
"All things whatsoever that it was^duty to do on the Sabbath, these
we have transferred to the Lord's day." —
Now the Sabbath is wholly religious. The government
in which its observance was enforced was the government of
God. The law by which its observance was enforced was
the law of God. .The observance of the Sabbath was in
recognition of Jehovah as the true God, and was a part of
the worship of him as such. Now when it is declared by
one of the chiefest factors in the new theocracy, that, all
things whatsoever that it was duty to do on the Sabbath, these
we have transferred to the Sunday, this in the connection in
which it stands, is the strongest possible proof that the
observance of the day and the object of the law were wholly
religious, without a single civil element anywhere even con-
templated. This is confirmed by the —
Second Count. In accordance with their idea of a the-
5 "Commentary on the Psalms," xcii, quoted in Cox's "Sabbath Literature,"
Vol. i, p. 361, and in the "Sabbath Manual," by Justin Edwards, pp. 125-127.
314 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
ocracj, the governmental system which was now established
composed the kingdom of God. We have seen how this
idea was entertained by the bishops at the banquet which
Constantine gave to them at the close of the Council of Nice.
We have seen it further adopted when Constantine's mother
sent to him the nails of the "true cross," of which he made a
bridle bit, when the bishops declared that the prophecy was
fulfilled which says, "In that day [the day of the kingdom
of God upon earth] shall there be upon the bridles of the
horses, holiness unto the Lord." This idea, however, stands
out in its fullness, in an oration which Eusebius delivered in
praise of Constantine, and in his presence, on the thirtieth
anniversary of the emperor's reign. The flattering bishop
announced that God gave to Constantine greater proofs of
his beneficence in proportion to the emperor's holy services
to him, and accordingly had permitted him to celebrate
already three decades, and now was entered upon the fourth.
He related how the emperor at the end of each decen-
nial period, had advanced one of his sons to a share of
the imperial power ; and now in the absence of other sons,
he would extend the like favor to other of his kindred. Thus
he said : —
"The eldest, who bears his father's name, ne received as his partner
in the empire about the close of the first decade of his reign : the second,
next in point of age, at the second ; and the third in like manner at the
third decennial period, the occasion of this our present festival. And
now that the fourth period has commenced, and the time of his reign is
still further prolonged, he desires to extend his imperial authority by
calling still more of his kindred to partake his power ; and, by the
appointment of the Ca?sars, fulfills the predictions of the holy propliets,
according to what they uttered ages before : ' And the saints of the Most
High shall take the kingdom,'" — Eusebius.6
Then as we have seen by so many proofs that the sun
was the chief deity in this new kingdom of God, the bishop
proceeds to draw for the edification of the Apollo-loving
umperor, the following picture of him as the sun in his
6 " Oration in Praise of Constantine," chap. iii.
THE EMPIRE A "KINGDOM OF GOD." 315
chariot traversing the world ; and positively defines the
system of government as a monarchy of God patterned after
the divine original : —
"He it is who appoints him this present festival, in that he has
made him victorious over every enemy that disturbed his peace: he it is
who displays him as an example of true godliness to the human race.
And thus our emperor, like the radiant sun, illuminates the most distant
subjects of his empire through the presence of the CaBsars, as with the
far piercing rays of his own brightness. To us who occupy the Eastern
regions he has given a son worthy of himself ; a second and a third re-
spectively to other departments of his empire, to be, as it were, brilliant
reflectors of the light which proceeds from himself. Once more, having
harnessed, as it were, under the selfsame yoke the four most noble
Caesars as horses in the imperial chariot, he sits on high and directs their
course by the reins of holy harmony and concord ; and himself every-
where present, and observant of every event, thus traverses every region
of the world. Lastly, invested as he is with a semblance of heavenly
sovereignty, he directs his gaze above, and frames his earthly government
according to the pattern of that divine original, feeling strength in its con-
formity to the monarchy of God." 7
This is evidence enough to show that the system of gov-
ernment established by Constantino and the bishops was
considered as in very fact, the kingdom of God. The laws
therefore being laws of the kingdom of God, would neces-
sarily have a religious character ; and that such was held to
be the case, is made plain by the following passage : —
"Our emperor, ever beloved by Him, who derives the source of impe-
rial authority from above, and is strong in the power of his sacred title,
has controlled the empire of the world for a long period of years.
Again: that Preserver of the universe orders these heavens and earth,
and the celestial kingdom, consistently with his Father's will. Even so
our emperor whom he loves, by bringing those whom he rules on earth to the
only begotten Word and Saviour, renders them fit subjects of his kingdom."*
7 Id. The reader may more fully understand this by reference to the illus-
tration, opposite page 507 of this book. There at the upper left-hand corner of
the picture can be seen the sun in his chariot driving four horses. It is evident
that in this picture which the bishop has drawn of the emperor, he was playing
upon the sun-worshiping sentiments of the " bishop of externals."
8 Id., chap. ii.
316 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
As the object of the emperor was to render the people fit
subjects for this kingdom of God, the Sunday law was
plainly in the interests of the new kingdom of God, and
was therefore religious only. This is yet further proved by
the —
Tfiird Count. The purpose of the first Sunday law, was
' ' that the day might be devoted with less interruption to
the purposes of devotion." This is Neander's translation of
the statement of Sozomen respecting the first law closing
public offices on Friday and Sunday.9 Prof. Walford's
translation of the passage is as follows : —
" He also enjoined the observance of the day termed the Lord's day,
which the Jews call the first day of the week, and which the Greeks
dedicate to the sun, as likewise the day before the seventh, and com-
manded that no judicial or other business should be transacted on those
days, but that God should be served with prayers and supplications." —
Sozomen. 10
Such, therefore, was the character and intent of the first
enactment respecting Sunday. And of the second Sunday
law we have a statement equally clear, that such was its pur-
pose also. In praise of Constantine, the episcopal "orator"
says : —
"He commanded, too, that one day should be regarded as a special
occasion for religious worship." — Eusebius.11
And in naming the great things which Christ had been
enabled to accomplish by the help of Constantine, he shuts
out every element upon which a civil claim might be based,
by continuing in the following words : —
"Who else has commanded the nations inhabiting the continents and
islands of this mighty globe to assemble weekly on the Lord's day, and
to observe it as a festival, not indeed for the pampering of the body, BUT
for the comfort and invigoration of the soul by instruction in divine truth f " I2
9 " History of the Christian Religion and Church,"' Vol. ii, Section Third, part
ii, div. iii, par. 2.
10 " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap. viii.
11 " Oration in Praise of Constantine," chap. Ix. 12/d., chap. xvii.
BY AUTHORITY OF PONTIFEX MAXIMTTS. 317
As the purpose of the Sunday law was to set apart the
day for the purposes of devotion, for the comfort and invig-
oration of the soul by instruction in divine truth, and for
religious worship, it follows inevitably that the legislation
was wholly religious. This is yet further supported by
the-
Fourth Count. The title which is given to the day by
Constantine in the edict, is distinctively religious. It is
venerabili die solis — venerable day of the sun. This was the
pagan religious title of the day, and to every heathen was
suggestive of the religious character which attached to the
day as the one especially devoted to the sun and its worship.
An additional act of the emperor himself in this connection,
has left no room for reasonable doubt that the intent of the
law was religious only. As the interpreter of his own law,
and clearly indicating its intent, he drew up the following
prayer, which he had the soldiers repeat in concert at a
given signal every Sunday morning : —
"We acknowledge thee the only God: we own thee as our King, and
implore thy succor. By thy favor have we gotten the victory: through
thee are we mightier than our enemies. We render thanks for thy past
benefits, and trust thee for future blessings. Together we pray to thee,
and beseech thee long to preserve to us, safe and triumphant, our em-
peror Constantine and his pious sons." — JSusebius.13
If, however, there should be yet in the mind of any per-
son a lingering doubt as to whether Constantine's Sunday
legislation was religious only, with no thought of any civil
character whatever, even this must certainly be effectually
removed by the —
Fifth Count. It was by virtue of his office and author-
ity as Pontifex Maximus, and not as emperor, that the day
was set apart to this use ; because it was the sole preroga-
tive of the Pontifex Maximus to appoint holy days. In
proof of this, we have excellent authority in the evidence of
two competent witnesses. Here is the first : —
13 " Life of Constantine," book iv, chap. xx.
318 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
"The rescript, indeed, for the religious observance of the Sunday
. . . was enacted . . . for the whole Roman empire. Yet, unless we
had direct proof that the decree set forth the Christian reason for the
sanctity of the day, it may be doubted whether the act would not be
received by the greater part of the empire, as merely adding one more
festival to the Fasti of the empire, as proceeding entirely from the will
of the emperor, or even grounded on Ms authority as Supreme Pontiff, by
which he had the plenary power of appointing holy-days." — Afilman.1*
It is true that this statement is qualified by the clause
"unless we had direct proof that the decree set forth the
Christian reason for the sanctity of the day ; " but this quali-
fication is wholly removed by another statement from the
same author, which reads as follows : —
" The rescript commanding the celebration of the Christian Sabbath
bears no allusion to its peculiar sanctity as a Christian institution. It is the
day of the sun, which is to be observed by the general veneration. . . .
But the believer in the new paganism, of which the solar worship was
the characteristic, might acquiesce without scruple in the sanctity of the
first day of the week. " 15
This is confirmed by another authority as follows : —
"There is no reference whatever in his law either to the fourth,
commandment or the resurrection of Christ." — Schaff.16
Therefore, as it is admitted that unless we had direct
proof that the decree set forth the Christian reason for the
sanctity of the day, it was merely adding one more festival
to the Fasti of the empire, the appointment of which lay in
the plenary power of the Pontifex Maximus, and as it is
plainly stated that there is no such proof , this plainly proves
that the authority for the appointment of the day lay in the
office of the Pontifex Maximus, and that authority was
wholly religious.
Our second witness testifies as follows : —
"A law of the year 321 ordered tribunals, shops, and workshops
to be closed on the day of the sun, and he [Constantine] sent to the legions,
14 "Histoiy of Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 9 from the end.
15 Jd.j chap, i, par. 44.
16 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 75, par. 5.
COUNCIL OF NICE AGAINST THE JEWS. 319
to be recited upon that day, a form of prayer which could have been
employed by a worshiper of Mithra, of Serapis, or of Apollo, quite as
well as by a Christian believer. This was the official sanction of the
old custom of addressing a prayer to the rising sun. In determining
what days should be regarded as holy, and in the composition of a prayer for
national use, CONSTANTINE EXERCISED ONE OF THE RIGHTS BELONGING TO
HIM AS PONTIFEX MAXiMUs ; and it caused no surprise that he should do
this. " — Duruy. lT
In the face of such evidence as this, to attempt to give
to the Sunday legislation of Constantine a civil character, to
say the very least, seems to spring from a wish to have it
so, rather than from a desire to give the facts simply as
they are.
The Council of Nice in A. D. 325 gave another impetus
to the Sunday movement. It decided that the Roman cus-
tom of celebrating Easter on Sunday only should be followed
throughout the whole empire. The council issued a letter
to the churches, in which is the following passage on this
subject : —
" We have also gratifying intelligence to communicate to you rela-
tive to unity of judgment on the subject of the most holy feast of Easter :
for this point also has been happily settled through your prayers ; so
that all the brethren in the East who have heretofore kept this festival
when the Jews did, will henceforth conform to the Romans and to us,
and to all who from the earliest time have observed our period of cele-
brating Easter."18
This was followed up by a letter from " Constantine Au-
gustus to the Churches, " in which upon this point he said : —
" The question having been considered relative to the most holy day
of Easter, it was determined by common consent that it would be proper
that all should celebrate it on one and the same day everywhere. . . .
And in the first place it seemed very unsuitable in the celebration of this
sacred feast, that we sJiould follow tlie custom of the Jews ; a people who,
having imbrued their hands in a most heinous outrage, and thus polluted
their souls, are deservedly blind. . . . Let us then have nothing in common
with that most Jiostile people the Jews. . . . Surely we should never suffer
17 " History of Rome," chap, cii, part i, par. 4 from the end.
18 Socrates's " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap ix.
320 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
Easter to be kept twice in one and the same year. But even if these con-
siderations were not laid before you, it became your prudence at all
times to take heed, both by diligence and prayer, that the purity of your
soul should in nothing have communion, or seem to have accordance with
the customs of men so utterly depraved. . . .
"Since then it was desirable that this should be so amended that we
should have nothing in common with that nation of parricides, and of those-
who slew their Lord ; and since the order is a becoming one which is
observed by all the churches of the western, southern, and northern
parts, and by some also in the eastern ; from these considerations all
have on the present occasion thought it to be expedient, and I pledged
myself that it would be satisfactory to your prudent penetration, that
what is observed with such general unanimity of sentiment in the city of
Rome, throughout Italy, Africa, all Egypt, Spain, France, Britain, Libya,
the whole of Greece, and the dioceses of Asia, Pontus, and Cilicia, your
intelligence also would readily concur in. Reflect, too, that not only is
there a greater number of churches in the places before mentioned, but
also that this in particular is a most sacred obligation, that all should in
common desire whatever strict reason seems to demand, and which has
no communion with the perjury of the Jews.
"But to sum up matters briefly, it was determined by common con-
sent that the most holy festival of Easter should be solemnized on one
and the same day ; for in such a hallowed solemnity any difference is
unseemly, and it is more commendable to adopt that opinion in which
there will be no intermixture of strange error, or deviation from what is
right. These things therefore being thus ordered, do you gladly receive
this heavenly and truly divine command ; for whatever is done in the sacred
assemblies of the bishops is referable to the divine will."
This throws much light upon the next move that was
made, as these things were made the basis of further action
by the church.
At every step in the course of the apostasy, at every step
taken in adopting the forms of sun worship, and against the
adoption and the observance of Sunday itself, there had
been constant protest by all real Christians. Those who
remained faithful to Christ and to the truth of the pure
word of God observed the Sabbath of the Lord according
to the commandment, and according to the word of God
which sets forth the Sabbath as the sign by which the Lord,
the Creator of the heavens and the earth, is distinguished
SABBATH-KEEPERS ACCURSED FROM CHRIST. 321
from all other gods. These accordingly protested against
every phase and form of sun worship. Others compromised,
especially in the East, by observing both Sabbath and Sun-
day. But in the west under Roman influences and under
the leadership of the church and the bishopric of Rome,
Sunday alone was adopted and observed.
Against this Church and State intrigue throughout, there
had been also as against every other step in the course of
the apostasy, earnest protest by all real Christians. But
when it came to the point where the church would enforce
by the power of the State the observance of Sunday, this
protest became stronger than ever. And additional strength
was given to the protest at this point, by the fact that it was
urged in the words of the very arguments which the Catholic
Church had used when she was antagonized rather than
courted by the imperial authority. This, with the strength
of the argument upon the merit of the question as to the
day which should be observed, greatly weakened the force
of the Sunday law. But when, in addition to these consid-
erations, the exemption was so broad, and when those who
observed the Sabbath positively refused to obey the Sunday
law, its effect was virtually nullified.
In order, therefore, to the accomplishment of her origi-
nal purpose, it now became necessary for the church to
secure legislation extinguishing all exemption, and prohibit-
ing the observance of the Sabbath so as to quench that pow-
erful protest. And now, coupled with the necessity of the
situation, the "truly divine command" of Constantine and
the Council of Nice that "nothing" should be held "in
common with the Jews," was made the basis and the au-
thority for legislation, utterly to crush out the observance
of the Sabbath of the Lord, and to establish the observance
of Sunday only in its stead. Accordingly, the Council of
Laodicea enacted the following canon : —
"CANON 29. Christians shall not Judaize and be idle on Saturday,
but shall work on that day ; but the Lord's day they shall especially
322 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
honor, and, as being Christians, shall, if possible, do no work on that
day. If, however, they are found Judaizing, they shall be shut out from
Christ." 16
The report of the proceedings of the Council of Laodicea
is not dated. A variety of dates has been suggested, of
which A. D. 364 seems to have been the most favored.
Hefele allows that it may have been as late as 380. But
whatever the date, before A. D. 380, in the political condi-
tion of the empire, this could not be made effective by im-
perial law. In A. D. 364 Yalens and Valentinian became
emperors, the former of the East and the latter of the West.
For six years, Yalens was indifferent to all parties ; but in
A. D. 370 he became a zealous Arian, and so far as in him
lay, established the Arian doctrine throughout his dominion.
Valentinian, though a Catholic, kept himself aloof from all
differences or controversies among church parties. This
continued till 3Y5, when Valentinian died, and was suc-
ceeded by his two sons, one aged sixteen, the other four,
years. In 3Y8 the reign of Valens ended, and Theodosius,
a Spanish soldier, was appointed emperor of the East. In
380 he was baptized into the Catholic Church, and imme-
diately an edict was issued in the name of the three emper-
ors, commanding all subjects of the empire, of whatever
party or name, to adopt the faith of the Catholic Church,
and assume the name of "Catholic Christians."
As now " the State itself recognized the church as such,
and endeavored to uphold her in the prosecution of her prin-
ciples and the attainment of her ends" (Neander11) ; and
16Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," Laodicea. In both the Greek
and Latin copies of this canon, the word " Sabbath " is used instead of " Saturday,"
and the wotd "anathema" — accursed — is the one which Hefele translates
"shut out." The following is the Latin: " Quod non oportet Christianos Juda-
izere et otiare in Sabbato, sed operari in eodem die. Preferentes autem In yen-
eratione Dominicum diem si vacare voluerint, ut Christian! hoc faciat ; quod si
reperti fuerint Judaizere Anathema sint a Christo."
17 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Sectiou Third,
part ii, div. iii, par. 4.
ALL EXEMPTION ABOLISHED. 323
as Theodosius had already ordered that all his subjects
"should steadfastly adhere to the religion which was taught
by St. Peter to the Romans, which faithful tradition " had
preserved, and which was then "professed by the pontiff,
Damasus " of Rome ; and that they should all "assume the
title of Catholic Christians ; " it was easy to bring the impe-
rial power to the support of the decrees of the church, and
make the Laodicean Canon effective. Now was given the
opportunity for which the church had waited so long, and
she made use of it. At the earliest possible moment she
secured the desired law ; for, says the record : —
"By a law of the year 386, those older changes effected by the em-
peror Constantine were more rigorously enforced ; and, in general, civil
transactions of every kind on Sunday were strictly forbidden. Whoever
transgressed was to be considered, in fact, as guilty of sacrilege." —
Neander.1*
As the direct result of this law, there soon appeared an
evil which, under the circumstances and in the logic of the
case, called for further legislation in the same direction.
The law forbade all work. But as the people had not such
religion as would cause them to devote the day to pious and
moral exercises, the effect of the law was only to enforce
idleness. Enforced idleness only multiplied opportunity for
dissipation. As the natural consequence, the circuses and
the theaters throughout the empire were crowded every Sun-
day. But the object of the law, from the first one that was
issued, was that the day might be used for the purposes of
devotion, and that the people might go to church. But
they had not sufficient religion to lead them to church, when
there was opportunity for amusement. Therefore, the
record is : —
"Owing to the prevailing passion at that time, especially in the
large cities, to run after the various public shows, it so happened that
when these spectacles fell on the same days which had been consecrated
by the church to some religious festival, they proved a great hinderance
18 Id.
324 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
to the devotion of Christians, though chiefly, it must be allowed, to those
whose Christianity was the least an affair of the life and of the heart." —
Neander.19
Assuredly ! An open circus or theater will always prove
a great hinderance to the devotion of those Christians whose
Christianity is the least an affair of the life and of the heart.
In other words, an open circus or theater will always be a
great hinderance to the devotion of those who have not
religion enough to keep them from going to it, but who only
want to use the profession of religion to maintain their popu-
larity, and to promote their selfish interests. On the other
hand, to the devotion of those whose Christianity is really
an affair of the life and of the heart, an open circus or
theater will never be a particle of hinderance, whether open
at church time or all the time. With the people there, how-
ever, if the circus and theater were open at the same time
as the church, the church-members, as well as others, not
being able to go to both places at once, would go to the cir-
cus or the theater instead of to the church.
But this was not what the bishops wanted. This was
n^t that for which all work had been forbidden. All work
had been forbidden in order that the people might go to
church ; but instead of that, they crowded to the circus and
the theater, and the audiences of the bishops were rather slim.
This was not at all satisfying to their pride ; and they took
care to let it be known.
" Church teachers . . . were, in truth, often forced to complain that
in such competitions the theater was vastly more frequented than the
church." — - Neandcr.™
And the church was now in a condition in which she
could not bear competition. She must have a monopoly.
Therefore the next step to be taken, and the logical one,
too, was to have the circuses and theaters closed on Sundays
and other special church days, so that the churches and the
theaters should not be open at the same time.
19 Id, par. 5. ™ Id.
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THE CHURCH OBTAINS THE MONOPOLY. 325
There was another feature of the case which gave the
bishops the opportunity to make their new demands appear
plausible by urging in another form the selfish and sophist-
ical plea upon which they had asked for the first edict re-
speoting church days. In the circuses and the theaters
large numbers of men were employed, among whom many
were church-members. But, rather than give up their
places, the church-members would work on Sunday. The
bishops complained that these were compelled to work, and
were prohibited to wDrship : they pronounced it persecution,
and demanded more Sunday laws for " protection."-
As a consequence, therefore, and in the logic of the sit-
uation, at a council held at Carthage in June, A. D. 401,
the following canon was enacted : —
"CANON 5. On Sundays and feast-days, no plays may be performed."21
That this canon might also be made effective, the bishops
in the same council passed a resolution, and sent up a peti-
tion to the Emperor Honorms, praying —
"That the public shows might be transferred from the Christian Sunday
and from feast-days, to some other days of the week." — Neander.w
The reason given in support of the petition was, not only
as above, that those who worked in government offices and
employments at such times, were persecuted, but that —
" The people congregate more to the circus than to the church."23
The church-members had not enough religion or love of
right to do what they professed to believe was right ; there-
fore the State was asked to take away from them all oppor-
tunity to do wrong : then they would all be Christians ! The
devil himself could be made that kind of Christian in that
way — and he would be the devil still !
81Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," Fifth Carthaginian.
22 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. li, Section Third, part
I, div. iii, par. 5. 23 jd.
27
326 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
The petition of the Council of Carthage could not be
granted at once, but in 425 the desired law was secured ;
and to this also there was attached the reason that was given
for the first Sunday law that ever was made ; namely, —
"In order that the devotion of the faithful might be free from all dis-
turbance."24
It must constantly be borne in mind, however, that the
only way in which " the devotion of the faithful " was " dis-
turbed" by these things, was that when the circus or the
theater was open at the same time that the church was
open, the "faithful" would go to the circus or the theater
instead of to church, and therefore their "devotion" was
"disturbed." And of course the only way in which the
"devotion " of such " faithful " ones could be freed from all
disturbance, was to close the circuses and the theaters at
church time.
In the logic of this theory, there was one more step to
be taken. To see how logically ft came about, let us glance
at the steps taken from the first one up to this point : First,
the church had all work on Sunday forbidden, in order that
the people might attend to things divine : work was for-
bidden, that the people might worship. But the people
would not worship : they went to the circus and the theater
instead of to church. Then the church had laws enacted
closing the circuses and the theaters, in order that the people
might attend church. But even then the people would not
be devoted, nor attend church ; for they had no real religion.
The next step to be taken, therefore, in the logic of the
situation, was to compel them to be devoted — to compel
them to attend to things divine. This was the next step
logically to be taken, and it was taken. The theocratical
bishops were equal to the occasion. They were ready with
a theory that exactly met the demands of the case ; and one
of the greatest of the Catholic Church Fathers and Catholic
ORIGIN OF THE INQUISITION. 327
saints was the father of this Catholic saintly theory. He
wrote : —
' ' It is, indeed, better that men should be brought to serve God by
instruction than by fear of punishment or by pain. But because the
former means are better, the latter must not therefore be neglected.
. . . Many must often be brought back to their Lord, like wicked
servants, by the rod of temporal suffering, before they attain the highest
grade of religious development." — -Augustine.25
Of this theory, the author who of all the church histori-
ans has best exposed the evil workings of- this false theoc-
racy, justly observes : —
" It was by Augustine, then, that a theory was proposed and founded,
which . . . contained the germ of that whole system of spiritual des-
potism of intolerance and persecution, which ended in the tribunals of
the Inquisition." — Neander?6
The history of the Inquisition is only the history of this
infamous theory of Augustine's. But this theory is only the
logical sequence of the theory upon which the whole series
of Sunday laws was founded.
In closing his history of this particular subject, the same
author says : —
"In this way the Church received help from the State for the further-
ance of her ends." — Neander.™
This statement is correct. Constantine did many things
to favor the bishops. He gave them money and political
preference. He made their decisions in disputed cases final,
as the decision of Jesus Christ. But in nothing that he did
for them did he give them power over those who did not
belong to the church, to compel them to act as though they
did, except in the one thing of the Sunday law. In the Sun-
day law, power was given to the church to compel those who
25 "The Correction of tbe Donatists," chap. vi. I adopt Schaff's translation,
"History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, I 27, par. 12.
26 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Second,
part iii, div. i, last par.
27 Id., Section Third, part ii, div. iii, par. 5.
328 THE ORIGINAL SUNDAY LEGISLATION.
did not belong to the church, and who were not subject to
the jurisdiction of the church, to obey the commands of the
church. In the Sunday law there was given to the church
control of the civil power, that by it she could compel those
who did not belong to the church to act as though they did.
The history of Constantino's time may be searched through
and through, and it will be found that in nothing did he
give to the church any such power, except in this one thing
— the Sunday law. Neander's statement is literally correct,
that it was "in this way the church received help from the
State for the furtherance of her ends."
That this may be set before the reader in as clear a light
as possible, we shall here summarize the facts stated by
Neander in their direct bearing. He says of the carrying
into effect of the theocratical theory of the apostate bishops,
that they made themselves dependent upon Constantine by
their disputes, and "by their determination to use the power
of the State for the furtherance of their aims." Then he
mentions the first and second Sunday laws of Constantine,
the Sunday law of A. D. 386, the Carthaginian council, reso-
lution, and petition of 401, and the law of 425 in response
to this petition ; and then, without a break, and with direct
reference to these Sunday laws, he says : "In this way the
church received help from the State for the furtherance of
her ends."
She started out with the determination to do it ; she did
it; and li in this way" she did it. And when she had
secured control of the power of the State, she used it for
the furtherance of her own aims, and that in her own des-
potic way, as announced in the inquisitorial theory of Augus-
tine. The first step logically led to the last. And the theo-
cratical leaders in the movement had the cruel courage to fol-
low the first step unto the last, as framed in the words of
Augustine, and illustrated in the horrors of the Inquisition
during the fearful record of the dreary ages in which the
bishopric of Rome was supreme over kings and nations.
CHAPTER XIV.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
THE Donatist dispute had developed the decision and
established the fact that it was "the Catholic Church of
Christians " in which was embodied the Christianity which
was to be recognized as the imperial religion. Constantine
had allied himself with the church only for political advan-
tage. The only use he had for the church, was in a political
way. Its value for this purpose lay entirely in its unity.
If the church should be all broken up and divided into
separate bodies, its value as a political factor would be
gone.
The Catholic Church, on her part, had long asserted the
necessity of unity with the bishopric, a unity in which the
bishopric should be possessed of authority to prohibit, as
well as power to prevent, heresy. The church had sup-
ported and aided Constantine in the overthrow of Maxentius
and the conquest of Rome. She again supported and mate-
rially aided him in the overthrow of Licinius and the com-
plete conquest of the whole empire. She had received a
rich reward for her assistance in the first political move ;
and she now demanded her pay for services rendered in the
second and final one.
The Catholic Church demanded assistance in her ambi-
tious aim to make her power and authority absolute over
all ; and for Constantino's purposes it was essential that the
church should be a unit. These two considerations com-
bined to produce results both immediate and remote, that
[329]
330 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
proved a curse to the time then present ^and to ages to fol-
low. The immediate result was that Constantine had no
sooner compassed the destruction of Licinius in A. D. 323,
than he issued an edict against the Novatians, Valentinians,
Marcionites, Paulians, Cataphrygians, and " all who devised
and supported heresies by means of private assemblies,"
denouncing them and their heresies, and commanding them
all to enter the Catholic Church. The edict runs as fol-
lows : —
" Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus, to the heretics: Understand
now, by this present statute, ye Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites,
Paulians, ye who are called Cataphrygians, and all ye who devise and
support heresies by means of your private assemblies, with what a tissue
of falsehood and vanity, with what destructive and venomous errors,
your doctrines are inseparably interwoven ; so that through you the
healthy soul is stricken with disease', and the living becomes the prey of
everlasting death. Ye haters and enemies of truth and life, in league
with destruction ! All your counsels are opposed to the truth, but
familiar with deeds of baseness ; fit subjects for the fabulous follies of
the stage: and by these ye frame falsehoods, oppress the innocent, and
withhold the light from them that believe. Ever trespassing under the
mask of godliness, ye fill all things with defilement: ye pierce the pure
and guileless conscience with deadly wounds, while ye withdraw, one
may almost say, the very light of day from the eyes of men. But why
should I particularize, when to speak of your criminality as it deserves,
demands more time and leisure than I can give ? For so long and un-
measured is the catalogue of your offenses, so hateful and altogether
atrocious are they, that a single day would not suffice to recount them
all. And indeed it is well to turn one's ears and eyes from such a sub-
ject, lest by a description of each particular evil, the pure sincerity and
freshness of one's own faith be impaired. Why then do I still bear with
such abounding evil ; especially since this protracted clemency is the
cause that some who were sound are become tainted with this pestilent
disease ? Why not at once strike, as it were, at the root of so great a
mischief by a public manifestation of displeasure ?
" Forasmuch, then, as it is no longer possible to bear with your per-
nicious errors, we give warning by this present statute that none of you
henceforth presume to assemble yourselves together. We have directed,
accordingly, that you be deprived of all the houses in which you are
accustomed to hold your assemblies: and our care in this respect extends
so far as to forbid the holding of your superstitious and senseless meet-
THE TRINITARIAN CONTROVERSY. 331
ings, not in public merely, but in any private house or place whatsoever.
Let those of you, therefore, who are desirous of embracing the true and
pure religion, take the far better course of entering the Catholic Church,
and uniting with it in holy fellowship, whereby you will be enabled to
arrive at the knowledge of the truth. In any case, the delusions of your
perverted understandings must entirely cease to mingle with and mar the
felicity of our present times ; I mean the impious and wretched double-
mindedness of heretics and schismatics. For it is an object worthy of
that prosperity which we enjoy through the favor of God, to endeavor
to bring back those who in time past were living in the hope of future
blessing, from all irregularity and error, to the right path, from darkness
to light, from vanity to truth, from death to salvation. And in order
that this remedy may be applied with effectual power, we have com-
manded (as before said), that you be positively deprived of every gather-
ing point for your superstitious meetings ; I mean all the houses of
prayer (if such be worthy of the name) which belong to heretics, and
that these be made over without delay to the Catholic Church ; that any
other places be confiscated to the public service, and no facility what-
ever be left for any future gathering ; in order that from this day for-
ward none of your unlawful assemblies may presume to appear in any
public or private place. Let this edict be made public." 1
Some of the penal regulations of this edict "were copied
from the edicts of Diocletian ; and this method of conversion
was applauded by the same bishops who had felt the hand of
oppression, and had pleaded for the rights of humanity." —
Gibbon*
The Donatist dispute resulted in the establishment of the
Catholic Church. Yet that dispute involved no question of
doctrine, but of discipline only. Just at this time, however,
there sprang into prominence the famous Trinitarian Con-
troversy, which involved, and under the circumstances de-
manded, an imperial decision as to what was the Catholic
Church in point of doctrine — what was the Catholic Church
in deed and in truth, and which plunged the empire into a
sea of tumult and violence that continued as long as the
empire itself continued, and afflicted other nations after the
empire had perished.
^usebius's "Life of Constantine," book iii, chaps. Ixiv, Ixv.
8 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxi, par. I.
332 ESTABLISHMENT OF TIIE CATHOLIC FAITIt.
A certain Alexander was bishop of Alexandria. Arius
was a presbyter in charge of a parish church in the same
city. Alexander attempted to explain "the unity of the
Holy Trinity." Arius dissented from the views set forth by
Alexander. A sort of synod of the presbyters of the city
was called, and the question was discussed. Both sides
claimed the victory, and the controversy spread. Then
Alexander convened a council of a hundred bishops, by the
majority of which the views of Alexander were indorsed.
Upon this, Arius was commanded to abandon his own opin-
ions, and adopt Alexander's. Arius refused, and Alexander
excommunicated him and all who held with him in opinion,
of whom there were a considerable number of bishops and
other clergy, and many of the people.
The partisans of Arius wrote to many bishops a statement
of their views, with a request that if those views were con-
sidered correct, they would use their influence to have Alex-
ander receive them again to communion ; but if they thought
the views to be wrong in any particular, they would signify
it, and show them what were the correct opinions on the
question. Arius for himself wrote a book entitled "Thalia,"
— Songs of Joy — a collection of songs in which he set forth
his views. This expedient took well, for in the excited state
of the parties, his doctrinal songs were hummed everywhere.
Alexander on his part, likewise, sent circular letters to the
principal bishops round about. The controversy spread
everywhere, and as it spread, it deepened.
One of the chief reasons for the rapid and wide-spread
interest in the controversy was that nobody could compre-
hend or understand the question at issue. "It was the
excess of dogmatism founded upon the most abstract words
in the most abstract region of human thought." — Stanley*
There was no dispute about the fact of there being a Trinity,
it was about the nature of the Trinity. Both parties believed
in precisely the same Trinity, but they differed upon the pre-
3 "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture iii, par. 8.
1IOMOOUSION ORHOMOIOUSION? 333
cise relationship which the Son bears to the Father. Alex-
ander declared : —
"The Son is immutable and unchangeable, all-sufficient and perfect,
like the Father, differing only in this one respect, that the Father is un-
begotten. He is the exact image of his Father. Everything is found in
the image which exists in its archetype ; and it was this that our Lord
taught when he said, 'My Father is greater than I.' And accordingly
we believe that the Son proceeded from the Father ; for he is the reflec-
tion of the glory of the Father, and the figure of his substance. But let
no one be led from this to the supposition that the Son is unbegotten, as
is believed by some who are deficient in intellectual power : for to say
that he was, that he has always been, and that he existed before all ages,
is not to say that he is unbegotten." 5
Arius said : —
"We say and believe, and have taught, and do teach, that the Son is
not unbegotten, nor in any way unbegotten, even in part ; and that he
does not derive his subsistence from any matter ; but that by his own
will and counsel he has subsisted before time, and before ages, as perfect
God, and only begotten and unchangeable, and that he existed not be-
fore he was begotten, or created, of purposed, or established. For he
was not unbegotten. We are persecuted because we say that the Son
had a beginning, but that God was without beginning. This is really
the cause of our persecution, and likewise, because we say he is from
nothing. And this we say, because he is neither part of God, nor of any
subjacent matter."6
From these statements by the originators of the respec-
tive sides of this controversy, it appears that with the excep-
tion of a single point, the two views were identical, only
being stated in different ways. The single point where the
difference lay was that Alexander held that the Son was
begotten of the very essence of the Father, and is therefore
of the same substance with the Father, while Arius held that
the Son was begotten by the Father, not from his own
essence, but from nothing ; but that when he was thus
begotten, he was,, and is, of precisely the like substance with
the Father.
6 Theodoret's "Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap. Iv.
6 Id., chap. v. ,
334 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
Whether the Son of God, therefore, is of the same sub-
stance, or only of like substance, with the Father, was the
question in dispute. The controversy was carried on in
Greek, and as expressed in Greek the whole question turned
upon a single letter. The word which expressed Alexander's
belief, is Ilomoousion. The word which expressed the belief
of Arius, is Jlomoiousion. One of the words has two " i's"
in it, and the other has but one ; but why the word should or
should not have that additional "i," neither party could ever
exactly determine. Even Athanasius himself, who succeeded
Alexander in the bishopric of Alexandria, and transcended
him in every other quality, ' ' has candidly confessed that when-
ever he forced his understanding to meditate upon the divin-
ity of the Logos, his toilsome and unavailing efforts recoiled
on themselves ; that the more he thought, the less he com-
prehended ; and the more he wrote, the less capable was he
of expressing his thoughts."-- Gibbon.7
It could not possibly be ^otherwise, because it was an
attempt of the finite to measure, to analyze, and even to dis-
sect, the Infinite. It was an attempt to make the human
superior to the divine. God is infinite. No finite mind can
comprehend him as he actually is. Christ is the Word —
the expression of the thought — of God; and none but he
knows the depth of the meaning of that Word. "He had a
name written that no man knew lut he himself / . . . and
his name is called The Word of God." Rev. xix, 12, 13.
Neither the nature nor the relationship of the Father and
the Son can ever be measured by the mind of man. "No
man knoweth the Son but the Father, neither knoweth any
man the Father save the Son and he to whomsoever the Son
will reveal him." Matt, xi, 27. This revelation of the
Father by the Son cannot be complete in this world. It
will require the eternal ages for man to understand tfl the
exceeding riches of his grace in his kindness toward us
through Christ Jesus." Eph. ii, V. Therefore, no man's
7 " Declirje and Fall," chap, xxi, par. 8.
THE SECRET OF THE CONTROVERSY, 335
conception of God can ever be fixed as the true conception
of God. God will still be infinitely beyond the broadest
comprehension that the mind of man can measure. The true
conception of God can be attained only through "the Spirit
of revelation in the knowledge of Him." Eph. i, 17. There-
fore the only thing for men to do to find out the Almighty
to perfection, is, by true faith in Jesus Christ, to receive the
abiding presence of this Spirit of revelation, and then quietly
and joyfully wait for the eternal ages to reveal "the depth
of the riches both of the wisdom and the knowledge of God."
One who lived near the time of, and was well acquainted
with, the whole matter, has well remarked that the discussion
" seemed not unlike a contest in the dark ; for neither party
appeared to understand distinctly the grounds on which they
calumniated one another. Those who objected to the word
' consubstantial ' \_IIomoousion, of the same substance], con-
ceived that those who approved it, favored the opinion of
Sabellius and Montanus ; they therefore called them blas-
phemers, as subverters of the existence of the Son of God.
And again the advocates of this term, charging their oppo-
nents with polytheism, inveighed against them as introduc-
ers of heathen superstitions. ... In consequence of these
misunderstandings, each of them wrote volumes, as if con-
tending against adversaries : and although it was admitted
on both sides that the Son of God has a distinct person and
existence, and all acknowledged that there is one God in a
Trinity of persons, yet, from what cause I am unable to di-
vine, they could not agree among themselves, and therefore
were never at peace."-— Socrates*
That which puzzled Socrates need not puzzle us. Al-
though he could not divine why they should not agree when
they believed the same thing, we may very readily do so,
with no fear of mistake. The difficulty was that each dis-
putant required that all the others should not only believe
what he believed, but that they should believe this precisely
8 " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap, xxiii.
336 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
as he believed it, whereas just Jiow he believed it, he himself
could not define. And that which made them so determined
in this respect was that ' ' the contest was now not merely
for a superiority over a few scattered and obscure communi-
ties : it was agitated on a far vaster theater — that of the
Roman world. The proselytes whom it disputed were
sovereigns. ... It is but judging on the common princi-
ples of human nature to conclude that the grandeur of the
prize supported the ambition and inflamed the passions of
the contending parties ; that human motives of political
power and aggrandizement mingled with the more spiritual
influence of the love of truth, and zeal for the purity of
religion." — Milman.g
It is but just to Arius, however, to say that he had noth-
ing to do with the political aspect of the question. He de-
fended his views in the field of argument, and maintained
his right to think for himself. Others took up the argument
with more ambitious motives, and these soon carried it far
beyond the power or the guidance of Arius. The chief of
these and really the leader of the Arian party in the politico-
theological contest, was Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia.
This Eusebius is to be distinguished always from Eusebius,
bishop of Caesarea, who was Constantine's favorite, although
both were Arian s.
The controversy spread farther and farther, and raged
more fiercely as it spread. "All classes took part in it, and
almost all took part with equal energy. 'Bishop rose
against bishop, district against district, only to be compared
to the Symplegades dashed against each other on a stormy
day.' So violent were the discussions that they were
parodied in the pagan theaters, and the emperor's statues
were broken in the public squares in the conflicts which took
place. The common name by which the Arians and their
system were designated (and we may conclude they were
not wanting in retorts), was the Maniacs, — the Ariomaniacs,
9 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 5.
CONSTANTINO'S DESIGN. 337
the Ariomania ; and their frantic conduct on public occa-
sions afterwards goes far to justify the appellation. Sailors,
millers, and travelers sang the disputed doctrines at their
occupations or on their journeys. Every corner, every alley
of the city [this was said afterwards of Constantinople, but
must have been still more true of Alexandria] was full of
these discussions — the streets, the market-places, the drap-
ers, the money-changers, the victualers. Ask a man ' how
many oboli f ' he answers by dogmatizing on generated and
ungenerated being. Inquire the price of bread, and you are
told, 'The Son is subordinate to the Father.' Ask if the
bath is ready, and you are told, ' The Son arose out of noth-
ing. '"— Stanley. 10
Constantine's golden dream of a united Christendom was
again grievously disturbed. The bow of promise — of the'
bishops — which had so brilliantly irradiated all the political
prospect when his alliance was formed with the church
party, was rudely dissipated by the dark cloud of ecclesias-
tical ambition, and the angry storm of sectarian strife. He
wrote a letter to Alexander and Arius, stating to them his
mission of uniting the world under one head, and his
anxious desire that there should be unity among all, and
exhorted them to lay aside their contentions, forgive one
another, use their efforts for the restoration of peace, and so
give back to him his quiet days and tranquil nights. The
letter is long, but it is worth giving in full, not only on ac-
count of the present question, but because it so clearly
shows the views and the hopes of Constantine, as to the
unity of the church ; and which controlled him in his alli-
ance with the church party.
"Victor Constantinus Maximus Augustus, to Alexander and Arius:
I call that God to witness (as well I may), who Is the helper of my en-
deavors, and the Preserver of all men, that I had a twofold reason for
undertaking that duty which I haw now effectually performed.
"My design then was, first, to bi*ing the diverse judgments formed by all
10 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture iii, par. 10.
338 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
nations respecting the Deity to a condition, as it if ere, of settled uniformity ;
and, secondly, to restore a healthy tone to the system of the world, then
suffering under the malignant power of a grievous distemper. Keeping
these objects in view, I look forward to the accomplishment of the one
with the secret gaze of the mental eye, while the other I endeavored to
secure by the aid of military power. For I was aware that, if I should
succeed in establishing, according to my hopes, a common harmony of
sentiment among all the 'servants of God, the general course of affairs
would also experience a change correspondent to the pious desires of
them all.
"Finding, then, that the whole of Africa was pervaded by an intol-
erable spirit of madness and folly, through the influences of those whose
wanton temerity had presumed to rend the religion of the people into
diverse sects, I was anxious to allay the virulence of this disorder, and
could discover no other remedy equal to the occasion, except in sending
some of yourselves to aid in restoring mutual harmony among the dis-
putants, after I had removed that common enemy of mankind [Licinius]
who had interposed his lawless sentence for the prohibition of your holy
synods.
"For since the power of divine light, and the rule of our holy
religion, which have illumined the world by their sacred radiance, pro-
ceeded in the first instance, through the favor of God, from the bosom,
as it were, of the East, I naturally believed that you would be the first
to promote the salvation of other nations, and resolved with all energy
of purpose and diligence of inquiry to seek your aid. As soon, there-
fore, as I had secured my decisive victory and unquestionable triumph
over my enemies, my first inquiry was concerning that object which I
felt to be of paramount interest and importance.
"But, O glorious providence of God ! How deep a wound did not
my ears only, but my very heart, receive in the report that divisions
existed among yourselves more grievous still than those which continued
in that country, so that you, throiigh iclwse aid I had 7ioped to procure a
remedy for tlic errors of others, are in a state which demands even more
attention than theirs. And yet, having made a careful inquiry into the
origin and foundation of these differences, I find the cause to be of a
truly insignificant character, and quite unworthy of such fierce conten-
tion. Feeling myself, therefore, compelled to address you in this letter,
and to appeal at the same time to your unanimity and sagacity, I call on
Divine Providence to assist me in the task, while I interrupt your dis-
sensions in the character of a minister of peace. And with reason : for
if I might expect (with the help of a higher power) to be able without
difficulty, by a judicious appeal to the pious feelings of those who heard
me, to recall them to a better spirit, how can I refrain from promising
CONSTANTINE'S TASK. 339
myself a far easier and more speedy adjustment of this difference, when
the cause which hinders general harmony of sentiment is intrinsically
trifling and of little moment ?
"I understand, then, that the occasion of your present controversy
is to be traced to the following circumstances : that you, Alexander,
demanded of the presbyters what opinion they severally maintained
respecting a certain passage in the divine law, or rather, I sho'uld say,
that you asked them something connected with an unprofitable question :
and then that you, Arius, inconsiderately gave utterance to objections
which ought never to have been conceived at all, or if conceived, should
have been buried in profound silence. Hence it was that a dissension
arose between you ; the meeting of the synod was prohibited ; and the
holy people, rent into diverse parties, no longer preserved the unity of
the one body. Now, therefore, do ye both exhibit an equal degree of
forbearance, and receive the advice which your fellow-servant feels him-
self justly entitled to give.
"What then is this advice ? It was wrong in the first instance to
propose such questions as these, or to reply to them when propounded.
For those points of discussion which are enjoined by the authority of no
law, but rather suggested by the contentious spirit which is fostered by
misused leisure, even though they may be intended merely as an intel-
lectual exercise, ought certainly to be confined to the region of our own
thoughts, and neither hastily produced in the public assemblies of the
saints, nor unadvisedly intrusted to the general ear. For how very few
are there able either accurately to comprehend, or adequately to explain,
subjects so sublime and abstruse in their nature ? Or, granting that one
were fully competent for this, in how few ordinary minds will he succeed
in producing conviction ? Or who, again, in dealing with questions of
such subtle nicety as these, can secure himself against a dangerous de-
clension from the truth ? It is incumbent, therefore, on us in these
cases to be sparing of our words, lest, in case we ourselves are unable,
through the feebleness of our natural faculties, to give a clear explana-
tion of the subject before us, or, on the other hand, in case the slow-
ness of our hearers' understandings disables them from arriving at an
accurate apprehension of what we say, from one or other of these
causes we reduce the people to the alternative either of blasphemy or
schism.
" Let therefore both the unguarded questions and the inconsiderate
answer receive your mutual forgiveness. For your difference has not
arisen on any leading doctrines or precepts of the divine law, nor have
you introduced any new dogma respecting the worship of God. You
are in truth of one and the same judgment : you may therefore well join
in that communion which is the symbol of united fellowship.
340 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIG FAITH.
" For as long as you continue to contend about these truly insignifi-
cant questions, it is not fitting that so large a portion of God's people
should be under the direction of your judgment, since you are thus
divided between yourselves. I believe it indeed to be not merely unbe-
coming, but positively evil, that such should be the case. But I will
appeal to your good sense by a familiar instance to illustrate my mean-
ing : You know that philosophers, while they all adhere to the general
tenets of their respective sects, are frequently at issue on some particular
assertion or statement : and yet, though they may differ as to the perfec-
tion of a principle, they are recalled to harmony of sentiment by the
uniting power of their common doctrines. If this be true, is it not far
more reasonable that you, who are the ministers of the supreme God,
should be of one mind respecting the profession of the same religion ?
"But let us still more thoughtfully and with closer attention examine
what I have said, and see whether it be right that, on the ground of
some trifling and foolish verbal difference between ourselves, brethren
should assume towards each other the attitude of enemies, and the
august meeting of the synod be rent by profane disunion, because we
will wrangle together on points so trivial and altogether unessential.
Surely this conduct is unworthy of us, and rather characteristic of child-
ish ignorance, than consistent with the wisdom of priests and men of
sense. Let us withdraw ourselves with a good will from these tempta-
tions of the devil. Our great God and common Saviour has granted the
same light to us all. Permit me, who am his servant, to bring my task
to a successful issue, under the direction of his Providence, that I may
be enabled through my exhortations, and diligence, and earnest admoni-
tion, to recall his people to the fellowship of one communion. For
since you have, as I said, but one faith, and one sentiment respecting
our religion, and since the divine commandment in all its parts enjoins
on us all the duty of maintaining a spirit of concord, let not the circum-
stance which has led to a slight difference between you, since it affects
not the general principles of truth, be allowed to prolong any division
or schism among you.
"And this I say without in any way desiring to force you to entire
unity of judgment in regard to this truly idle question, whatever its real
nature may be. For the dignity of your synod may be preserved, and
the communion of your whole body maintained unbroken, however wide
a difference may exist among you as to unimportant matters. For we
are not all of us like-minded on every subject, nor is there such a thing
as one disposition and judgment common to all alike. As far then as
regards the divine Providence, let there be one faith, and one under-
standing among you, one united judgment in reference to God. But as
to your subtle disputations on questions of little or no significance,
THE COUNCIL OF NICE. 341
though you may be unable to harmonize in sentiment, such differences
should be consigned to the secret custody of your own mind and
thoughts. And now let the precious bonds of common affection, let
faith in the truth, let the honor due to God, and the observance of his
law, continue immovably established among you. Resume, then, your
mutual feelings of affection and regard ; permit the whole body of the
people once more to unite in that embrace which should be natural to
all : and do ye yourselves, having purified your souls, as it were, from
every angry thought, once more return to your former fellowship. For
it often happens that when a reconciliation is affected by the removal of
the causes of enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was
before.
" Restore me then my quiet days and untroubled nights, that hence-
forth the joy of light undimmed by sorrow, the delight of a tranquil
life, may continue to be my portion. Else must I needs mourn, with
copious and constant tears, nor shall I be able to pass the residue of my
days without disquietude. For while the people of God, whose fellow-
servant I am, are thus divided amongst themselves by an unreasonable
and pernicious spirit of contention, how is it possible that I shall be able
to maintain tranquillity of mind ? And I will give you a proof how great
my sorrow has been on this behalf. Not long since I had visited Nico-
media, and intended forthwith to proceed from that city to the East. It
was while I was on the point of hastening towards you, and was already
among you in thought and desire, that the news of this matter arrested
my intended progress, that I might not be compelled to witness that
which I felt myself scarcely able even to hear. Open then for me
henceforward by your unity of judgment that road to the regions of the
East which your dissensions have closed against me, and permit me
speedily to see the happiness both of yourselves and of all other prov-
inces, and to render due acknowledgment to God in the language of
praise and thanksgiving for the restoration of general concord and
liberty to all."11
This letter he sent by the hand of Hosius, whom he
made his ambassador to reconcile the disputants. But both
the letter and the mission of Hosius were in vain ; and yet
the more so, by the very fact that the parties were now
assured that the controversy had attracted the interested
attention of the imperial authority. As imperial favor,
imperial patronage, and imperial power, were the chief
objects of the contest ; and as this effort of the emperor
showed that the reward was almost within the grasp of
11 Eusebius's "Life of Constantine," book ii, chaps. Ixv-lxxil.
28
342 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
whichever party might prove successful ; the contention was
deepened rather than abated.
It had already been decided that the imperial favor and
patronage was for the Catholic Church. Each of these par-
ties claimed to be the orthodox and only Catholic Church.
The case of the Donatists had been referred to a council of
bishops for adjudication. It was but natural that this ques-
tion should be treated in the same way. But whereas the
case of the Donatists affected only a very small portion of
the empire, this question directly involved the whole East,
and greatly concerned much of the West. More than this,
the Catholic religion was now the religion of the empire.
This dispute was upon the question as to what is the truth of
the Catholic religion. Therefore if the question was to be
settled, it must be settled for the whole empire. These
considerations demanded a general council. Therefore, a
general council was called, A. L>. 325, which met at the city
of Nice, the latter part of May or the first part of June,
in that year.
The number of bishops that composed the council was
three hundred and eighteen, while the number of "the pres-
byters and deacons, in their train, and the crowd of acolytes
and other attendants, was altogether beyond computation "
(Eusebiusn\ all of whom traveled, and were entertained to
and from the council and while there, at the public expense.
"They came as fast as they could run, in almost a frenzy of
excitement and enthusiasm ; the actual crowd must have
been enough to have metamorphosed the place." And
"shrill above all other voices, vehement above all other
disputants, ' brandishing their arguments like spears, against
those who sat under the same roof and ate off the same
tables as themselves,' were the combatants from Alexandria,
who had brought to its present pass the question which the
council was called to decide."-- Stanley. n
12 Id., book iii, chap. viii.
13 " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture iii, par. 22,
CHARACTER OF THE BISHOPS. 343
The emperor did not arrive at Nice for several days after
the others had reached that place ; but when he came, "He
had no sooner taken up his quarters in the palace of Nicsea,
than he found showered in upon him a number of parchment
rolls, or letters, containing complaints and petitions against
each other from the larger part of the assembled bishops.
We cannot ascertain with certainty whether they were col-
lected in a single day, or went on accumulating day after
day. It was a poor omen for the unanimity which he had
so much at heart. . . . We are expressly told both by
Eusebius and Sozomen, that one motive which had drawn
many to the council was the hope of settling their own pri-
vate concerns, and promoting their own private interests.
. . . There, too, were the pent-up grudges and quarrels of
years, which now for the first time had an opportunity of
making themselves heard. Never before had these remote,
often obscure, ministers of a persecuted sect come within
the range of imperial power. He whose presence was for
the first time so close to them, bore the same authority of
which the apostle had said that it was the supreme earthly
distributer of justice to mankind. Still after all due allow-
ance, it is impossible not to share in the emperor's astonish-
ment that this should have been the first act of the first
(Ecumenical Assembly of the Christian Church." — Stanley. ,u
14 7d., Lecture iv, par. 2, 3. I take this occasion to remark that which has
already become apparent, and which becomes more and more emphatic as the
history proceeds, that the term "Christian" in such connection as it is here used
by Stanley, is totally misapplied. This was not an assembly of the Christian
Church ; it was not the Christian Church that united with the State. This was
an assembly of the Catholic Church ; it was the Catholic Church that formed the
union with the State. The history of " the church " is not the history of Chris-
tianity. The history of Christianity has not been written except by the rack, by
sword, and by flame ; in tears, in sufferings, and in blood, — and in the books that
shall be opened at the last day. Faithfulness to the authors whom I quote will
oblige me in a few instances to copy this misapplication of the word "Christian."
But the reader will need merely to note the connection to see that the word is
sadly misused, and this note will be the assurance in every such case that I do
not indorse the use of the word in anv such connection.
344: ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
The council met in a large hall in the palace of the em-
peror, which had been arranged for the purpose. In the
center of the room on a kind of throne, was placed a copy
of the gospels ; at one end of the hall was placed a richly
carved throne, which was to be occupied by Constantine.
The day came for the formal opening of the assembly. The
bishops were all assembled with their accompanying presby-
ters and deacons ; but as it was an imperial council, it could
not be opened but by the emperor himself ; and they waited
in silence for him to come. " At last a signal from without
— probably a torch raised by the ' cursor' or avant-courier —
announced that the emperor was close at hand. The whole
assembly rose and stood on their feet ; and then for the first
time set their admiring gaze on Constantine, the conqueror,
the august, the great.
"He entered. His towering stature, his strong-built
frame, his broad shoulders, his handsome features, were wor-
thy of his grand position. There was a brightness in his look
and mingled expression of fierceness and gentleness in his
lion-like eye, which well became one who, as Augustus be-
fore him, had fancied, and perhaps still fancied, himself to
be the favorite of the sun-god Apollo. The bishops were fur-
ther struck by the dazzling, perhaps barbaric, magnificence
of his dress. Always careful of his appearance, he was so
on this occasion in an eminent degree. His long hair, false
or real, was crowned with the imperial diadem of pearls.
His purple or scarlet robe blazed with precious stones and
gold embroidery. He was shod no doubt in the scarlet
shoes then confined to emperors, now perpetuated in the
pope and cardinals. Many of the bishops. had probably
never seen any greater functionary than a remote provincial
magistrate, and gazing at his splendid figure as he passed
up the hall between their ranks, remembering too what he
had done for their faith and for their church, — we may well
believe that the simple and the worldly both looked upon
CONST ANTINE'S PLACE IN THE COUNCIL. 345
him, as though lie were an angel of God, descended straight
from heaven." — Stanley.™
He paraded thus up the whole length of the hall to where
the seat of wrought gold had been set for him ; then he
turned, facing the assembly, and pretended to be so abashed
by the presence of so much holiness, that he would not take
his seat until the bishops had signalled to him to do so ; then
he sat down, and the others followed suit. On one side
of Constantine sat Hosius, on the other, Eusebius. As soon
as all had taken their seats after the entrance of Constantine,
Eusebius arose and delivered an oration in honor of the
emperor, closing with a hymn of thanksgiving to God, for
Constantino's final victory over Licinius. Eusebius resumed
his seat, and Constantine arose and delivered to the assembly
the following address : —
"It has, my friends, been the object of my highest wishes, to enjoy
your sacred company, and having obtained this, I confess my thankfulness
to the King of all, that in addition to all my other blessings, he has granted
to me this greatest of all — I mean, to receive you all assembled together,
and to see one common, harmonious opinion of all. Let, then, no en-
vious enemy injure our happiness, and after the destruction of the im-
pious power of the tyrants by the might of God our Saviour, let not the
spirit of evil overwhelm the divine law with blasphemies ; for to me far
worse than any war or battle is the civil war of the church of God ; yes,
far more painful than the wars which have raged, without. As, then, by
the assent and co-operation of a higher power I have gained my victo-
ries over my enemies, I thought that nothing remained but to give God
thanks, and to rejoice with those who have been delivered by us. But
since I learned of your divisions, contrary to all expectations, I gave the
report my first consideration ; and praying that this also might be healed
through my assistance, I called you all together without delay. I re-
joice at the mere sight of your assembly ; but the moment that I shall
consider the chief fulfillment of my prayers, will be when I see you all
joined together in heart and soul, and determining on one peaceful har-
mony for all, which it should well become you who are consecrated to
God, to preach to others. Do not, then, delay, my friends ; do not
delay, ministers of .God, and good servants of our common Lord and
Saviour, to remove all grounds of difference, and to wind up by laws of
15 Id., par. 4.
346 ESTABLISIDfENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
peace every link of controversy. Thus will you have done what is most
pleasing to the God who is over all, and you will render the greatest
boon to me, your fellow-servant." 16
Thus the council was formally opened, and then the
emperor signified to the judges of the assembly to go on
with the proceedings. " From this moment the flood-gates
of debate were opened wide ; and from side to side recrimi-
nations and accusations were bandied to and fro, without
regard to the imperial presence. He remained unmoved
amid the clatter of angry voices, turning from one side of
the hall to the other, giving his whole attention to the ques-
tions proposed, bringing together the violent partisans."
Stanley.11 To end their personal spites, and turn their
whole attention to the question which was to come properly
before the assembly, he took from the folds of his mantle
the whole bundle of their complaints and recriminations
against one another, which they had submitted to him
immediately upon his arrival. He laid the bundle out be-
fore the assembly bound up, and sealed with the imperial
ring. Then, after stating that he had not read one of them,
he ordered a brazier to be brought in, and at once burned
them in the presence of the whole assembly. As they were
burning, he addressed the authors of them in the following
words : —
" 'You have been made by God priests and rulers, to judge and de-
cide, . . . and have even been made gods, so highly raised as you are
above men ; for it is written, "I have said ye are gods, and ye are all
the children of the Most High ; " " and God stood in the congregation of
the gods, and in the midst he judges the gods." You ought really to
neglect these common matters, and devote yourselves to the things of
God. It is not for me to judge of what awaits the judgment of God
only.' And as the libels vanished into ashes, he urged them, 'Never to
let the faults of men in their consecrated offices be publicly known to
the scandal and temptation of the multitude.' ' Nay,' he added, doubt-
less spreading out the folds of his imperial mantle as he spoke, 'even
though I were with my own eyes to see a bishop in the act of gross sin,
I would throw my purple robe over him, that no one might suffer from
the sight of such a crime.' " 18
16 Stanley, Id., par. 6. 17/</., par. 9. 18 Id., par. 9.
THE FRAMING OF THE CREED. 347
Then the grcut question that had caused the calling of the
council was taken up. There were three parties in the coun-
cil — those who sided with Alexander, those who sided with
Arius, and those who were non-committal, or, through hope
of being mediators, held the middle ground. Arius, not
being a bishop, could not hold an official seat in the council,
but he had come at the express command of Constantine,
and "was frequently called upon to express his opinions.""
Athanasius, who was more responsible for the present con-
dition of the dispute than was Alexander himself, though
only a deacon, came with his bishop Alexander. He, like-
wise, though not entitled to an official place in the council,
played not a small part in the discussion and in bringing
about the final result of the council.
The party of Alexander and Athanasius, it was soon dis-
covered, could depend upon the majority of the council ; and
they determined to use this power in the formulation of such
a statement of doctrine as would suit themselves first, and
if it should be found impossible for the party of Arius hon-
estly to accept it, so much the better they would be pleased.
In the discussion, some of the songs which Arius had
written, were read. As soon as Alexander's party heard
them, they threw up their hands in horror, and then clapped
them 'upon their ears and shut their eyes, that they might
not be defiled with the fearful heresy.
Next the draft of a creed was brought in, signed by
eighteen bishops of the party of Arius ; but it was not suf-
fered to exist long enough for anybody ever to obtain a
copy. Their opponents broke into a wild uproar, tore the
document to pieces, and expelled Arius from the assembly.
Next, Eusebius of Caesarea, — Constantine's panegyrist
— thought to bring the parties together by presenting a creed
that had been largely in use before this dispute ever arose.
He stated that this confession of faith was one which he had
learned in his childhood, from the bishop of Csesarea, and
one which he accepted at his baptism, and which he had
348 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
taught through his whole career, both as a presbyter and as
a bishop. As an additional argument, and one which he
intended to be of great weight in the council, he declared
that " it had been approved by the emperor, the beloved of
heaven, who had already seen it." It read as follows : —
"I believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things
both visible and invisible, and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of
God, God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, the only begotten Son,
the First-born of every creature, begotten of the Father before all
worlds, by whom also all things were made. Who for our salvation
was made flesh, and lived amongst men, and suffered, and rose again on
the third day, and ascended to the Father, and shall come in glory to
judge the quick and the dead. And we believe in one Holy Ghost. Be-
lieving each of them to be and to have existed, the Father, only the Father ;
and the Son, only the Son ; and the Holy Ghost, only the Holy Ghost : as
also our Lord sending forth his own disciples to preach, said, ' Go and
teach all nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost : ' concerning which things we affirm that it
is so, and that we so think, and that it has long so been held, and that
we remain steadfast to death for this faith, anathematizing every godless
heresy. That we have thought these things from our heart and soul,
from the time that we have known ourselves, and that we now think and
say thus in truth, we testify in the name of Almighty God, and of our
Lord Jesus Christ, being able to prove even by demonstration, and to
persuade you that in the past times also thus we believed and preached." 19
As soon as this was read in the council, the party of
Arius all signified their willingness to subscribe to it. But
this did not suit the party of Alexander and Athanasius ; it
was rather the very thing that they did not want, for ''they
were determined to find some form of words which no Arian
could receive." They hunted about, therefore, for some
point or some word, upon which they could reject it. It
will be noticed that this creed says nothing about the sub-
stance of the Son of God, while that was the very question
which had brought the council together. Eusebius, bishop
of Nicomedia, was chief of the Arians who held seat*
in the council. At this point a letter was brought forth.
19 7(7., par. 22.
THE CREED AND ITS ADOPTION. 349
which he had formerly written, in which he had stated that
"to assert the Son to be uncreated, would be to say that he
was 'of one substance' — Ilomoousion — with the Father,
and to say that ' He was of one substance ' was a proposition
evidently absurd."
This gave to the party of Alexander and Athanasius the
very opportunity which they desired ; it supplied from the
opposite party the very word upon which they had all the
time insisted, and one of the chiefs of that party had de-
clared that the use of the word in that connection was evi-
dently absurd. If they, therefore, should insist upon the
use of that very word, it would certainly exclude the Arian
party. " The letter produced a violent excitement. There
was the very test of which they were in search ; the letter
was torn in pieces to mark their indignation, and the phrase
which he had pledged himself to reject, became the phrase
which they pledged themselves to adopt." — Stanley.™
As Constantine had approved the creed already read by
Eusebius, the question of the party of Alexander now was
whether he would approve it with the addition of this word,
and the hopes of both parties now hung trembling upon the
emperor. Hosius and his associates, having the last consul-
tation with him, brought him over to their side. At the
next meeting of the assembly, he again presented the creed
of Eusebius, approved it, and called upon all to adopt it.
Seeing, however, that the majority would not accept the
creed of Eusebius as it was, Constantine decided to "gain
the assent of the orthodox, that is, the most powerful, part
of the assembly," by inserting the disputed word. "He
trusted that by this insertion they might be gained, and yet
that, under the pressure of fear and favor, the others might
not be altogether repelled. He therefore took the course
the most likely to secure this result, and professed himself
the patron and also the interpreter of the new phrase. "-
Stanley.™
wld., par. 23. al M, par. 28.
350 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIO FAITH.
Constantine ordered the addition of the disputed word.
The party of Alexander and Athanasius, now assured of
the authority of the emperor, required the addition of other
phrases to the same purpose, so that when the creed was
finally written out in full, it read as follows : —
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things
both visible and invisible.
"And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the
Father, only begotten, that is to say, of the substance of the Father,
God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God, begotten, not made,
being of one substance with the Father, by whom all things were made,
both things in heaven and things in earth ; who for us men, and for
our salvation, came down, and was made flesh, and was made man, suf-
fered, and rose again on the third day, went up into the heavens, and is
to come again to judge the quick and dead.
"And in the Holy Ghost.
" But those that say, ' There was when he was not,' and ' Before he
was begotten he was not/ and that ' he came into existence from what
was not,' or who profess that the Son of God is of a different ' person
or ' substance,' or that he is created, or changeable, or variable, are
anathematized by the Catholic Church."22
Thus came the original Nicene Creed. Constantine's
influence carried with it many in the council, but seventeen
bishops refused to subscribe to it. The emperor then com-
manded all to sign it under penalty of banishment. This
brought to terms all of them but five. Eusebius of Csesarea,
the panegyrist and one of the counselors of Constantine,
took a whole day to ''deliberate." In his deliberation he
consulted the emperor, who so explained the term Ilomoou-
sion that it could be understood as Ilomoiousion. He "de-
clared that the word, as he understood it, involved no such
material unity of the persons of the God-head as Eusebius
feared might be deduced from it."-— Stanley.™ In this
sense, therefore, Eusebius adopted the test, and subscribed to
the creed.
Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nice subscribed
to the body of the creed, but refused to subscribe to the
curse which it pronounced upon the Arian doctrines. Sen-
K Id,, par 29. 23 Id., par. 34.
THEIR OWN ESTIMATE OF THE CREED. 351
tence of banishment was pronounced ; then they yielded
and subscribed, yet they were removed from their bishop-
rics, and Catholics were put in their places. Two of the
other bishops, however, — Theonas of Marmarica in Libya,
and'Secundus of Ptolemais, — absolutely refused from first
to last to sign the creed, and they were banished. As for
Arius, he seems to have departed from Nice soon after he
was expelled from the council. Sentence of banishment
was pronounced against him with the others. But as he
was the chief expositor of the condemned doctrines, Con-
stantine published against him the following edict : —
" Victor Constantine Maximus Augustus, to the bishops and people :
Since Arius has imitated wicked and impious persons, it is Just that he
should undergo the like ignominy. Wherefore as Porphyry, that enemy
of piety, for having composed licentious treatises against religion, found
a suitable recompense, and such as thenceforth branded him with
infamy, overwhelming him with deserved reproach, his impious writings
also having been destroyed ; so now it seems fit both that Arius and
such as hold his sentiments should be denominated Porphyrians, that
they may take their appellation from those whose conduct they have
imitated. And in addition to this, if any treatise composed by Arius
should be discovered, let it be consigned to the flames, in order that not
only his depraved doctrine may be suppressed, but also that no memo-
rial of him may be by any means left. This therefore I decree, that if
any one shall be detected in concealing a book compiled by Arius, and
shall not instantly bring it forward and burn it, the penalty for this
offense shall be death ; for immediately after conviction the criminal
shall suffer capital punishment. May God preserve you."24
' ' His book, ' Thalia, ' was burnt on the spot ; and this
example was so generally followed, that it became a very
rare work." — Stanley.™ The decree banishing Arius was
shortly so modified as simply to prohibit his returning to
Alexandria.
When the council finally closed its labors, Constantine
gave, in honor of the bishops, the grand banquet before
mentioned, in which it was pretended that the kingdom of
God was come, and at which he loaded them with presents.
24 Socrates's " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap. ix.
26 "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture iv, par. 39.
352 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
He then exhorted them to unity and forbearance, and dis-
missed them to return to their respective places.
It was intended that the decision of this council, in the
creed adopted, should put an end forever to all religious
differences. "It is certain that the Creed of Nicsea was
meant to be an end of theological controversy." — Stanley.9*
Constantine published it as the inspiration of God. In a
letter to the "Catholic Church of the Alexandrians," an-
nouncing the decision of the council, he said : —
"That which has commended itself to the judgment of three hundred
bishops cannot be other than the doctrine of God ; seeing that the Holy
Spirit dwelling in the minds of so many dignified persons has effectually
enlightened them respecting the divine will. Wherefore let no one
vacillate or linger, but let all with alacrity return to the undoubted path
of duty."26
Another, expressing the views of the Catholic Church in
this same century, ascribes absolute and irresistible infalli-
bility to the decisions of the council. He flatly declares
that even if those who composed the council had been
"idiots, yet, as being illuminated by God and the grace of
his Holy Spirit, they were utterly unable to err from the
truth." — Socrates.1" And Athanasius declared : —
" The word of the Lord, which was given in the (Ecumenical Coun-
cil of Nicsea, remaineth forever." Z8
Those who had formed the creed were exalted as the
Fathers of Nicsea, and then to the creed was applied the
scripture, "Remove not the ancient landmark which thy
fathers have set." : From that time forth the words, "Stand
by the landmark," were considered a sufficient watchword to
put every Catholic on his guard against the danger of heresy.
"From this period we may date the introduction of rigorous
articles of belief, which required the submissive assent of the
mind to every word and letter of an established creed, and
25 Id., par. 41. 26Socrates's "Ecclesiastical History," book 1, chap. ix.
27 Id.
28 Stanley, "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture iv, par. 41. z9 Id.
THE TRUE ESTIMATE OF THE COUNCIL. 353
which raised the slightest heresy of opinion into a more fatal
offense against God, and a more odious crime in the estima-
tion of man, than the worst moral delinquency or the most
flagrant deviation from the spirit of Christianity." — Mil-
man.so
In the unanimity of opinion attained by the council,
however, the idea of inspiration from any source other than
Constantino, is a myth, and even that was a vanishing quan-
tity, because a considerable number of those who sub-
scribed to the creed, did so against their honest convictions,
and with the settled determination to secure a revision or a
reversal just as soon as it could possibly be brought about :
and to bring it about they would devote every waking
moment of their lives.
Yet more than this, this theory proceeds upon the as-
sumption that religious truth and doctrine are subject to the
decision of the majority, than which nothing could possibly
be farther from the truth. Even though the decision of the
Council of Nicsea had been absolutely, and from honest con-
viction spontaneously, unanimous, it never could rest with
the slightest degree of obligation or authority upon any
soul, who had not arrived at the same conclusion from hon-
est conviction derived from the free exercise of his own
power of thought. There is no organization, nor tribunal,
on earth that has any right to decide for anybody what is
the truth upon any religious question. "The head of every
man is Christ." 1 Cor. xi, 3. "One is your Master, even
Christ." Matt, xxiii, 8. "Who art thou that judgest an-
other man's servant '? to his own master he standeth or fall-
eth. ... So then every one of us shall give account of
himself to God." Horn, xiv, 4, 12.
In the quest for truth every man is free to search, to
believe, and to decide for himself alone. And his assent to
any form of belief or doctrine, to be true, must spring from
his own personal conviction that such is the truth. "The
30 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 1.
354 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CATHOLIC FAITH.
truth itself, forced on man otherwise than by its own inward
power, becomes falsehood." - Neander.31 And he who
suffers anything to be so forced upon him, utters a lie
against himself and against God.
The realm of thought is the realm of God. Whosoever
would attempt to restrict or coerce the free exercise of the
thought of another, usurps the dominion of God, and exer-
cises that of the devil. This is what Constantine did at the
Council of Nice. This is what the majority of the Council
of Nice itself did. In carrying out the purpose for which it
was met, this is the only thing that it could do, no matter
which side of the controversy should prove victorious. What
Constantine and the Council of Nice did, was to open the
way and set the wicked precedent for that despotism over
thought, which continued for more than fourteen hundred
dreary years, and which was carried to such horrible lengths
when the pope succeeded to the place of Constantine as head
over both Church and State.
To say that the Holy Spirit had anything whatever to do
with the council either in discussing or deciding the question
or in any other way, is but to argue that the Holy Spirit of
God is but the subject and tool of the unholy passions of
ambitious and wicked men.
31 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Second,
part i, div. i, par. 1.
CHAPTER XV.
ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
AS before remarked, those who against their will had
subscribed to the creed of the Council of Nice, were
determined to redeem themselves as soon as possible, and
by whatever means it could be accomplished. And they did
accomplish it. The story is curious, and the lessons which
it teaches are valuable.
Shortly after the dismissal of the Council -of Nice, but in
A. D. 326, Alexander died, and Athanasius succeeded to the
episcopal seat of Alexandria. He, much more than Alex-
ander, had been the life and soul of the controversy with
Arius. It was he who had continually spurred on Alexander
in the extreme and uncompromising attitude which he had
maintained toward Arius. And now when, at the age of
thirty years, he became clothed with the power and the pre-
rogatives of the archbishopric of Alexandria, the controversy
received a new impulse from both sides — from the side of
the Catholics, by the additional pride and intensity of dog-
matism of Athanasius ; from the side of the Arians in a
determination to humble the proud and haughty Athanasius.
To this end the Arians at once began to apply themselves
diligently to win over Constantino to their side, or at least
to turn him against Athanasius.
In A. D. 327 died Constantine's sister, Constantia. She
had held with the Arian party, having an Arian presbyter
as her spiritual adviser. This presbyter had convinced her
that Arius had been unjustly condemned by the council. In
29 1355]
356 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
her dying moments "she entreated the emperor to recon-
sider the justice of the sentence against that innocent, as she
declared, and misrepresented man." Constantino soon after-
ward sent a message to Arms, recalling him from banish-
ment, and promising to send him back to Alexandria. Arms
came and presented a confession of faith which proved satis-
factory to the emperor. About the same time Constantino
also restored to favor the other two leading Arians, Eusebius
of iS'icomedia and Theognis of Ptolemais. "They returned
in triumph to their dioceses, and ejected the bishops who had
been appointed to their place." — Mil-man.1 Hosius having
returned to his place in Spain, Constantino fell under strong
Arian influences, and the Arian bishops began to use him
for the accomplishment of their purposes.
In A. D. 328, Constantino made a journey to Jerusalem
to dedicate the church that he had built there, and Eusebius
of Nicomedia and Theognis both accompanied him. Eusta-
thius, the bishop of Antioch, was a Catholic. In their jour-
ney, Eusebius and Theognis passed through Antioch, and
.set on foot a scheme to displace him ; and when they re-
turned, a council was hastily called, and upon charges of
immorality and heresy, " Eustathius- was deposed and ban-
ished by the imperial edict, to Thrace. . . . The city was
divided into two fierce and hostile factions. They were on
the verge of a civil war ; and Antioch, where the Christians
had first formed themselves into a Christian community, but
for the vigorous interference of civil power and the timely
appearance of an imperial commissioner, might have wit-
nessed the first blood shed, at least in the East, in a Chris-
tian quarrel. "- - Milman*
Next the Arian prelates exerted their influence to have
the emperor fulfill his promise of restoring Arius to his
place in Alexandria. They tried first by friendly represen-
tations and petitions, and at last by threats, to induce Atha-
nasius to admit Arius again to membership in the church,
1 •' History of Christianity," book iii. chap, iv, par. 21. a7c/., par. 23.
ARIUS RETURNED— ATHANASIUS BANISHED. 357
but he steadily refused. Then they secured from the em-
peror a command that Athanasius should receive Arius and
all his friends who wished to be received, to the fellowship
of the church of Alexandria, declaring that unless he did so
he should be deposed and exiled. Athanasius refused ; and
Constantino neither deposed him nor exiled him. Then the
Arians invented against him many charges. Constantino
summoned him to Nicomedia to answer. He came, and was
fully acquitted, and the emperor sent him back with a letter
to the church of Alexandria, in which he pronounced him a
"man of God."
The Arians then brought new accusations against him,
this time even to the extent of murder. A synod of bishops
was appointed to meet at Tyre to investigate these charges.
As the synod was wholly Arian, Athanasius declined to
appear ; but at the positive command of the emperor he
came, and succeeded in clearing himself of all the charges
that could be tried in the synod. But as there were certain
other charges which required to be investigated in Egypt, a
committee was appointed for the purpose. Yet it was de-
creed by the synod that no one who belonged to the party
of Athanasius should be a member of the committee. The
committee reported against Athanasius, as it was expected to
do ; and by the synod he was deposed from the archbishop-
ric of Alexandria.
Athanasius appealed to the emperor, and went to Con-
stantinople to present his plea. As Constantine rode along
the street, he was met by a band of ecclesiastics, in the midst
of which he recognized Athanasius. "The offended em-
peror, with a look of silent contempt, urged his horse onward,"
when Athanasius loudly exclaimed, "God shall judge be-
tween thee and me ; since thou thus espousest the cause of
my calumniators, I demand only that my enemies be sum-
moned and my cause heard in the imperial presence." —
Milman* Constantine consented, and the Arian accusers
sld. par. 29.
358 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
were summoned to appear. At the head of the accusers
were both Eusebius of Nicomedia and Eusebius of Csesarea,
who were now in high favor with Constantine. When the
investigation was opened, however, all the old charges were
abandoned, and one entirely new was brought which was
much more likely to have weight with the emperor than all
the others put together. Constantinople, as well as Rome,
was dependent upon Egypt for the wheat which supplied
bread to its inhabitants. Athanasius was now accused of
threatening to force Constantine to support him, by stopping
the supplies of grain from the port of Alexandria. Whether
Constantine really believed this charge or not, it accom-
plished its purpose. Athanasius was again condemned, and
banished to Treves in Gaul, February, A. D. 336.
The return of Arius to Alexandria was the cause of con-
tinued tumult, and he was called to Constantinople. At the
request of the emperor, Arius presented a new confession of
faith, which proved satisfactory, and Constantine commanded
the bishop of Constantinople to receive Arius to the fellow-
ship of the church on a day of public worship — "it hap-
pened to be a Sabbath (Saturday) — on which day, as well
as Sunday, public worship was held at Constantinople."
NeanderS The bishop absolutely refused to admit him.
The Arians, under the authority of the emperor, threatened
that the next day, Sunday, they would force their way into
the church, and compel the admission of Arius to full mem-
bership in good and regular standing. Upon this the Ath-
anasian party took refuge in "prayer;" the bishop prayed
earnestly that, rather than the church should be so disgraced,
Arius might die ; and, naturally enough, Arius died on the
evening of the same day. "In Constantinople, where men
were familiar with Asiatic crimes, there was more than a
suspicion of poison. But when Alexander's party proclaimed
that his prayer had been answered, they forgot what then
*" History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Fourth,
div. ii, o, par. 30.
ATIIANASIUS IS RETURNED AND AGAIN BANISHED. 359
that prayer must have been, and that the difference is little
between praying for the death of a man and compassing it."
-Draper.5 The bishop of Constantinople conducted a
solemn service of thanksgiving. " Athanasius, in a public
epistle, alludes to the fate of Judas, which had befallen the
traitor to the co-equal dignity of the Son. His hollow
charity ill disguises his secret triumph," and to Athanasius,
ever afterward, the death of Arius was a standing argument
and a sufficient evidence that in the death of the heretic, God
had condemned the heresy. — Milman*
Petition after petition was presented to Constantine for
the return of Athanasius to his place in Alexandria, but the
emperor steadily denounced him as proud, turbulent, obsti-
nate, and intractable, and refused all petitions. In 337, in
the presence of death, Constantine was baptized by an Arian
bishop ; and thus closed the life of him upon whom a grate-
ful church has bestowed the title of "the Great," though,
"tested by character, indeed, he stands among the lowest of
all those to whom the epithet has in ancient or modern
times been applied." — " Encyclopedia Britannica." 7
Constantine was succeeded by his three sons ; Constan-
tino, aged twenty-one years ; Constantius, aged twenty ; and
Constans, aged seventeen. They apportioned the empire
amongst themselves. Constantine II had Constantinople
and some portions of the West, with pre-eminence of rank ;
Constantius obtained Thrace, Egypt, and all the East ; and
Constans held the greater part of the West. Constantius
was a zealous Arian, Constantine and Constans were no less
zealous Catholics. The religious parties now had another
element added to their strifes — they could use the religious
differences of the emperors in their own interests. Athanasius
being an exile at Treves, was in the dominions of Constans,
his " fiery defender ; " while the place of his bisphoric was
5 " Intellectual Development of Europe," chap Ix, par. 39.
6 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 32, and note.
'Article "Constantine."
360 ABIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
in the dominions of Constantius, his fiery antagonist. The
Athanasian party, through Constantine II, succeeded in per-
suading Constantius to allow the return of Athanasius and
all the other bishops who had been banished.
The return of these bishops again set all the East ablaze.
The leaders of the Arian party addressed letters to the em-
perors, denouncing Athanasius. They held another council
at Tyre, A. D. 3-iO, in which they brought against him new
charges, and condemned him upon them all. Immediately
afterward a rival council was held at Alexandria, which
acquitted Athanasius of -all things in which the other council
had condemned him. In this same year Constantine II was
killed in a war with his brother Constans. This left the em-
pire and the religion to the two brothers — Constantius in
Constantinople and the East, Constans in the West. In the
dominions of Constans all Arians were heretics ; in the do-
minions of Constantius all Catholics were heretics. The
religious war continued, and increased in violence. In A. D.
341, another council, consisting of ninety bishops, was held
at Antioch, in the presence of the emperor Constantius.
This council adopted a new creed, from which the Ilonnoou-
sion was omitted ; they ratified the decrees of the Council of
Tyre of the preceding year, in which Athanasius was con-
demned ; and they appointed in his place a bishop of their
own party, named Gregory.
At the command of Constantius, the imperial prefect
issued an edict announcing the degradation of Athanasius,
and the appointment of Gregory. "With an escort of five
thousand heavy-armed soldiers, Gregory proceeded to Alex-
andria to take possession of his bishopric. It was evening
when he arrived at the church at which Athanasius offi-
ciated, and the people were engaged in the evening serv-
ice. The troops were posted in order of battle about the
church ; but Athanasius slipped out, and escaped to Rome,
and Gregory was duly and officially installed in his place.
The Athanasians, enraged at such proceedings, set the church
MACEDONIUS MADE BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 3G1
afire ; "scenes of savage conflict ensued, the churches were
taken as it \vere by storm," and "every atrocity perpetrated
by unbridled multitudes, embittered by every shade of relig-
ious faction. " - Milman.*
Similar scenes were soon after enacted in Constantinople,
A. D. 342. In 338 died Alexander, the bishop of Constan-
tinople, who had prayed Arms to death. The Arians favored
Macedonius, the Athanasians favored Paul, for the vacant
bishopric. Paul succeeded. This was while Constantius
was absent from the city, and as soon as he returned, he
removed Paul, and made Eusebius of Nicomedia, bishop of
Constantinople. Eusebius died in 342. The candidacy of
Paul and Macedonius was at once revived. The partisans
of Paul claimed that he, having been unjustly deposed, was
lawful bishop by virtue of his previous ordination. The
supporters of Macedonius claimed, of course, that Paul had
been justly deposed, and that therefore a new election was
in order. "The dispute spread from the church into the
streets, from the clergy to the populace ; blood was shed ;
the whole city was in arms on one part or the other." —
Milman. 9
Constantius was in Antioch. As soon as he heard of
the tumult in Constantinople, he ordered Hermogenes,
commander of the cavalry in Thrace, to go with his troops
to Constantinople and expel Paul. In the attempt to do
so, Hermogenes was met by such a desperate attack, that
his soldiers were scattered, and he was forced to take refuge
in a house. The house was immediately set on fire. Her-
mogenes was seized and dragged by the feet through the
streets of the city till he was torn to pieces, and then his
mangled body was cast into the sea. As soon as this news
reached Constantius, he went to Constantinople and expelled
Paul, without confirming the election of Macedonius, and
returned to Antioch.
8 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, v, par. 9.
9 Id., par. 11.
362 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
Paul went to Kome and laid his case before Julius. The
bishop of Rome, glad of the opportunity to exert the author-
ity thus recognized in him, declared Paul re-instated, and sent
him back with a letter to the bishops of the Eastern churches,
rebuking those who had deposed him, and commanding his
restoration. With this Paul returned to Constantinople,
and resumed his place. As soon as Constantius learned of
it, he commanded Philip, the praetorian prefect, to drivre
out Paul again, and establish Macedonius in his place. The
prefect, bearing in mind the fate of Hermogenes, did not
attempt to execute his order openly, but on pretense of pub-
lic business, sent a respectful message to Paul, requesting
his assistance. Paul went alone, and as soon as he arrived,
the prefect showed him the emperor's order, carried him out
through the palace a back way, put him on board a vessel
that was waiting, and sent him away to Thessalonica.
Paul was out of the way, but Macedonius was not yet in
his place. This part of the program must now be carried
out. The prefect in his chariot, surrounded by a strong
body of guards with drawn swords, with Macedonius at his
side in full pontifical dress, started from the palace to the
church to perform the ceremony of consecration. By this
time the rumor had spread throughout the city, and in a
wild tumult both parties rushed to the church. "The sol-
diers were obliged to hew their way through the dense and
resisting crowd to the altar," and over the dead bodies of
three thousand one hundred and fifty people, "Macedonius
passed to the episcopal throne of Constantinople." — Milman.™
About the time that Athanasius reached Rome, wheri he
fled from the invasion of Gregory, three messengers from
the council that had condemned him, also arrived there.
The bishop of Rome summoned the accusers of Athanasius
to appear before a council which he would hold in Rome ;
but they disclaimed his jurisdiction, and denied his right to
10 Id., par. 18 ; Socrates's " Ecclesiastical History," book ii, chap, xvi ; Gibbon,
"Decline and Fall," chap, xxi, par. 36.
GENERAL COUNGIL OF SARDICA. 363
rejudge the cause of a bishop who had already been con-
demned by a council. Julius proceeded, however, with the
council, which was composed of fifty bishops. They unani-
mously pronounced Athanasius innocent of all the charges
laid against him, and declared his deposition unlawful ; but
this instead of settling the difficulty, rather increased it.
Another council was held shortly afterwards at Milan, in
the presence of the emperor Constans, which confirmed the
decision of the council at Home, A. D. 343.
As the original council at Antioch had been held in the
presence of Constantius, and as this qne was now held in
the presence of Constans, both divisions of the empire were
now involved. The next step, therefore, was to call for a
general council ; accordingly, at the joint command of the
two emperors, a general council was ordered, which met at
Sardica, A. D. 345-6. The number of bishops was one hun-
dred and seventy ; ninety-six from the West, and seventy-
four from the East. Among the bishops came Athanasius
and some others who had been condemned in the East. The
Eastern bishops, therefore, demanded that they should be
excluded from the council : the Western bishops refused,
upon which the Eastern bishops all withdrew, and met in
rival council at Philippopolis. "In these two cities sat the
rival councils, each asserting itself the genuine representa-
tive of Christendom, issuing decrees, and anathematizing
their adversaries. " — Milman. u
The bishops who remained at Sardica complained that
the Arians had inflicted upon them deeds of violence by
armed soldiers, and by the populace with cudgels ; had
threatened to prosecute them before the magistrates ; had
forged letters against them ; had stripped virgins naked ;
had burnt churches ; and had imprisoned the servants of
God.
Those assembled at Philippopolis retorted against Athan-
asius and his followers, that with violence, slaughter, and
11 Id., par. 14.
364 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
war, they had wasted the churches of the Alexandrians and
had stirred up the pagans to commit upon them assaults
and slaughter. They declared that the assembly at Sar-
dica, from which they had seceded, was composed of a mul-
titude of all kinds of wicked and corrupt men from Con-
stantinople and Alexandria, who were guilty of murder,
bloodshed, slaughter, highway robbery, pillaging and de-
spoiling ; of breaking altars, burning churches, plundering
the houses of private citizens, profaning the sacred mys-
teries, of betraying their solemn obligations to Christ, and
of cruelly putting to death most learned elders, deacons,
and priests of God.12 There is little doubt that the state-
ments of both parties were correct.
The bishops who remained at Sardica, had everything
their own way. As they were all zealous supporters of
Athanasius, they unanimously revoked the decision of the
Council of Antioch, and confirmed the acts of the Council
of Rome. Athanasius and three other bishops who had
been deposed at the same time with him, were pronounced
innocent ; and those who had been put in their places, were
declared deposed and accursed, and entirely cut off from the
communion of the Catholic Church.
They also enacted a series of canons, of which three,
"full of pure love," bestowed special dignity upon the
bishop of Rome, as the source of appeal. One of these
ordered that "if any bishop shall think himself unjustly
condemned, his judges, in honor of the memory of the holy
apostle Peter — Sancti, Petri apostoli memwiam honoremus,
— shall acquaint the bishop of Rome therewith, who may
either confirm the first judgment, or order the cause to be
re-examined by such of the neighboring bishops as he shall
think fit to name." Another ordered "that the see of the
deposed bishop shall remain vacant till his cause shall be
judged by the bishop of Rome." A third ordered " that if
12 See the original, in Milman's " History of Christianity," book iii., chap, v,
note to par. 34.
ATHANASIU8 AGAIN RETURNED. 365
a bishop condemned in his own province, shall choose to be
judged by the bishop of Rome, and desires him to appoint
some of his presbyters to judge him in his name, together
with the bishops, the bishop of Rome may grant him his
request."- — Bower.1* The effect of this was only to multiply
and intensify differences and disputes amongst bishops, and
infinitely to magnify the power of the bishop of Rome.
Athanasius, though fully supported by the council, pre-
ferred to remain' under the protection of Constans, rather
than to risk the displeasure of Constantius by returning to
Alexandria. He remained two years in the West, during
which time he was often the guest of the emperor Constans,
and made such use of these opportunities that in A. D. 349
Constans " signified, by a concise and peremptory epistle to
his brother Constantius, that unless he consented to the im-
mediate restoration of Athanasius, he himself, with a fleet
and army, would seat the archbishop on the throne of Alex-
andria."— Gibbon.™ Constantius was just at this time threat-
ened with war with Persia, and fearing the result if war
should be made upon him at the same time by his brother,
he yielded, and became as effusive in his professed friend-
ship for Athanasius as he had formerly been in his genuine
hatred.
Constantius invited Athanasius to Antioch, where the
two secret enemies met with open professions of friendship,
and even with manifestations of "mutual respect and cor-
diality." Constantius ordered all the accusations against
Athanasius to be erased from the registers of the city, and
with a letter of commendation, couched in terms of courtly
flattery, he sent the archbishop on his way to Alexandria.
"The Arian bishop, Gregory, was dead; and Athanasius,
amid the universal joy, re-entered the city. The bishops
crowded from all parts to salute and congratulate the prelate
13 "History of the Popes," Julius, par. 5; and Hefele, "History of the Coun-
cils," Sardica, canons 3, 4, 5.
14 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxi, par. 26.
366 AHIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
who had thus triumphed over the malice of even imperial
enemies. Incense curled up in all the streets ; the city was
brilliantly illuminated. " — Milman.1'0
In February, A. D. 350, Constans was murdered by the
usurper Magnentius, and in 353 Constantius became sole
emperor by the final defeat and death of the usurper. Con-
stantius no sooner felt himself assured of the sole imperial
authority, than he determined to execute vengeance upon
Athanasius, and make the Arian doctrine the religion of the
whole empire. Yet he proposed to accomplish this only in
orthodox fashion, through a general council. As it was
thus that his father had established the Athanasian doctrine,
which was held by all the Catholics to be strictly orthodox,
to establish the Arian doctrine by a like process, assuredly
could be no less orthodox.
The way was already open for the calling of a general
council, by the disputes which had arisen over the standing
of the Council of Sardica. That council, when it was called,
was intended to be general ; but when the Eastern bishops
seceded, they, with all the other Arians in the empire, denied
that those who remained could by any fair construction be
termed a general council. More than this, when the East-
ern bishops seceded, there were but ninety-four remaining at
Sardica ; whereas the Council of Antioch, whose acts the
bishops at Sardica had condemned, was composed of ninety
bishops, who acted with the direct approval of Constantius
himself. Upon this it was argued that the Council of Sardica
was no more entitled to the dignity of a general council,
than was that of Antioch. Further, Liberius, who became
bishop of Rome, May 22, A. D. 352, had already petitioned
Constantius for a general council.
Constantius summoned the council to meet at Aries, A. D.
353. Liberius was not present in person, but he sent as his
representatives two bishops in whom he reposed entire con-
fidence. We know not how many bishops were in this
council, but when they assembled, it was found that the
15 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap. v. par. 15.
GENERAL COUNCILS OF ABLE 8 AND MILAN. 367
Arian bishops were in the majority ; and they insisted first
of all upon the condemnation of Athanasius. The Catholic
bishops argued that the question of faith. ought to be dis-
cussed, before they should be required to condemn him ; but
the Arians insisted upon their point.
Constantius came to the support of the Arians with an
edict sentencing to banishment all who would not sign the
condemnation of Athanasius. The representatives of Libe-
rius proposed a compromise, to the effect that they would sign
the condemnation of Athanasius, if the Arians would like-
wise condemn as heresy the doctrine of Arius. The Arians
had them reduce this proposition to writing, that they might
have it as a testimony afterward ; and then, knowing the
advantage which they held by this concession, and under the
edict of Constantius, they insisted more strenuously than ever
upon the unconditional condemnation of Athanasius. Find-
ing that there was no escape, the representatives of Liberius
and all the other Athanasian bishops but one, signed the
document. The one bishop who refused was Paulinus of
Treves. He was accordingly banished, and died in exile
five years afterward.
Liberius refused to confirm the action of his representa-
tives, and utterly rejected the action of the council. In fact,
he was so scandalized by the disgraceful surrender of his
legates, that in a letter to Hosius, he expressed himself as
willing to wash out "with his blood the stain which the
scandalous conduct of his legates had brought upon his
character." —Sower.16 To relieve him from his distress,
Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia, advised him to ask
the emperor for another council, offering to go himself to
Aries and present the request to Constantius. Liberius
accepted the proposition, and Lucifer, accompanied by a
presbyter and a deacon of the church of Rome, went to Con-
stantius, and presented the letter of Liberius. Constantius
granted his request, and appointed a council to meet at
Milan, in the beginning of the year 355.
*6 " History of tljc Popes," Liberius, par. 4.
368 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
The council met, accordingly, to the number of more
than three hundred bishops of the West, but only a few from
the East. This council was but a repetition on a larger
scale, of that at Aries. Constantius insisted, without any
qualification, that the bishops should sign the condemnation
of Athanasius. He took a personal interest in all the pro-
ceedings. Like his father at the Council of Nice, he had
the meetings of the council held in the imperial palace, and
presided over them himself.
Constantius not only demanded that the Catholic bishops
should sign the condemnation of Athanasius, but that they
should also sign an Arian formula of faith. They pleaded
that the accusers of Athanasius were unreliable. Constan-
tius replied, " I myself am now the accuser of Athanasius,
and on my word, Yalens and the others [the accusers] must
be believed." They argued that this was against the canon
of the church. Constantius replied, " My will is the canon,"
and appealed to the Eastern bishops, who all assented that
this was correct. He then declared that whoever did not
sign might expect banishment. At this the orthodox bishops
lifted up their hands beseechingly towards heaven, and
prayed the emperor ' ; to fear God, who had given him the
dominion, that it might not be taken from him ; also to fear
the day of judgment, and not to confound the secular power
with the law of the church, nor to introduce into the church
the Arian heresy." - Ifefele."
They forgot that they themselves, many of them at least,
had unanimously approved in Constantino at the Council of
Nice the identical course which now they condemned in Con-
stantius at the Council of Milan. In their approval of the
action of Constantine in forcing upon others what they
themselves believed, they robbed themselves of the right to
protest when Constantius or anybody else should choose to
force upon them what somebody else believed. They ought
not to have thought it strange that they should reap what
they had sown.
17 " History of the Church Councils," sec. 74, par. 6,
THE BISHOP OF HOME 18 BANISHED. 369
Ccmstantius, yet further to imitate his father, claimed to
have had a vision, and that thus by direct inspiration from
heaven, he was commissioned "to restore peace to the af-
flicted church." At last, by the "inspiration" of "flatter-
ies, persuasions, bribes, menaces, penalties, exiles " (j\fll-
man1*), the Council of Milan was brought to a greater
unanimity of faith than even the Council of Nice had been.
For there, out of the three hundred and eighteen bishops,
five were banished ; while here, out of a greater number, only
five were banished. Surely if a general council is of any
authority, the Council of Milan must take precedence of
the Council of Nice, and Arianism be more orthodox than
Athanasianism.
The banished ones were Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius
of Vercelli, Lucifer, and two other representatives of Libe-
rius, Pancratius and Hilary. Hilary was cruelly beaten
with rods before he was sent away.
The documents which had been signed, "all the other
Western bishops, like their colleagues at Milan, were to be
forced to sign, and the whole West compelled to hold com-
munion with the Arians." — Ilefele.™ Liberius rejected the
decisions of the council, and still defended Athanasius.
Constantius sent one of his chief ministers with presents to
bribe, and a letter to threaten, him. Liberius rejected the
bribes and disregarded the threats, and in return cursed all
Arian heretics and excommunicated Constantius. The of-
ficer returned to Milan, and reported his failure; upon this
the emperor sent peremptory orders to the prefect of Rome
to arrest Liberius, and bring him to Milan. The prefect,
dreading the violence of the populace, took the precaution
to arrest Liberius by night. «
Arrived at Milan, the captive bishop was brought before
Constantius, and there also he maintained his refusal to in-
dorse the action of the council. Constantius told him that
he must either sign or go into exile, and he would give him
18 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap, v, par. 22.
19 "History of the Church Councils," sec. Ixxv, par. 1.
370 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
three days to decide. Liberius answered that he had al-
ready decided, and that he should not change his mind in
three days nor in three months ; therefore, the emperor might
as well send him that minute to whatever place he wanted
him to go. Nevertheless, Constantius gave him the three
days, but before they were past, sent for him again, hoping
to persuade him to yield. Liberius stood fast, and the em-
peror pronounced sentence of banishment, and sent him to
Berea in Thrace. Before Liberius was gone out of the
palace, the emperor sent him a present of five hundred
pieces of gold, as he said, to pay his expenses. Liberius
sent it back, saying he had better keep it to pay his soldiers.
The empress also sent him a like sum ; this he returned with
the same answer, with the additional message to the em-
peror that, if he did not know what to do with so much
money, he might give it to Epictetus or Auxentius, his two
favorite Arian bishops.
As soon as it was known in Rome that Liberius was ban-
ished, the people assembled, and bound themselves by an
oath not to acknowledge any other bishop as long as Libe-
rius lived. The Arian party, however, were determined to
have a bishop in Rome. They selected a deacon of that
church, Felix by name, who was willing to be bishop of
Rome. The clergy would not receive him, and the people
collected in mutinous crowds, and refused to allow the
Arians to enter any of the churches. The imperial palace
in Rome was chosen as the place of ordination. Three of
the emperor's eunuchs were appointed to represent the peo-
ple, and they duly elected Felix. Three bishops of the
court were appointed to represent the clergy, and they
ordained the new bishtp. "The intrusion of Felix created
a great sedition, in which many lost their lives." — Bower.™
Another bishop, whose indorsement of the creed of
Milan was scarcely less important than that of Liberius him-
self, was Hosius of Cordova, who had been one of the chief
factors in forming the union of Church and State. He was
^°" History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 6.
IIOSIUS FORCED TO BECOME ARIAN. 371
one of the bishops who visited Constantino in Gaul in A. D.
311, and was one of Constantino's chief advisers afterward
in all his course, until after the Council of Nice. It was
upon his advice and motion, more than any other, that the
Council of Nice was called ; it was his influence more than
any other, that caused Con stantirie to command that " Ho-
moousion" should be inserted in the Nicene Creed. His
name was the first that was set to the creed of Nice ; his
name likewise was the first that was set to the decrees of
the Council of Sardica, over which he presided ; and it was
he who secured the adoption in that council, of the canons
which made the bishop of Rome the source of appeal. He
was now about one hundred years old.
Constantius determined to have the signature of Hosius
to the decisions of the Council of Milan. The emperor
summoned him to Milan, and when he came, entertained
him for several days before suggesting his purpose. As
soon as he did suggest it, however, Hosius declared that he
was ready to suffer now under Constantius, as he had suf-
fered sixty years before under his grandfather Maximian ;
and in the end made such an impression upon Constantius,
that he allowed him to return unmolested to Cordova. But
it was not long before the favorites of Constantius prevailed
upon him to make another attempt to bring Hosius to terms.
He first sent him flattering and persuasive letters, and when
these failed, he proceeded to threats ; but all were unavail-
ing, and Hosius was banished to Sirmium. His relations
were stripped of all their estates and reduced to beggary,
but all without avail. Next he was closely imprisoned —
still he refused. Then he was cruelly beaten, and finally
put to the rack and most inhumanly tortured. Under these
fearful torments, the aged bishop yielded at last, A. D. 356.
"The case of Hosius deserves, without all doubt, to be
greatly pitied ; but it would be still more worthy of our pity
and compassion, had he been himself an enemy to all per-
secution. But it must be observed that he was the author
3O
372 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
• and promoter of the first Christian persecution ; for it was
he who first stirred up Constantine against the Donatists,
many of whom were sent into exile, and some even sen-
tenced to death : nay, and led to the place of execution." —
Bower. Zl The surrender of Hosius was counted as the most
signal of victories ; it was published throughout the whole
East, and caused the greatest rejoicing among the Arians
everywhere.
The next step was for Constantius to remove Athanasius
from the archbishopric of Alexandria. It was now twenty-
six months from the close of the Council of Milan, during
which time Constantius had been paving the way for his final
expulsion. As soon as the council had closed, an order was
sent to the prefect of Alexandria, to deprive Athanasius of the
imperial revenue, and give it to the Arians. At the same
time, all who held public office were commanded wholly to
abandon the cause of Athanasius, and to communicate with
the Arians only. Messengers were sent into the provinces,
bearing the emperor's authority to compel the bishops to
communicate with the Arians, or to go into exile. Now
he sent two of his secretaries and some other officials of the
palace, to Alexandria, to banish Athanasius. These officers,
with the governor of Egypt and the prefect, commanded
Athanasius to leave the city. He demanded that they pro-
duce the written authority of the emperor ; but Constantius
had sent no written order. Athanasius, supported by the
people, refused to obey any verbal order.
A truce was agreed upon, until an embassy could be sent
to Constantius to bring a written command ; but on the part
of the officers, this truce was granted merely for the purpose
of disarming the vigilance of the supporters of Athanasius.
The officers immediately began with the greatest possible
secrecy to gather the necessary troops into the city. Twenty-
three days were thus spent, and a force of five thousand
troops held possession of the most important parts of the
city. The night before a solemn festival day of the church,
21 Id., par. 19.
ATHANA8IU8 AGAIN REMOVED. 373
Athanasius was conducting the services in the church of St.
Theonas. Suddenly, at midnight, there was all about the
church the sound of trumpets, the rushing of horses, and
the clash of arms ; the doors were burst open, and with the
discharge of a cloud of arrows, the soldiers, with drawn
swords, poured in to arrest Athanasius. "The cries of the
wounded, the groans of those who were trampled down in
attempting to force their way out through the soldiery, the
shouts of the assailants, mingled in wild and melancholy
uproar." — Milman.^ In the tumult, Athanasius again es-
caped. "Counts, prefects, tribunes, whole armies, were
successively employed to pursue a bishop and a fugitive ;
the vigilance of the civil and military powers was excited by
the imperial edicts ; liberal rewards were promised to the
man who should produce Athanasius either alive or dead,
and the most severe penalties were denounced against those
who should dare to protect the public enemy." — Gibbon.*3
Yet Athanasius succeeded in so perfectly concealing himself
for more than six years, that Constantius died without ever
finding him.
Athanasius was gone. The next thing was to install
an Arian bishop in his place. Their choice fell this time
on George of Cappadocia, who was more savage and cruel
than Gregory, the Arian bishop who had been appointed to
this place before. George's original occupation was that of
"a parasite," by which means he secured the contract for
supplying the army with bacon. "His employment was
mean ; he rendered it infamous. lie accumulated wealth
by the basest arts of fraud and corruption," which finally
became so notorious that he had to flee from justice. The
Arian bishop of Antioch made him a priest and a church-
member at the same time. Surrounded by armed troops, he
was placed on the episcopal throne, "and during at least
four months, Alexandria was exposed to the insults of a
licentious army, stimulated by the ecclesiastics of a hostile
28 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, v, par. 28.
«" Decline and Fall," chap, xxi, par. 33.
374 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
faction." Every kind of violence was committed. "And
the same scenes of violence and scandal which had been
exhibited in the capital, were repeated in more than ninety
episcopal cities of Egypt. The entrance of the new arch-
bishop was that of a barbarian conqueror ; and each moment
of his reign was polluted by cruelty and avarice." — Gibbon**
In A. D. 357 Constantius visited Rome and celebrated a
triumph. The leading women of the church determined to
take advantage of the opportunity thus offered to present a
petition for the recall of Liberius. They first tried to press
their husbands into the service of approaching the emperor,
by threatening to leave and go in a body to Liberius, and
share his exile. The husbands replied that the emperor
would be much less likely to be offended by the visit of a
delegation of women than of men, and that thus there would
be more hope of really securing the recall of the banished
bishop.
The women agreed that the suggestion was a wise one,
and "having adorned themselves in the most splendid attire,
that their rank might be evident from their appearance"
(Theodoret™}, they proceeded to the imperial palace. Con-
stantius received them courteously. They earnestly pleaded
with him to take pity on that great city and its numerous
flock "bereft of its shepherd, and ravaged by wolves." The
emperor replied, "I thought you had a pastor. Is not Felix
as capable of exercising the pastoral office as any other ? "
The women answered that Felix was detested and avoided
by all, and that none would attend service so long as Libe-
rius was absent. Constantius smiled and said, "If so, you
must have Liberius again : I shall without delay dispatch
the proper orders for his return."
z*Id., chap, xxi, par. 31, and chap, xxiii, par. 27. November 30, A. r>. 361,
he was murdered by the pagans. In the fifth century — A. D. 494 — Pope Gela-
sius made him a martyr. In the sixth century he was worshiped as a Catholic
saint; and since the Crusades, he has been "the renowned Saint George of En-
gland, patron of arms, of chivalry, and of the Garter."
25 " Ecclesiastical History," book ii, chap. xvii.
LIBERIUS BECOMES ARIAN AND 18 RECALLED.
The next day the edict of recall was read in the circus,
but it provided that the two bishops should rule jointly. It
happened to be the most interesting and decisive moment of
a horse-race, but the excited feelings of the multitude were
turned in an instant to the more absorbing question of the
orthodox faith. Some cried in ridicule that the edict was
just, because there were two factions in the circus, and now
each one could have its own bishop. Others shouted, "What,
because we have two factions in the circus, are we to have
two factions in the church?" Then the whole multitude set
up one universal yell, "There is but one God, one Christ,
one bishop ! " Upon which Theodoret devoutly remarks,
"Sometime after this Christian people had uttered these
pious and just acclamations, the holy Liberius returned, and
Felix retired to another city."26
It is true that Liberius returned soon after this, but Con-
stantius had made it the condition of his return that he
should sign the decisions of the Council of Milan. Two
years' sojourn in cold and barbarous Thrace, while a rival
bishop was enjoying the splendors of the episcopal office in
Rome, exerted a strong tendency to convince Liberius that
Athanasius was rightly condemned, and that the Arian doc-
trine might be true. He therefore signed both the condem-
nation of Athanasius and the Arian creed of Milan. Upon
this Constantius called him to Sirmium. But as in the mean-
time the emperor had changed his views and adopted the
Semi-Arian doctrine, he would not allow Liberius to return
to Rome unless he would first subscribe to the same. Libe-
rius signed this also, and was allowed to go on his way to
Rome. The people poured out through the gates to meet
him, and escorted him in triumph to the episcopal palace,
August 2, 358. "The adherents of Felix were inhumanly
murdered in the streets, in the public places, in the baths,
and even in the churches ; and the face of Rome, upon the
return of a Christian bishop, renewed the horrid image of
the massacres of Marius and the proscriptions of Sylla." —
., and Bower, " History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 7.
376 AHIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
(ribbon.*"1 Felix escaped, but returned not long afterward,
and attempted to hold services in a church beyond the Tiber,
but was again driven out.
As stated above, Constantius had again changed his
opinions as to the nature of Christ, adopting the Semi-Arian
view. The Semi-Arian party was a third one that had
grown up between the strictly Arian and the Athanasian,
based upon a third mental abstraction as elusive as either of
the others. The three doctrines now stood thus : —
The Athanasians declared the Son of God to be of the
same substance, the same existence, and the same essence,
with the Father.
The strict Arians declared the Son to be like the Father,
but rather by grace than by nature, — as like as a creature
could be to the Creator.
The Semi-Arians declared the Son to be like the Father in
nature, in existence, in essence, in substance, and in every-
thing else.
The Athanasian doctrine was expressed in Ilomoousion /
the strict Arian in Anomean / and the Semi-Arian in
I'lomoiousion. It will be seen that the Semi-Arian was
nearer to the original doctrine of Arius than was the Arian
of the present period. This was owing to the followers
of Eusebius of Nicomedia, who in the bitterness of their
opposition to the Athanasians, were carried away from the
original Arian doctrine — from the Ilomoiousion to the
Anomean.
The flomoousion was the doctrine of the Council of
Nice ; the Anomean was the doctrine of the Council of
Milan ; the Ilomoiousion was the doctrine now held by
Constantius, and a company that actually outnumbered
the Arians.
In furtherance of his "visionary" commission to give
peace to the church, Constantius determined to call a gen-
eral council, and have the Semi-Arian doctrine adopted.
The council was first appointed to meet at Nicomedia, A. D.
""Decline and Fall," chap, xxi, par. 85.
DOUBLE COUNCIL — RIMINI AND SELEUCIA.
358, but while the bishops were on the way there, an earth-
quake destroyed that city. The appointment was then
changed to Nice in early summer, 359. But before that
time arrived, he decided to have two councils instead of
one, that all might more easily attend. The bishops of the
East were to meet at Seleucia in Isauria ; those of the West
at Rimini on the Adriatic Sea in Italy.
The emperor issued an order commanding all bishops
without exception to attend one or the other, as they might
choose, and the civil officers in the provinces were commis-
sioned to see that the command was obeyed. "The bish-
ops therefore set out from all parts ; the public carriages,
roads, and houses were everywhere crowded with them,
which gave great offense to the catechumens, and no small
diversion to the pagans, who thought it equally strange
and ridiculous that men who had been brought up from
their infancy in the Christian religion, and whose business
it was to instruct others in that belief, should be constantly
hurrying, in their old age, from one place to another, to
know what they themselves should believe." —Boicer™ To
make sure that the two councils should act as one, it was
ordered that each should appoint two deputies to report to
the emperor the decisions arrived at, " that he might him-
self know whether they had come to an understanding in
accordance with the Holy Scriptures, and might decide ac-
cording to his own judgment what was best to be done." **
In the summer of A. D. 359, more than four hundred
bishops assembled at Rimini, of whom eighty were Arians.
One hundred and sixty assembled at Seleucia, of whom one
hundred and five were Semi-Arians ; about forty were
Arians, while the Catholics were still fewer in number. A
civil officer of high rank was appointed to represent the
emperor at each council, and the one appointed to Rimini
was directed not to allow any bishop to go home until all
"had come to one mind concerning the faith." That there
88u History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 21.
MHefele's " History of the Church Councils," sec. 82, par. 1.
3Y8 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
might be as little difficulty as possible in coming co one
mind, a creed was drawn up and sent to the council to be
signed. There were at that time present with the emperor
at Sirmium five bishops, one of whom was George of Alex-
andria, and all of whom were Arians or Semi-Arians. They
drew up a creed, the main points of which were as fol-
lows : —
"We believe in one only and true God, the Father and Ruler of all,
Creator and Demiurge of all things, and in one only begotten Son of God,
who was begotten of the Father without change before all ages, and all be-
ginning, and all conceivable time, and all comprehensible substance. . . .
God from God, similar to the Father, who has begotten him according
to the Holy Scriptures, whose generation no one knows [understands]
but the Father who has begotten him. . . . The word ousia, because it
was used by the Fathers in simplicity [that is, with good intention], but
not being understood by the people, occasions scandal, and is not con-
tained in the Scriptures, shall be put aside, and in future no mention
shall be made of the Usia with regard to God. . . . But we maintain
that the Son is similar to the Father in all things, as also the Holy
Scriptures teach and say." so
The emperor sent a letter to each council, commanding
that the bishops should settle the question of the faith before
they should have anything to do with an investigation of any
of their own private differences. The council at Kimini
was already met, and was earnestly discussing the faith, when
the bishops arrived from Sirmium with the above creed,
which they read aloud to the assembly, and "declared that
it was already confirmed by the emperor, and was now to be
universally accepted without discussion, as to the sense*which
individuals might attach to its words." To this all the
Arians in the council readily agreed, but the Catholics, with
loud voices, proclaimed their dissent. They declared that
any new formula of faith was wholly unnecessary ; that the
Council of Nice had done all that was necessary in regard to
the faith ; and that the business of the council was not to
find out what was the true faith, but to put to confusion all
its opponents. They demanded that the bishops who brought
30/<*., par. 2.
TUB EMPEROR' S CREED DECLARED HERETICAL. 379
this creed should with them unanimously curse all heresies,
and especially the Arian. This demand was refused by the
Arians. Then the Catholics took everything into their own
hands. They unanimously approved the Nicene Creed,
especially the Homoousion / and then declared heretical the
creed which had come from the emperor. They next took
up the doctrine of Arianism, and pronounced a curse upon
each particular point ; denounced by name the bishops who
had come from the emperor as "ignorant and deceitful
men, imposters, and heretics; and declared them deposed.1'
Finally, they unanimously pronounced a curse upon all here-
sies in general, and that of Arius in particular.
All this they put in writing ; every one of them signed
it July 21, A. D. 359, and sent it by the ten deputies, to the
emperor, accompanied by a request that he would allow them
to return to their churches. At the same time the Arians of
the council also sent ten deputies to Constantius, who reached
the emperor before the others, and made their report.
When the others arrived, Constantius refused even to see
them so much as to receive their report, but sent an officer to
receive it, and under the pretext of being overwhelmed with
public business, kept them waiting. After they had waited
a long time, they were directed to go to Adrianople and
await the emperor's pleasure, and at the same time he sent a
letter to the bishops at Rimini, commanding them to wait
there the return of their deputies.
Shortly afterwards the deputies were ordered to go to a
small town called Nice, not many miles from Adrianople.
This was a trick of the Arians and Semi-Arians, by which
they proposed to have their creed signed there, and then pass
it off upon the uninitiated, as the original creed of the Council
of Nice in Bithynia. There the creed was presented, but
with the omission "in all things," so that it read, "the Son
is like to the Father," instead of, " like to the Father in all
things." This the deputies were required to sign, which of
course they refused to do, but were finally forced to sign it,
3§0 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
and to reverse all the acts and proceedings of the Council of
Rimini.
The emperor was highly pleased at this result, and calling
it a good omen of like success with the whole council, gave
the ten deputies leave to return to Rimini. At the same
time he sent letters to the prefect, commanding him anew
not to allow a single bishop to leave until all had signed,
and to exile whoever should persist in a refusal, provided
the number did not exceed fifteen.
The bishops were "eager to return to their sees; the
emperor was inflexible ; Taurus took care to render the place
both inconvenient and disagreeable to them. Some there-
fore fell off, others followed their example, the rest began
to waver, and being so far got the better of, yielded soon
after, and went over to the Arian party in such crowds that
in a very short time the number of the orthodox bishops
who continued steady, was reduced to twenty." — Bower. ^
At the head of these twenty was a certain Phsebadius,
and they determined invincibly to hold their position.
Nevertheless they were caught by a trick that the veriest
tyro ought to have seen. Two bishops in particular, Ursa-
cius and Valens, had charge of the creed, and they pretended
in the interests of peace to be willing to make a concession,
and to insert such alterations and additions as might be
agreeable to Phsebadius, who exulted over the proud dis-
tinction which would thus be his as the preserver of or-
thodoxy.
They came together, and began to reconstruct the creed :
first were inserted some curses against the Arian heresy,
then an addition, declaring the Son to be "equal to the
Father, without beginning, and before all things." When
this was written, Talons proposed that in order to leave no
room whatever for any new disputes or any question upon
this point, there should be added a clause declaring that
"the Son of God is not a creature like other creatures." To
31 " History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 24.
THE WORLD BECOMES ARTAN. 381
«
this the twenty bishops assented, blindly overlooking the
fact that in admitting that the Son was not a creature like
oilier creatures, they did indeed place him among the creat-
ures, and admitted the very point upon which the Arians
had all the time insisted. Thus all were brought to ' ' the
unity of the faith." The council broke up, and the bishops
departed to their homes.
The council was past, and no sooner did the Arians find
themselves secure, than they loudly proclaimed the victory
which they had gained. They gloried in the fact that the
great council of Rimini had not declared that the Son was
not a creature, but only that he was not like other creatures.
They affirmed that it was, and always had been, their opin-
ion that the " Son was no more like the Father than a piece
of glass was like an emerald." Upon examination of the
creed, the twenty bishops were obliged to confess that they
had been entrapped. They renounced the creed, and pub-
licly retracted "all they had said, done, or signed, repugnant
to the truths of the Catholic Church." — Bower.™
The companion council which was called at Seleucia, met
September 27, 359, but as there were three distinct parties,
besides individuals who differed from all, there was amongst
them such utter confusion, tumult, and bitterness, that after
four days of angry debate, in which the prospect became
worse and worse, the imperial officer declared that he would
have nothing more to do with the council, and told them
they could go to the church if they wanted to, and "indulge
in this vain babbling there as much as they pleased." The
parties then met separately, denounced, condemned, and ex-
communicated one another, and sent their deputies to Con-
stantius, who spent a whole day and the greater part of the
night, December 31, 359, in securing their signatures to the
confession of faith which he had approved. The emperor's
confession was then published throughout the whole empire,
and all bishops were commanded to sign it, under penalty
s~Td., par. 24, 25.
382 ARIANISM BECOMES ORTHODOX.
of exile upon all who refused. "This order was executed
with the utmost rigor in all the provinces of the empire,
and very few were found who did not sign with their hands
what they condemned in their hearts. Many who till then
had been thought invincible, were overcome, and complied
with the times ; and such as did not, were driven, without
distinction, from their sees into exile, and others appointed
in their room, the signing of that confession being a qualifi-
cation indispensably requisite both in obtaining and keeping
the episcopal dignity. Thus were all the sees throughout
the empire filled with Arians, insomuch that in the whole
East not an orthodox bishop was left, and in the West but
one ; namely, Gregory, bishop of Elvira in Andalusia, and
he, in all likelihood, obliged to absent himself from his flock
and lie concealed. "--Bower.™
Thus Constantius had succeeded much more fully than
had his father, in establishing "the unity of the faith." That
faith was the original Arian. And Arianism was now as
entirely orthodox, and, if the accommodated sense of the
word be used, as entirely Catholic, as Athanasianism had
ever been.
Having like his father, by the aid of the bishops, united
the world " under one head," and brought the opinions re-
specting the Deity to a condition of "settled uniformity,"
the emperor Constantius died the following year, A. D. 361.
33 /</. , par. 28.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
THE emperor Constantius was succeeded by Julian, who
restored paganism as the religion of the emperor and
the empire, and exerted his influence, though not his power,
in favor of its restoration as the religion of the people.
Julian refused to take any part whatever in the strifes of
the church parties, "saying that as he was not so well
acquainted with the nature of their disputes as a just and
impartial judge ought to be, he hoped they would excuse
him, lest he should be guilty of some injustice."- — Bower. ^
He therefore directed them to settle their differences among
themselves. To this end he issued an edict of toleration
to all classes of Christians, and recalled from banish-
ment all the bishops and clergy who had been banished
by Constantius.
Thus there was restored to the afflicted empire a condition
of peace and quietness such as had not been for fifty years.
And because of his refusal to allow himself and his authority
to be made the tool of the riotous and bigoted church parties
— to this more than to any other one thing, is to be attributed
the spiteful epithet of "the apostate," which ever since
has been affixed to his name. Pagan though he was, if he
had like Constantino assumed the hypocritical mask and had
played into the hands of the dominant church party, there is
no room for doubt that he might, like Constantine, have
been an orthodox emperor, with the title of "the great."
1 " History of the Popes," Liberius, par. 29.
[383]
384 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
Under the circumstances, it would be almost surprising
if Julian had been anything else than what he was. His
own father, an uncle, and seven of his cousins, were the
victims of a murder instigated by the dying Constantine
and faithfully carried out by Constantius. Julian himself,
though only six years of age, by the care of some friends
barely escaped the same fate. Constantius was his cousin,
and, as emperor, assumed the place of his guardian. "His
place of education had been a prison, and his subsequent
liberty was watched with suspicious vigilance." — Milman*
He had seen the streets of the chief cities of the empire run
with blood, in the savage strifes of church parties. Over
the bodies of slaughtered people he had seen bishops placed
upon thrones of episcopal ambition. Such impressions
forced upon his young mind, confirmed by more than twenty
years' observation of the violent and unchristian lives of
Constantius, and hundreds of ecclesiastics, and multitudes
of the populace, all professing to be living repositories of
the Christian faith, — all this was not the best calculated
to convince him of the virtues of the imperial religion.
It is indeed charged that, in issuing the edict of tolera-
tion, and the recall of the exiled ecclesiastics, Julian's
motive was to vent his spite against Christianity, by having
the church parties destroy one another in their contentions.
Even if this be true, if he was to be guided by the experience
and observations of his whole life, he is hardly to be blamed
for thinking that there was some prospect of such a result.
No such result followed, however, because when the pros-
pect of imperial favor, and patronage, and power, was gone,
the church parties had nothing to contend for ; because
" party passions among the Christians would, undoubtedly,
never have risen to so high a pitch, had it not been for the
interference of the State. As this disturbing and circum-
scribing influence of a foreign power now fell away of itself,
and the church was left to follow out naturally its own de-
2 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap, vi, par. 9.
JOVIAN, VALENTINIAN, AND VALENS. 385
' velopment from within itself, the right relations were every-
where more easily restored."-- JVeander.3
Julian died June 26, A. D. 303, beyond the Eiver Tigris,
of a wound received in a war with Persia, after a reign of
one year, eight months, and twenty-three days. Upon his
death, the army in the field elected Jovian emperor, and re-
turned to Antioch. The emperor was no sooner arrived at
Antioch than the ecclesiastical commotion was again renewed.
The leaders of the church parties endeavored to out-do one
another in their eager haste to secure his support ; " for the.
heads of each party assiduously paid their court to the em-
peror, with a view of obtaining not only protection for them-
selves, but also power against their opponents." — Socrates, *
Among the first of these came the party of Macedonius
of Constantinople, with a petition that the emperor would
expel all the Arians from their churches, and allow them
to take their places. To this petition Jovian replied, "I
abominate contentiousness ; but I love and honor those
who exert themselves to promote unanimity." This some-
what checked the factious zeal. Another attempt was made,
but Jovian declared "that he would not molest any one on
account of his religious sentiments, and that he should love
and highly esteem such as would zealously promote the unity
of the church." A pagan philosopher in an oration in honor
of the emperor, rebuked these parties with the observation
that such persons worshiped the purple and not the Deity,
and resembled the uncertain waves of the sea, sometimes
rolling in one direction and again in the very opposite way ;
and praised the emperor for his liberality in permitting every
one freely to worship God according to the dictates of his
own conscience.5
Jovian, though guaranteeing a general toleration, him-
self professed the Nicene Creed, and a particular preference
3 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section First, part
i, A, par. 74.
* " Ecclesiastical History," book iii, chap. 25. 5/d.
386 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
for Athanasius, who at his invitation visited Antioch, and
after having settled the faith of the emperor, and promised
him "a long and peaceful reign," returned to his episcopal
seat at Alexandria. The long and peaceful reign assured
by the zealous ecclesiastic continued only about two months
from this time, and ended in the death of Jovian, February
17, A. D. 364, after a total reign of seven months and twenty-
one days from the death of Julian.
Ten days after the death of Jovian, Yalentinian was
chosen emperor, and thirty days after this he bestowed
upon his brother Valens ^an equal share in the imperial
dignity. Yalens assumed the jurisdiction of the whole
East, with his capital at Constantinople. Yalentinian re-
tained the dominion of the West, with his capital at Milan.
Both of these emperors pursued the tolerant policy of
Jovian, so far as paganism and the church parties were con-
cerned ; but they let loose a cruel persecution upon the pro-
fession of "magic."
The practice of magic was made treason, and under the
accusations of sorcery and witchcraft, an infinite number
and variety of individual spites and animosities were let
loose, and it seemed as though the horrors of the days of
Tiberius and Domitian were returned. Rome and Antioch
were the two chief seats of the tribunals of this persecution,
and iCfrom the extremities of Italy and Asia, the young and
the aged were dragged in chains to the tribunals of Rome
and Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers expired
in ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers who were
appointed to guard the prisons, declared, with a murmur of
pity and indignation, that their numbers were insufficient to
oppose the flight or resistance of the multitude of captives.
The wealthiest families were ruined by fines and confisca-
tions ; the most innocent citizens trembled for their safety."
— Gibbon*
In 370 Yalens cast his influence decidedly in favor of
the Arian faith, by receiving baptism at the hands of the
6 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxv, par. 9.
THE CONTENTIONS^ BEGIN AGAIN. 387
Arian bishop of Constantinople. The tumults of the re-
ligious parties again began, and "every episcopal vacancy
was the occasion of a popular tumult ... as the leaders
both of the Homoousians and of the Arians believed that if
they were not suffered to reign, they were most cruelly
injured and oppressed. ... In every contest, the Catholics
were obliged to pay the penalty of their own faults, and of
those of their adversaries. In every election, the claims of
the Arian candidate obtained the preference, and if they
were opposed by the majority of the people, he was usually
supported by the authority of the civil magistrate, or even
by the terrors of a military force.'' - Gibbon.1
In 373 Athanasius died, and the emperor Yalens com-
manded the prefect of Egypt to install in the vacant
bishopric an Arian prelate by the name of Lucius, which
was done, but not without the accompaniment of riot and
bloodshed which was now hardly more than a part of the
regular ceremony of induction into office of the principal
bishoprics of the empire.
In the West, after the death of Constantius, the bishops
returned to the faith established by the Council of Nice,
which so largely prevailed there that the differences spring-
ing from the Arian side caused no material difficulty. As
before stated, Valentinian suffered all religious parties, even
the pagan, to continue unmolested ; yet he himself was always
a Catholic. About the year 307 he greatly increased the
dignity and authority of the bishop of Rome by publishing a
law empowering him to examine, and sit as judge, upon the
cases of other bishops. In 375 Valentinian died, and was
succeeded by his two sons, Gratian, aged sixteen years, and
Valentinian II, aged four years.
Gratian was but the tool of the bishops. Ambrose was at
that time bishop of Milan, and never was episcopal ambition
more arrogantly asserted than in that insolent prelate. Soon
the mind of the bishop asserted the supremacy over that of
the boy emperor, and Ambrose "wielded at his will the
7 Id., par. 13.
31
388 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
weak and irresolute Gratian." — Milman* But above all
things else that Gratian did, that which redounded most to
the glory of the Catholic Church was his choice of Theodo-
sius as associate emperor. Yalens was killed in a battle with
the Goths, A. D. 378. A stronger hand than that of a youth
of nineteen was required to hold the reins of government in
the East.
In the establishment of the Catholic Church, the place of
Theodosius is second only to that of Constantine. About
the beginning of the year 380 he was baptized by the Catho-
lic bishop of Thessalonica, arid immediately afterward he
issued the following edict : —
"It is our pleasure that the nations which are governed by our clemency
and moderation, should steadfastly adhere to the religion which was
taught by St. Peter to the Romans, which faithful tradition has pre-
served, and which is now professed by the pontiff Damasus, and by
Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man of apostolic holiness. According to
the discipline of the apostles, and the doctrine of the gospel, let us be-
lieve the sole deity of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost : under
an equal majesty, and a pious Trinity. We authorize the followers of
this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians ; and as we judge
that all others are extravagant madmen, we brand them with the infa-
mous name of " heretics," and declare that their conventicles shall no
longer usurp the respectable appellation of churches. Besides the con-
demnation of divine justice, they must expect to suffer the severe penalties
which our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, shaH think proper to
inflict upon them."9
This law was issued in the names of the three emperors,
Gratian, Valentinian II, and Theodosius. '* Thus the relig-
ion of the whole Roman world was enacted by two feeble
boys and a rude Spanish soldier." — Milman.™
In Constantinople the Catholics were so few that at the
accession of Theodosius they had no regular place of meet-
ing, nor had they any pastor. No sooner was the new
emperor proclaimed, however, than they called to their aid
8 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap. viii. par. 28.
"Gibbon's "Decline and Fall," chap, xxvii, par. 6.
10 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ix, par. 1.
THE ORDER OF THE HIERARCHY. 389
Gregory, bishop and native of Nazianzum, and hence called
Gregory Nazianzen. A room in a private house was fitted
up as the place of meeting, and Gregory began his ministry
in the imperial city. The quarrel between the religious
parties again broke out into open riot. A great crowd led
on by monks and women, with clubs, stones, and fire-
brands, attacked the meeting-place of the Catholics, broke
down the doors, and ravaged the place inside and outside.
Blood was shed, lives were lost, and Gregory was accused
before the magistrate ; but upon the strength of the impe-
rial edict establishing the Catholic religion, he secured
his acquittal.
And now the contentions began among the Catholics them-
selves. The occasion of it was this : As soon as Constantino
had become sole emperor by the murder of Licinius, he pro-
ceeded to complete the organization of the government of
the empire which had been planned, and in a manner be-
gun, by Diocletian. He divided the empire into prefect-
ures, dioceses and provinces. Of the provinces there were
one hundred and sixteen, of the dioceses, thirteen, of the
prefectures, four.
The heads of the prefectures were entitled prefects.
The heads of the dioceses were entitled vicars or vice-
prefects. The heads of the provinces were designated by
different titles, of which the term "governor" will be suffi-
ciently exact.
The governors were subject to the jurisdiction of the
vicars, or vice-prefects ; the vicars or vice-prefects were
subject to the jurisdiction of the prefects ; and the prefects
were subject to the immediate jurisdiction of the emperor
himself.
Now when the Church and the State became one, the
organization of the church was made to conform as pre-
cisely as possible to that of the empire. In fact, so far
as the provinces and the dioceses, the organization of the
church was identical with that of the empire. There was u
390 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
gradation in the order and dignity of the bishoprics accord-
ing to the political divisions thus formed.
The dignity of the chief bishop in a province or diocese
was regulated by the chief city. The bishop of the chief
city in a province was the principal bishop of that province,
and all the other bishops in the province, were subject to
his jurisdiction ; to him pertained the ordination to vacant
bishoprics and all other matters. The bishop of the princi-
pal city in the diocese was chief bishop of that diocese, and
all other bishops within said diocese were subject to his
jurisdiction.
The chief bishop of the province was called " Metropoli-
tan," from the metropolis or chief city, or "primate" from
primus, first. The chief bishop of a diocese was called
"exarch." Above these were four bishops corresponding to
the four prefects, and were called "patriarchs," yet these
were not apportioned according to the lines of the prefect-
ures, but were bishops of the four chief cities of the empire,
— Home, Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople.
This was the general plan of the organization of the
church, though through the mutual ambitions and jealousies
of the whole hierarchy, there were many exceptions ; and as
time went on, titles and jurisdictions overran the limits de-
fined in this general plan.
The bishopric of Alexandria had always been held as
second only to that of Rome in dignity, since Alexandria
was the second city of the empire. Constantinople was now
an imperial city, and its bishopric was fast assuming an im-
portance which rivaled that of Alexandria for second place.
To this the archbishop of Alexandria did not propose to
assent. That Peter, bishop of Alexandria, whom the edict
of Theodosius had advertised and indorsed as a man of apos-
tolic holiness, asserted his episcopal jurisdiction over Con-
stantinople. He sent up seven Alexandrians, who ordained
a certain Maximus to be bishop of Constantinople. A tumult
was raised, and Maximus was driven out by the party of
GREGORY, BISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 391
Gregory. He fled to Theodosius, but his claim was rejected
by the emperor also.
Theodosius soon came to Constantinople, and immedi-
ately on his arrival, summoned to his palace -Damophilus,
the Arian bishop of the city, and commanded him to sub-
scribe to the Niceiie Creed, or else surrender- to the Catholics
the episcopal palace, the cathedral, and all the churches of
the city, which amounted to fully a hundred. Damophilus
refused, and November 24, A. D. 380, an edict was issued
expelling all the Arians from all their houses of worship,
and forfeiting the same to the Catholics, who in fact were
barely able to fill the single house of worship which they
already owned.
Damophilus was exiled, and Gregory, accompanied by
the emperor and surrounded by armed troops, was conducted
to the cathedral, which was already occupied by a body of
imperial guards, where he was regularly installed in the office
of bishop of Constantinople. " He beheld the innumerable
multitude of either sex and of every age, who crowded the
streets, the windows, and the roofs of the houses ; he heard
the tumultuous voice of rage, grief, astonishment, and de-
spair ; and Gregory fairly confesses, that on the memorable
day of his installation, the capital of the East wore the ap-
pearance of a city taken by storm, in the hands of a barba-
rian conquerer." — Gibbon.11
At the beginning of the year 381 Theodosius issued an
edict expelling from all the churches within his dominions, all
the bishops and other ecclesiastics who should refuse to sub-
scribe to the creed of Nice. By a commissioned officer with
a military force, the edict was executed in all the provinces
of the East. Having thus established his religion through-
out the empire, the next thing to do was to have a general
council indorse his action, compose the disputes which dis-
turbed the Catholic party itself, and again settle the faith of
the Catholic Church. To this end a general council was
called to meet at Constantinople this same year, A. D. 381.
11 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxvii, par. 3.
392 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
The council met in the month of May, and was composed
of one hundred and eighty-six bishops — one hundred and
fifty Catholics, and thirty-six Macedonians. The first ques-
tion considered was the disputed bishopric of Constantinople.
For that Maximus who had been ordained at the direction of
Peter of Alexandria, though disallowed by the emperor, still
claimed to be the regular bishop of Constantinople, and ex-
ercised the office by ordaining other bishops. The council,
however, adjudged his ordination to be irregular ; declared
that he was not, and had never been, a bishop ; and that
therefore all the ordinations performed by him were null
and void. The appointment of Gregory Nazianzen was
then confirmed, by regular services of installation.
The next question that was considered by the council was
of the same nature as the foregoing, but one of much more
far-reaching consequences, as it involved both the East and
the West. Just fifty years before — A. D. 331 — Eustathius,
the Catholic bishop of Antioch, had been displaced by an
Arian, who was received by the greater part of the Catholics
as well as the Ariaus ; but a small party still adhered to
his cause, and declared they would acknowledge no other
bishop, and have no fellowship with any of the others,
as long as he lived. From this they acquired the name of
Eustathians. Thirty years afterward — A. D. 360 — the see
of Antioch became vacant by the translation of its bishop to
that of Constantinople, and the two parties agreed upon a
certain Meletius to fill the vacant bishopric. No sooner had
he been installed, than he openly declared for the Ilomoou-
sion, and excommunicated "as rotten and incurable mem-
bers," all who held the contrary doctrine. The bishops
round about plead with him to conduct his office in the spirit
in which he had been elected to it, instead of making
matters worse by his extreme position.
It was all of no avail. He declared that u nothing
should, and nothing could, make him desist from, or relent
in, the work he had undertaken, till he had utterly ex-'
THE MELETIAN SCHISM. 393
tirpated the Arian heresy, without leaving the least shoot
of so poisonous a weed in the field, which by divine ap-
pointment he was to guard and cultivate." -Bower.™ The
Arians then applied to Constantius, and had Meletius ban-
ished thirty days after his installation.
The partisans of Meletius then separated entirely from
the Arians, and clung so tenaciously to this course, that
they acquired the name of Meletians. This created a third
party, because the Eustathians refused to have anything
at all to do with either the Meletians or the Arians —
with the Arians because they were Arians ; with the Mele-
tians because they had communicated with the Arians, arid
because they still acknowledged Meletius, who had been
chosen with the help of the Arians. Thus there were two
parties of the Catholics, each arrayed against the other.
•In 363 Lucifer of Cagliari, the same who had been the
messenger of Liberius to Constantius at Milan, attempted to
reconcile the two Catholic factions ; but being more anxious
to display authority than to promote real peace, he made
the matter worse by ordaining as bishop a certain Paulinus,
who was the leader of the Eustathians, and the most bitter
opponent of the Meletians. From this the schism spread
yet farther. Lucifer was not only a Western bishop, but
had been a confidant of the bishop of Rome. Athanasius
indorsed his action by communicating with Paulinus, and
not with Meletius ; and all the bishops of Egypt, Cyprus,
and the West followed his example, while all the rest of the
Catholic bishops in the East espoused the cause of Meletius.
Basil, the Catholic bishop of Csesarea in Cappadocia,
finding it impossible to moderate the schism in any other
way, thought to do so by applying to the bishop of Rome.
He therefore — A. D. 371 — wrote a letter to Damasus, and
with it sent another signed by many of the Eastern bishops,
asking him to lend his assistance. "He added that it was
from his zeal alone they expected relief, from that zeal
which he had made so eminently appear on other occasions ;
12 " History of the Popes," Damasus, par. 16.
394 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
that Dionysius, one of his predecessors, had afforded them
a seasonable assistance, when their wants were less press-
ing, and their condition not so deplorable ; and therefore
that there was no room left to doubt of his readily conform-
ing to so glorious an example."- —Rower.™
It was some time before Damasus took any notice of this
request, and when he did, it was only to assume the office
of dictator and judge, rather than that of mediator. He
declared Paulinus lawful bishop of Antioch, and Meletius
"a transgressor of the canons, an intruder, a schismatic,
and even a heretic." -Bower.™ Basil repented of his ap-
plication to Rome, with the wise observation that " the more
you flatter haughty and insolent men, the more haughty and
insolent they become." He should have thought of that
before, and indulged in neither flattery nor appeal.
Such was the grave question, and thus that question
arose, which now engaged the serious attention of the Coun-
cil of Constantinople ; and Meletius presided at the council.
Before they reached this subject, however, Meletius died.
He and Paulinus had previously agreed that when either of
them should die, the other should be sole bishop of the two
factions ; but he was no sooner dead than some of the bish-
ops in the council moved for the election of a successor.
Gregory IS^azianzen was now president of the council,
and he exerted all his influence to persuade the council to
put an end to the schism by having nothing more to do with
it, but to let Paulinus end his days in peace, according to
the arrangement with Meletius. He was joined by other
members of the council, but the vast majority loved discus-
sion more than they loved anything else than power, and as
disputes and schisms were the way to power, they could not
bear to let slip such an opportunity to show that the East
was not subject to the West — especially as the Western
bishops, with the bishop of Rome at their head, had already
assumed the authority to dictate in the matter. They de-
13 Id., par. 19. uld., par. 20.
THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 395
dared that they would not betray to the West the dignity
which of right belonged to the East, from its being the scene
of the birth and death of the Son of God. They therefore
elected Flavianus as successor to Meletius, and thus only
aggravated the schism which they attempted to heal, and
which continued for eighteen years longer.
Gregory Nazianzen having done all he could to prevent
this act of the council, arid knowing that what they had done
could only strengthen the contentions already rife, resigned
his bishopric, and left both the council and the city of Con-
stantinople. He likened a church council to a nest of wasps,
or a flock of magpies, cranes, or geese ; declared that no good
ever came of one ; and refused ever more to have anything
to do with them.15 Had a few other men been as wise as
Gregory Nazianzen showed himself to be in this case, what
miseries the world might have escaped ! how different his-
tory would have been ! As Gregory has been, for ages, a
Catholic saint, even the Catholic Church ought not to blame
any one for adopting his estimate of the value of church
councils.
Gregory's resignation made it' necessary to elect a new
bishop of Constantinople. The choice fell upon Nectarius,
a senator and praetor of the city, who hud never yet been
baptized. He was first elected bishop, next baptized into
membership of the church, and then by the bishops of the
council was installed in his new office.
Having "settled" these things, the council proceeded
to settle the Catholic faith again. The same question which
had been so long discussed as to the nature of Christ, was
up now in regard to the nature of the Holy Spirit. Now,
the question was whether the Holy Spirit is Ilomomi-
sion with the Father and the Son. The Macedonians held
that it is not. The council decided that it is. The Mace-
16 "Decline and Fall," chap, xxvii, par. 9; Scbaff's "History of the Chris-
tian Church," Vol. iii, \ 65, last par. but one; Stanley's " History of the East-
ern Church," Lecture ii, par. 10 from the end.
396 THE CATHOLIC1 FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
donians left the assembly, and the remaining one hundred
and fifty bishops framed the following creed : —
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Creator of heaven
and earth, and of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord
Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father be-
fore all times [ages], Light from Light, very God from very God, be-
gotten, not created, of the same substance with the Father, by whom all
things were made ; who for us men, and for our salvation, came down
from heaven, and was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary,
and was made man ; who was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, suf-
fered and was buried, and the third day he rose again according to the
Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and sat down at the right hand of
the Father ; and he shall come again with glory to judge both the living
and the dead ; whose kingdom shall have no end. And we believe in
the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Life-giver, who proceedeth from the
Father ; who with the Father and the Son together is worshiped and
glorified ; who spake by the prophets. And in one Holy Catholic and
apostolic Church. We acknowledge one baptism for the remission of
sins. We look for a resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world
to come. Amen."16
They also established seven canons, in one of which they
attempted to settle the question of dignity between the
bishops of Alexandria and Constantinople by ordaining as
follows : —
"CANON 3. The bishop of Constantinople shall hold the first rank
after the bishop of Rome, because Constantinople is New Rome."17
This, however, like every other attempt to settle their
ecclesiastical disputes, only bred new and more violent con-
tentions. For, by a trick in words, and a casuistical inter-
pretation, this canon was afterward made the ground upon
which was claimed by the bishopric of Constantinople, supe-
riority over that of Rome. It was argued that the words
''the first rank after the bishop of Rome," did not mean the
second in actual rank, but the first, and really carried pre«-
cedence over Old Rome ; that the real meaning was that
hitherto Rome had held the first rank, but now Constan-
16Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," sec. 97.
17 Id., sec. 98.
COUNCIL OF AQUILEIA. 397
tinople should hold the first rank, i. e., after Rome had
held it !
The bishops in council, having finished their labors, sent
to Theodosius the following letter : —
"In obedience to your letters, we met together at Constantinople,
and having first restored union among ourselves, we then made short
definitions confirming the faith of the Fathers of Nicaea, and condemn-
ing the heresies which have risen in opposition to it. We have also, for
the sake of ecclesiastical order, drawn up certain canons ; and all this
we append to our letter. We pray you now, of your goodness, to con-
firm by a letter of your piety the decision of the synod, that, as you have
honored the church by your letters of convocation, you would thus seal
the decisions."18
Accordingly, the emperor confirmed and sealed their de-
cisions in an edict issued July 30, 381, commanding that
"all the churches were at once to be surrendered to the
bishops who believed in the oneness of the Godhead of the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and were in com-
munion with JSfectarius of Constantinople ; in Egypt with
Timotheus of Alexandria ; in the East with Pelagius of Lao-
dicea and Diodorus of Tarsus ; in proconsular Asia and the
Asiatic diocese with Amphilochius of Iconium and Optimus
of Antioch (in Pisidia) ; in the diocese of Pontus with Hella-
dius of Csesarea, Otreius of Melitene, and Gregory of Nyssa ;
lastly (in Mcesia and Scythia) with Terentius, the bishop of
Scythia (Tomi), and with Martyrius, bishop of Marcianople
(now Preslaw in Bulgaria). All who were not in communion
with the above-named, should, as avowed heretics, be driven
from the church." — Hefele.19
While the Council of Constantinople was sitting, the
emperor Gratian called a council at Aquileia in Italy. This
was presided over by the bishop of Aquileia, but Ambrose,
bishop of Milan, " was the most active member and soul of the
whole affair." The object of this council was, in unison with
the Council of Constantinople, to establish the unity of the
faith throughout the whole world. There happened to be
18 Id., sec. 99.
398 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
three bishops in all the West who were accused of being
Arians. They would not acknowledge that they were such ;
but the accusation of heresy was sufficient foundation upon
which to call a council.
The council met in August, and after several preliminary
meetings, met in formal session, the third of September.
A letter which Arius had written to his bishop, Alexander,
about sixty years before, was read, and the three accused
bishops were required to say "yes" or "no," as to whether
or not they agreed to "these blasphemies against the Son."
They would not give a direct answer, choosing rather to
speak for themselves than to answer by an emphatic "yes"
or "no," questions that were framed by their accusers.
The council next spun out a string of curses upon all the
leading points of the Arian doctrine ; and because the three
bishops would not join in these curses, the council, at the
proposal of Ambrose, and as early as one o'clock on the
afternoon of the first day, pronounced its curse upon the
three bishops as heretics, declaring them deposed from
office, and immediately sent a circular letter to this effect to
all the bishops of the West. They next sent a full account
of their proceedings, according to their own view, "to the
emperors Gratian, Yalentinian II, and Theodosius, and
prayed them to lend the aid of the secular arm, in the
actual deposition of the condemned, and the appointment
of orthodox bishops in their stead." They also asked the
emperor Theodosius to make it impossible for the teacher of
one of these condemned bishops any "further to disturb
the peace of the church or to travel about from one town
to another. " — Ilefele. 20
With Damasus, bishop of Rome, this council disagreed
with that of Constantinople, upon the dispute between the
Eustathians and Meletians, and a letter was therefore sent
to the emperor, asking for another general council to be
held at Alexandria, to decide this, with other disputes
among the Catholics themselves.
20 "History of the Church Councils,'1 sec. 101, par. 1, 3.
PENALTIES UPON HERETICS. 399
The condemned bishops complained that they were mis-
represented in the letters of the council, and protested
against being confounded with the Arians. They likewise
demanded another council, to be held at Rome. When
these letters reached Theodosius, the Council of Constanti-
nople was over, and the bishops had gone home. But
instead of calling the council to meet at Alexandria, he re-
called the bishops to Constantinople. He sent two special
invitations to Gregory Nazianzen to attend the council, but
Gregory, still retaining the wisdom he had acquired at the
preceding council, positively refused, with the words, "I
never yet saw a council of bishops come to a good end. I
salute them from afar off, since I know how troublesome
they are."21
By the time the bishops were again got together at Con-
stantinople, it was early in the summer of 382. They there
received another letter from a council which had just been
held under the presidency of Ambrose, at Milan, asking
them to attend a general council at Rome. The bishops
remained at Constantinople, but sent three of their number
as their representatives, and also a letter affirming their
strict adherence to the Nicene Creed. Lack of time and
space alike forbid that the proceedings of these councils
should be followed in detail. Council after council followed ;
another one at Constantinople in 383, at Bordeaux in 384,
at Treves in 385, at Rome in 386, at Antioch in 388, at Car-
thage in 389, Rome again in 390, Carthage again in 390,
Capua in 391, at Hippo in 393, at Nisines in 394, and at
Constantinople again in 394.
On his part Theodosius was all this time doing all he
could to second the efforts of the church to secure unanimity
of faith, and to blot out all heresy. " In the space of fifteen
years he promulgated at least fifteen severe edicts against
the heretics, more especially against those who rejected the
doctrine of the Trinity."-- Gibbon™ In these edicts it was
21 Stanley's " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture ii, par. 10 from the end.
252 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxvii, par. 11.
400 THE CATHOLIC FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
enacted that any of the heretics who should usurp the title
of bishop or presbyter, should suffer the penalty of exile and
confiscation of goods, if they attempted either to preach
the doctrine or practice the rites of their " accursed" sects.
A fine of about twenty thousand dollars was pronounced
upon every person who should dare to confer, or receive, or
promote, the ordination of a heretic. Any religious meet-
ings of the heretics, whether public or private, whether by
day or by night, in city or country, were absolutely prohib-
ited ; and if any such meeting was held, the building or
even the ground which should be used for the purpose, was
declared confiscated. "The anathemas of the church were
fortified by a sort of civil excommunication," which sepa-
rated the heretics from their fellow-citizens by disqualifying
them from holding any public office, trust, or employment.
The heretics who made a distinction in the nature of the Son
from that of the Father, were declared incapable of either
making wills or receiving legacies. The Manichsean here-
tics were to be punished with death, as were also the heretics
"who should dare to perpetrate the atrocious crime" of
celebrating Easter on a day not appointed by the Catholic
Church.23
That these laws might not be vain, the office of "in-
quisitor of the faith," was instituted, and it was not long
before capital punishment was inflicted upon "heresy,"
though not exactly under Theodosius himself. Gratian was
killed in A. D. 383, by command of a certain Maximus, who
had been declared emperor by the troops in Britain, and ac-
knowledged by the troops in Gaul. A treaty of peace was
formed between him and Theodosius, and the new emperor
Maximus stepped into the place both in Church and State,
which had been occupied by Gratian.
A certain Priscillian and his followers were condemned
as heretics by the Council of Bordeaux in A. D. 384. They
appealed to the emperor Maximus, under whose civil juris-
diction they were ; but by the diligence of three bishops —
23 Jd.
THE EMPIRE IS "CONVERTED." 401
Ithacius, Magnus, and Rufus — as prosecutors, they were
there likewise condemned. Priscillian himself, two presby-
ters, two deacons, Latronian a poet, and Euchrocia the
widow of an orator of Bordeaux, — seven in all, — were be-
headed, while others were banished.
Tims the union of Church and State, the clothing of the
church with civil power, bore its inevitable fruit. It is true
that there were some bishops who condemned the execution
of the Priscillianists, but the others fully justified it. Those
who condemned it, however, did so more at the sight of
actual bloodshed, than for any other reason ; because they
fully justified, and in fact demanded, every penalty short of
actual death. And those who persecuted the Priscillianists,
and who advocated, and secured, and justified, their execu-
tion, were never condemned by the church nor by any coun-
cil. In fact their course was actually indorsed by a council ;
for "the synod at Treves, in 385, sanctioned the conduct of
Ithacius" (Ilefele*4), who was the chief prosecutor in the
case. Even the disagreement as to whether it was right or
not, was silenced when, twenty years afterward, Augustine
set forth his principles, asserting the righteousness of what-
ever penalty would bring the incorrigible to the highest
grade of religious development ; and the matter was fully
set at rest for all time when, in A. D. -i-tt, Leo, bishop of
Rome, justified the execution of Priscillian and his associate
heretics, and declared the righteousness of the penalty of
death for heresy.
In re-establishing the unity of the Catholic faith, Theodo-
sius did not confine his attention to professors of Christianity
only. In his original edict, it will be remembered that all
his subjects should be Catholic Christians. A good many of
his subjects were pagans, and still conformed to the pagan
ceremonies and worship. In 382 Gratian, at the instance of
Ambrose, had struck a blow at the pagan religion by reject-
ing the dignity of Pontifex Maximus, which had been borne
by every one of his predecessors ; and had also commanded
24 " History of the Church Councils," sec. 104,
32
402 THE CATHOLIC' FAITH RE-ESTABLISHED.
that the statue and altar of Victory should be thrown down.
Maxirnus was killed in 388, and on account of the youth o'f
Valentinian II, Theodosius, as his guardian, became virtually
ruler of the whole empire ; and at Rome the same year, he
assembled the Senate and put to them the question whether
the old or the new religion should be that of the empire.
By the imperial influence, the majority of the Senate, as
in the church councils, adopted the will of the emperor, and
"the same laws which had been originally published in the
provinces of the East, were applied, after the defeat of
Maximus, to the whole extent of the Western empire. . . .
A special commission was granted to Cynegius, the praeto-
rian prefect of the East, and afterwards to the counts Jovius
and Gaudentius, two officers of distinguished rank in the
West, by which they were directed to shut the temples, to
seize or destroy the instruments of idolatry, to abolish the
privileges of the priests, and to confiscate the consecrated
property for the benefit of the emperor, of the church, or of
the army."-- Gibbon.™
Thus was the Catholic faith finally established as that of
the Roman empire, thus was that empire "converted," and
thus was Pagan Rome made Papal Rome.
25 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxviii, par. 5.
CHAPTER XVII.
MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
BY the pious zeal of Theodosius, "the unity of the faith"
had been once more secured, and the empire had been
made Catholic. As all his efforts in this direction had been
put forth to secure the peace of the church, it might be sup-
posed that this result should have been assured. But peace
was just as far from the church now as it ever had been,
and a good deal farther from the State than it had ever yet
been.
By this time, among the chief bishoprics of the empire,
the desire for supremacy had become so all-absorbing that
each one was exerting every possible influence to bring the
others into subjection to himself. The rivalry, however,
was most bitter between the bishopric of Alexandria and
that of Constantinople. Of the great sees of the empire,
Alexandria had always held the second place. Now, how-
ever, Constantinople was the chief imperial city ; and, as
already related, the Council of Constantinople had ordained
that the bishop of Constantinople should hold the first rank
after the bishop of Rome. The Alexandrian party argued
that this dignity was merely honorary, and carried with it
no jurisdiction. Home, seeing to what the canon might
lead, sided with Alexandria. Constantinople, however,
steadily insisted that the canon bestowed jurisdiction to the
full extent of the honor. The bishop of Constantinople
therefore aspired to the complete occupancy of the second
place, and Alexandria was supremely jealous of the aspira-
[403]
404: MARY IS MADE THE NOT HER OF GOD.
tion. It will be remembered that when Gregory Nazianzen
was first called to the bishopric of Constantinople, Peter of
Alexandria had caused Maximus to be ordained, and now
this same spirit showed itself again and much more violently
than before.
Theodosius died A. D. 395, and was succeeded by his two
sons, Arcadius and Honorius, by whom the empire was per-
manently divided. Arcadius became emperor of the East
and Honorius of the West. Although Arcadius occupied
the throne and bore the name of "emperor," " the East
was now governed by women and eunuchs." — M/lman.1
Eutropius, the eunuch, was prime minister to Arcadius. At
the death of Nectarius, Eutropius had brought from Antioch
and made bishop of Constantinople, a presbyter, John sur-
named Chrysostom — the golden-mouthed. By the exercise
of discipline, Chrysostom undertook to purify the bishopric.
He "exposed with unsparing indignation the vices and
venality of the clergy, and involved them all in one indis-
criminate charge of simony and licentiousness." — Milrnan.9
In an episcopal progress through Lydia and Phrygia, he
deposed thirteen bishops. He declared his free opinion
" that the number of bishops who might be saved, bore a
very small proportion to those who would be damned."
Giljbon? In addition to this, and with much more danger
to himself, he incurred the enmity of the monks, who now
existed in swarms throughout the East, by declaring with
evident truth that they were ' ' the disgrace of their holy pro-
fession."
These measures set the whole ecclesiastical order against
him, and they began to intrigue for his overthrow. This
opened the way for the bishop of Alexandria again to assert
his authority.
Theophilus, a violent and unscrupulous prelate, was now
bishop of Alexandria, and he immediately espoused .the
1 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ix, par. 3(5.
2 Id., par. 45, 3 "Decline and Fall,'' chap, xxvii. par. 9, note.
CHRYH08TOM DEPOSED AND BANTfWKn. 405
cause of the malcontents, who proudly accepted him as their
leader. Another new element was now added : Chrysostom
had not confined his denunciations to the clergy and the
monks, but had uttered them against the women of the
court, and especially the empress Eudoxia, a young and
beautiful woman of violent disposition, "who indulged her
passions, and despised her husband." — Gibbon* Her,
Chrysostom reviled as another Jezebel. She was not the
kind of woman who would take this without making reply.
She called TKeopliilus to Constantinople to preside over a
council to depose Chrysostom. He came with a "stout
body of Egyptian mariners " to protect him, and a train of
bishops to sit in the council.
Theophilus and his followers joined with the enemies of
Chrysostom, numbering thirty-six bishops in all, and held
their council at a place or estate Ad Qiiercem — at the Oak.
Four times the council summoned Chrysostom to appear,
and sent the following letter : —
"The holy synod at the Oak to John: Letters complaining of
countless offenses committed by you have been delivered to us. Ap-
pear, therefore, and bring with you the priests Serapion and Tigrius, for
they are wanted."5
Chrysostom on his part assembled a council of forty
bishops, and sent three of the bishops and two priests with
a letter to Theophilus, telling him that he should not disturb
the church, and that if in spite of the Nicene Canon, he
wranted to settle a dispute beyond his diocese, he should
come to Constantinople itself, and "not like Cain entice
Abel into the field." In the letter he also declared that as
there was an indictment against Theophilus containing sev-
enty charges, he was the one who ought really to be called
to account rather than to be presiding in a council to try
another ; and besides this that there were more bishops in
the council at Constantinople than there were with Theophilus
4 fd., par. 13.
5Hefele, " History of the Church Councils," sec. 115, par. 4,
406 MART IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
at the Oak. At the same time he wrote privately to other
bishops at the Oak telling them that if they would exclude
from the council his avowed enemies, he would appear
whenever they desired ; but if not, he would not appear,
even if they sent ten thousand times for him. In answer to
this letter, a notary was sent to Chrysostom with an imperial
decree that he "must appear at the synod," and at the
same time a priest and a monk brought a fresh summons
from the synod at the Oak. Chrysostom then sent author-
ized representatives to the Oak. "They were roughly
treated, and the process against him was put into full
swing. "- — Ilefele. 6
The council sat for two weeks, during which time they
framed twenty-nine different charges, amongst which those
considered the very gravest were that he had " administered
baptism after he had eaten," and another, that he had " ad-
ministered the sacrament to those who had in like manner
broken their fast." - Milman.'1 He was unanimously con-
demned, and as there had been accessions to their number,
there were forty-five bishops who subscribed to the decree.
Having deposed him, it was necessary to execute the
sentence, but on account of the watchfulness of the popu-
lace, this had to be done at night. To prevent a riot, he
secretly surrendered himself to the imperial officers, who
conducted him across the Bosphorus and landed him at a
place near the entrance of the Black Sea. Theophilus and
his followers had come into the city, and the next day when
the populace learned that Chrysostom had been carried off,
"they suddenly rose with unanimous and irresistible fury.
Theophilus escaped ; but the promiscuous crowd of monks
and Egyptian mariners were slaughtered without pity in the
streets of Constantinople." - Gibbon*
6 Id., par. 6.
7 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ix, par. 46, note.
8 "Decline and Fall," chap, xxxii, par. 11.
&HRYSOSTOM RECALLED AND AGAIN BANISHED. 407
The next night there was a harmless earthquake, but it
was readily seized upon and made to do service as evidence
of the wrath of Heaven against the deposition of Chrysos-
tom. Eudoxia herself, as superstitious as the rest, was
frightened by it, and when the mob crowded about the
palace asserting the vengeance of Heaven and demanding
the return of Chrysostom, she went herself to Arcadius,
asked for his recall, and, to appease the populace, published
a letter "disclaiming all hostility to the banished prelate,
and protesting that she was 'innocent of his blood.'" —
Milman*
Chrysostom returned in triumph. The whole city, men,
women, and children, turned out to meet him. The shores
were crowded ; the Bosphorus was covered with vessels, and
both shores were grandly illuminate^. When he landed,
with hymns of thanksgiving and chants of praise they es-
corted him to the cathedral. Chrysostom mounted the pul-
pit, and made the following speech : —
"What shall I say? Blessed be God ! These were my last words
on my departure, these the first on my return. Blessed be God ! because
he permitted the storm to rage. Blessed be God ! because he has allayed
it. Let my enemies behold how their conspiracy has advanced my peace,
and redounded to my glory. Before, the church alone was crowded,
now the whole forum is become a church. The games are celebrating
in the circus, but the whole people pour like a torrent to the church.
Your prayers in my behalf are more glorious than a diadem, — the prayers
both of men and women ; for in Christ there is neither male nor female."10
Thus exultant in his victorv over his opponents, he broke
out more violently than ever in denunciation of the empress.
The statue of Eudoxia was about to be set up in front of the
cathedral. It seems that this was to be performed on a fes-
tival day, and on such occasions dances, pantomimes, and all
sorts of theatricals were indulged in. Chrysostom uttered a
loud protest against this celebration, as his zeal "was al-
9 " History of Christianity," book ill, chap, ix, par. 50.
10 Id., par. 51.
408 MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
ways especially directed against these idolatrous amusements
which often, he confesses, drained the church of his hear-
ers." — Milman.11 His denunciations were reported to the
empress, as personal insults to her. She threatened to call
another council, and have him deposed again. He replied
with a sermon yet bolder than all before, in which he likened
her to Herodias, exclaiming : —
"Again Herodias raves; again she is troubled; she dances again;
and again desires to receive John's head in a charger." 12
The emperor immediately suspended him, and a council
was appointed, which, under the guidance of Theophilus,
again condemned him. but upon the charges that he had
resisted the decrees of the former synod, and that he had
violated the canons of the church in resuming and exercising
the office of bishop,' while yet under condemnation of a
council. The sentence of exile was again pronounced, and
a detachment of barbarian troops was brought into the city
to assist the imperial officers in executing the sentence.
"In the midst of the solemn celebration of Good Friday,
in the great church of Santa Sophia, the military forced their
way, not merely into the nave, but up to the altar, on which
were placed the consecrated elements. Many worshipers
were trodden under foot ; many wounded by the swords of
the soldiers : the clergy were dragged to prison ; some
females, who were about to lae baptized, were obliged to fly
with their disordered apparel : the waters of the font were
stained with blood ; the soldiers pressed up to the altar ;
seized the sacred vessels as their plunder ; the sacred ele-
ments were scattered about ! . . . Constantinople for several
days had the appearance of a city which had been stormed.
Wherever the partisans of Chrysostom were assembled,
they were assaulted and dispersed by the soldiery : females
were exposed to insult, and one frantic attempt was made to
assassinate the prelate." —
11 Id., par. 54.
12Socrates's "Ecclesiastical History," book vi, chap, xviii.
13 "History of Christianity," book iii, chap, ix, par 56.
A GENERAL COUNCIL DEMANDED.
Chrysostom was concealed by his friends, but after
awhile lie escaped from them, and gave himself up again.
Again he was taken from the city by night ; and now he
was banished — A. n. 404 — to a town called Caucasus in
the mountains of Armenia. And " on the very day of his
departure, some of John's friends set fire to the church, which
by means of a strong easterly wind, communicated with the
Senate-house. "- — Socrates. li
As soon as Chrysostom had been permanently sent away,
Theophilus sent to the bishop of Rome the information that
he had deposed the bishop of Constantinople, but without
telling him why. Chrysostom also from his place of exile
addressed the bishop of Rome, giving an account of the pro-
ceedings against him, and asking Innocent "to declare such
wicked proceedings void and null, to pronounce all who had
any share in them, punishable according to the ecclesiastical
laws, and to continue to him the marks of his charity and
communion." — Rower. r*
As was to be expected, Chrysostom also asked the bishop
of Rome to use his influence to have a general council called
to settle the matter. Letters were also sent from the clergy
o«/
of Constantinople and the bishops who sided wTith Chrysos-
tom, asking Innocent to take an interest in the case. Inno-
cent answered both with the statement that he admitted the
bishops of both parties to his communion, and thus left no
room for complaints on either side ; and that the council
which was contemplated might not be biased beforehand.
Innocent applied to the Emperor Honorius, asking him to
persuade Arcadius to agree to the calling of a general coun-
cil, to settle the dispute and contention between Chrysostom
and Theophilus. Honorius wrote three letters to Arcadius,
the last of which was as follows : —
"This is the third time I write to your Meekness entreating you to
correct and rectify the iniquitous proceedings that have been carried on
against John, bishop of Constantinople. But nothing, I find, has been
>
11 " Ecclesiastical History," book vi, chap, xviii.
15 " History of the Popes," Innocent T, par. 8.
410 MAKf IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
hitherto done in his behalf. Having therefore much at heart the peace
of the church, which will be attended with that of our empire, I write
to you anew by these holy bishops and presbyters, earnestly desiring
you to command the Eastern bishops to assemble at Thessalonica. The
Western bishops have sent five of their body, two presbyters of the
Roman Church, and one deacon, all men of strictest equity, and quite
free from the bias of favor and hatred. These I beg you would receive
with that regard which is due to their rank and merit. If they find
John to have been justly deposed, they may separate me from his com-
munion ; and you from the communion of the orientals, if it appears
that he has been unjustly deposed. The Western bishops have very
plainly expressed their sentiments, in the many letters they have written
to me on the subject of the present dispute. Of these I send you two,
the one from the bishop of Rome, the other from the bishop of Aquileia ;
and with them the rest agree. One thing I must above all beg of your
Meekness ; that you oblige Theophilus of Alexandria to assist at the
council, how averse soever he may be to it ; for he is said to be the first
and chief author of the present calamities. Thus the synod, meeting
with no delays or obstructions, will restore peace and tranquillity in our
days."16
Not only were the letters of Honorius disregarded, but
his ambassadors were insulted and abused ; which when he
learned, he was about to declare war, but was prevented by
an invasion of the barbarians.
Thus the efforts to obtain a general council upon this
question came to naught. When Innocent learned this, he
determined to take the side of Chrysostom. He therefore
published a letter announcing the fact, and separating from
his communion Theophilus and all who were of his party.
Chrysostom died in 407 ; but the quarrel was continued by
the bishop of Rome, who refused to communicate with the
new bishop of Constantinople, unless he would acknowledge
that Chrysostom was lawful bishop of that city until the day
of his death. As this would be to acknowledge that his own
election to the bishopric of Constantinople was unlawful,
Atticus refused ; and the contention was kept up seven years
longer, but was finally compromised in 414.
The empress Eudoxia died about A. D. 405. The em-
peror Arcadius died May 1, A. D. 408, leaving a son —
16 Bower, Id., par. 14.
GYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA. 411
Theodosius II — seven years of age, heir to the throne, and a
daughter, Pulcheria, ten years of age, who, after A. D. 414,
held the most important place in the affairs of the empire
for forty years. At the age of twenty and by the arts of
Pulcheria, Theodosius II was married to Eudocia, wljo was
nearly eight years older than himself, and the incapable
youth was kept in a "perpetual infancy, encompassed only
with a servile train of women and eunuchs," and ruled by
women, eunuchs, and monks.
The war with Chrysostom was ended, yet the roots of
bitterness and seeds of strife still remained between Alexan-
dria and Constantinople. And though -the two men who
were bishops of these two cities were in harmony so far as
the confusion about Chrysostom was c6ncerned, the same
jealousy as to the dignity of their respective sees still existed,
and soon broke out more violently than ever before. The
subject of the next dispute was a question of doctrine, and,
like that over the Homoousion, was so illusive, and the dis-
putants believed so nearly alike and yet were so determined
not to believe alike, and the men who led in it were so ar-
rogant and cruel, that from the beginning the contention was
more violent than any that had yet been.
In A. D. 412, Cyril, the nephew of Theophilus, became
bishop of Alexandria. He was one of the very worst men
of his time. He began his episcopacy by shutting up the
churches of the Novatians, "the most innocent and harm-
less of the sectaries," and taking possession of all their
ecclesiastical ornaments and consecrated vessels, and strip-
ping their bishop, Theopernptus, of all his possessions. Nor
was Cyril content with the exercise of such strictly episcopal
functions as these : he aspired to absolute authority, civil as
well as ecclesiastical.
He drove out the Jews, forty thousand in number, de-
stroyed their synagogues, and allowed his followers to strip
them of all their possessions. Orestes, the prefect of Egypt,
displeased at the loss of such a large number of wealthy and
412 MART TS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
industrious people, entered a protest, and sent up a report
to the emperor. Cyril likewise wrote to the emperor. No
answer came from the court, and the people urged Cyril to
come to a reconciliation with the prefect, but his advances
were made in such a way that the prefect would not receive
them. The monks poured in from the desert to the number
of about five hundred, to champion the cause of Cyril.
Orestes \vas passing through the streets in his chariot.
The monks flocked around him, insulted him, and denounced
him as a heathen and an idolater. Orestes, thinking that
perhaps they thought this was so, and knowing his life to be
in danger, called ont that he was a Christian, and had been
baptized by Atticus, bishop of Constantinople. His defense
was in vain. In answer, one of the monks threw a big stone
which struck him on the head, and wounded him so that his
face was covered with blood. At this all his guards fled for
their lives ; but the populace came to the rescue, and drove
off the monks, and captured the one who threw the stone.
His name was Ammonius, and the prefect punished him so
severely that shortly afterward ho died. "Cyril commanded
his body to be taken up ; the honors of a Christian martyr
were prostituted on this insolent ruffian, his panegyric was
pronounced in the church, and he was named Thaumasius —
the wonderful." —Milman.11
But the party of Cyril proceeded to yet greater violence
than this. At that time there was in Alexandria a teacher
of philosophy, a woman, Hypatia by name. She gave pub-
lic lectures which were so largely attended by the chief
people of the city, that Cyril grew jealous that more people
went to hear her lecture than came to hear him preach.
She was a friend of Orestes, and it was also charged that
she, more than any other, was the cause why Orestes would
not be reconciled to Cyril. One day as Hypatia was passing
through the street in a chariot, she was attacked by a crowd
of Cyril's partisans, whose ring-leader was Peter the Reader.
17 " History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 23.
NESTORIU8 OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 413
She was torn from her chariot, stripped naked in the street,
dragged into a church, and there beaten to death with a club,
by Peter the Header. Then they tore her limb from limb,
and with shells scraped the flesh from her bones, and threw
the remnants into the fire, March, A. D. 414.
This was Cyril, — now Saint Cyril, — bishop of Alexan-
dria. And in addition to his naturally tyrannical and mur-
derous disposition, ''jealousy and animosity toward the
bishop of Constantinople was a sacred legacy bequeathed
by Theophilus to -his nephew, and Cyril faithfully admin-
istered the fatal trust." • — JH-ilnian.18
In 428, there was appointed to the bishopric of Constan-
tinople a monk of Antioch, Nestorius by name, who in
wickedness of disposition was only second to Cyril of Alex-
andria. In his ordination sermon before the great crowd
of people, he personally addressed to the emperor these
words : —
" Give me, my prince, the earth purged of heretics, and I will give
you heaven as a recompense. Assist me in destroying heretics, and I
will assist you in vanquishing the Persians."10
The fifth day afterward, in accordance with this proposi-
tion, JSTestorius began his part in purging the earth of
heretics. There was a little company of Arians who met in
a private house for worship ; these were surprised and at-
tacked, and as they saw the house being torn to pieces
and sacked, they set fire to it, which burned that building
and many others adjoining. On account of this, Nestorius
received from both parties the appropriate nickname of the
"Incendiary."" This attack upon the Arians was followed
furiously upon the Quarto-Decimans, who celebrated Easter
on a day other than the Catholic Sunday ; and also upon the
Novatians. The authority of the emperor somewhat checked
his fury against the Novatians, but it raged unmolested
against the Quarto-Decimans throughout Asia, Lydia, and
™Id., par. 21.
19 Socrates's " Ecclesiastical History," book vii, chap. xxix.
414 MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
Caria, and multitudes perished in the tumults which he
stirred up, especially at Miletus and Sardis.
And now these two desperate men, Nestorius and Cyril,
became the respective champions of the two sides of a con-
troversy touching the faith of the Catholic Church, as to
whether Mary was the Mother of God or not. In the long
contention and the fine-spun distinctions as to whether the
Son of God is of the same substance, or only of like sub-
stance with the Father, Christ had been removed entirely
beyond the comprehension of the people. And owing to
the desperate character and cruel disposition of the men who
carried on the controversy as the representatives of Christ,
the members of the church were made afraid of him. And
now, instead of Jesus standing forth as the mediator between
men and God, he was removed^so far away and was clothed
with such a forbidding aspect, that it became necessary to
have a mediator between men and Christ. And into this
place the Virgin Mary was put.
This gave rise to the question as to what was the exact
relationship of Mary to Christ. Was she actually the mother
of the divinity of Christ, and therefore the Mother of God ?
or was she only the mother of the humanity of- Christ ? For
a considerable time already the question had been agitated,
and among a people whose ancestors for ages had been
devout worshipers of the mother goddesses — Diana and
Cybele — the title "Mother of God " was gladly welcomed
and strenuously maintained. This party spoke of Mary as
"God-bearer;" the opposite party called her only "man-
bearer ; " while a third party coming between tried to have
all speak of her as " Christ-bearer."
As before stated, this question had already been agitated
considerably, but when two such characters as Cyril and
Nestorius took it up, it speedily became the one all-impor-
tant question, and the all-absorbing topic. Nestorius started
it in his very first sermon after becoming bishop of Constan-
tinople. He denied that Mary could properly be called the
CTRIL AND NESTORIUS AT WAR. 415
Mother of God. Some of his priests immediately withdrew
from his communion, and began to preach against his heresy,
and the monks rushed in also. Nestorius denounced them
all as miserable men, called in the police, and had some of
them flogged and imprisoned, especially several monks who
had accused him to the emperor. From this the controversy
spread rapidly, and Cyril, urged on by both natural and
inherited jealousy, carue to the rescue in defense of the title,
"Mother of God." "Cyril of Alexandria, to those who
esteem the stern and uncompromising assertion of certain
Christian tenets the one paramount Christian virtue, may be
the hero, even the saint : but while ambition, intrigue, arro-
gance, rapacity, and violence are proscribed as unchristian
means — barbarity, persecution, bloodshed as unholy and
unevangelical wickedness — posterity will condemn'the ortho-
dox Cyril as one of the worst of heretics against the spirit of
the gospel." — Milman.20
It is not necessary to put into this book the blasphemous
arguments of either side. It is enough to say that in this
controversy, as in that regarding the Homoomion, the whole
dispute was one about words and terms only. Each deter-
mined that the other should express the disputed doctrine in
his own words and ideas, while he himself could not clearly
express his~ideas in words different from the others. "Never
was there a case in which the contending parties approxi-
mated so closely. Both subscribed, both appealed, to the
Nicene Creed ; both admitted the pre-existence, the impassi-
bility, of the Eternal Word ; but the fatal duty ... of con-
sidering the detection of heresy the first of religious obliga-
tions, mingled, as it now was, with human passions and in-
terests, made the breach irreparable." — Milman.21
Cyril demanded of Nestorius that he should confess
Mary to be the Mother of God, without any distinction,
explanation, or qualification. And because Nestorius would
20 "History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 20.
par. 15,
416 If ART IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
not comply, Cyril denounced him everywhere as a heretic,
stirred up the people of Constantinople against him, and
sent letters to the emperor, the empress, and to Pulcheria,
to prove to them that the Virgin Mary "ought to be called "
the Mother of God. He declared that to dispute such a
title was rank heresy, and by adulation, and by declaring
that whoever disputed this title was unworthy of the protec-
tion of the imperial family, he sought to have the court take
his side at once against Nestorius. But Nestorius had the
advantage with respect to the court, because he was present
in Constantinople.
Fierce letters also passed between Cyril and uSTestorius,
and both sent off letters to Celestine, bishop of Rome.
Nestorius sent his first, but he wrote in Greek, and Celestine
had to send it to Gaul to be translated into Latin, so that he
could read it. Before the letter of Kestorius was returned
from Gaul, Cyril's letter had arrived, which was written in
Latin ; with which also he had sent some of the sermons of
Nestorius which he had translated into Latin for the benefit
of Celestine. Yet further he gave citations to Athanasius
and Peter of Alexandria, where they had given to Mary the
title of Mother of God. Celestine called a council in Rome,
A. D. 430. The letters and papers of both Cyril and Nesto-
rius were read, after which Celestine made a long speech to
prove that " the Virgin Mary was truly the Mother of God."
He supported his view's by quotations from the Eastern
bishops, whom Cyril had cited, and also from his predeces-
sors Damasus and Hilary, and from Ambrose of Milan who
had caused the people on Christmas day every year to sing
a hymn in honor of Mary, in which she was called the
Mother of God.
The council declared that Nestorius was "the author of
a new and very dangerous heresy," praised Cyril for oppos-
ing it. declared the doctrine of Cyril strictly orthodox, and
condemned to deposition all ecclesiastics who should refuse
THE BISHOP OF ROME JOINS CYRIL. 417
to adopt it. Celestine conveyed to Nestorius the decision
of the council, and in the name of the council and in his
own name, commanded him publicly and in a written apology,
to renounce his heretical opinions within ten days after the
receipt of this letter, or else incur the penalty of excommu-
nication. On the same day Celestine also wrote a letter to
Cyril, appointing him as his agent to execute the decision
of the council, and empowering him in the name, and with
the authority, of the apostolic see, to excommunicate and
depose JSTestorius, if by the expiration of ten days he had
not recanted. Other letters were also sent at the same
time to the clergy and laity of Constantinople and to the
principal bishops of the East, exhorting them to steadfast-
ness in the faith, and declaring that whomsoever Nestorius
had excommunicated or deposed on account of this question,
should be counted as in communion with the bishop of
Rome.
All these letters were sent to Cyril, who upon "receiving
them, called a council of the Egyptian bishops, and drew
up twelve propositions with their respective curses, which
Nestorius was to sign if he would obey the sentence of the
council at Rome, and recant his opinions. It was also
required that Nestorius should not only acknowledge the
creed of Nice, but that he must add a written and sworn
declaration that he did so, and that he would condemn all
his previous "pernicious and unholy assertions," and agree
in future to "believe and teach the same as Cyril, and as
the synod, and the bishops of the East and West." —
Hefele.™
All this with the decree of the Council of Rome was sent
by four bishops to Nestorius at Constantinople. These
bishops to make as great a display of their authority as pos-
sible, went to the cathedral on Sunday, at the time of public
service, and delivered the documents to Nestorius, while he
was performing the principal service of the day. In answer
22 "History of the Church Couucils," sec. 131, par. 1.
33
418 MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
to these decrees Nestorius, in a sermon preached on the fol-
lowing Sabbath, declared that to maintain the peace and
tranquillity of the church, "he was ready to grant the title
of ' Mother of God ' to the Virgin Mary, providing nothing
else was thereby meant but that the man born of her was
united to the Divinity." But Cyril insisted that he should
adopt the twelve propositions and their curses which the Alex-
andrian Synod' had sent. As a final reply Nestorius then
drew up twelve counter propositions with their respective
curses, to which he demanded that Cyril should subscribe.
It was now the middle of December, 430. All the time
that these contentions had been going on, both parties had
been calling for a general council ; and as early as Novem-
ber 19, the emperors Theodosius II and Valentinian III had
issued letters ordering a general council to meet at Ephesus
in the spring of 431.
Of all places in the world, Ephesus was the very one
where it would be the nearest to an impossibility to obtain
anything like a fair examination of the question. Like
Diana of old, the Virgin Mary was now the patroness of
Ephesus ; and the worse than heathen Catholics were more
fanatically devoted to hei-than even the heathen Ephesians
had been to Diana. But a fair examination of the question,
or in fact any real examination, was not intended by Celes-
tine and Cyril. Their only intention was either the uncon-
ditional surrender or the condemnation of Nestorius. Cyril
was appointed by Celestine to preside at the council. He
addressed Celestine, asking whether Nestorius should be
allowed to sit as a member of the council. Celestine told
him that he should do everything to restore peace to the
church and to win Nestorius to the truth : but that if Nesto-
rius was quite determined against this, "then he must reap
what, with the help of the devil, he had sown." - Hefele™
Celestine also sent a letter to the emperor Theodosius II,
saying that he could not personally attend the council, but
23 Id., sec. 133.
GENERAL COUNCIL OF EPHESUS. 419
that he would take part by commissioners. He desired that
the emperor "should allow no innovations, and no disturb-
ance of the peace of the church. He should even regard
the interests of the faith as higher than those of the State ;
and the peace of the church as much more important than
th-e peace of the nations." Celestine's instructions to his
commissioners were to the same intent. He commanded
them to "hold strictly by Cyril," but at the same time to be
sure "to preserve the dignity of the apostolic see." They
were directed to attend all the meetings of the council, yet
to take no part in any of the discussions, but to "give judg-
ments " on the views of others. And finally, the letter
which Celestine sent by these legates to the bishops in
council exhorted them "to preserve the true faith," and
closed with these words : —
"The legates are to be present at the transactions of the synod, and
will give effect to that which the pope has long ago decided with respect
to Nestorius ; for he does not doubt that the assembled bishops will
agree with this."554
Neither of the emperors was present at the council, but
they jointly appointed Count Candidian, captain of the im-
perial bodyguard, as the "Protector of the Council." Nes-
torius came with sixteen bishops, accompanied by an armed
guard composed of bathmen of Constantinople and a horde
of peasants. In addition to this, by the special favor of the
emperor, an officer, Irenseus, with a body of soldiers, was
appointed to protect him. Cyril came wjth fifty Egyptian
bishops, and a number of bathmen and "a multitude of
women" from Alexandria, and such sailors in his fleet as he
could depend upon. Arrived at Ephesus, he was joined by
Memnon, bishop of that city, with fifty-two bishops, and a
crowd of peasants whom he had drawn into the city. Juve-
nalis, bishop of Jerusalem, came with his subordinate bish-
ops, we know not the number ; these also were hostile to
Nestorius, and joined Cyril and Memnon. Others camo
par. 3.
420 MARY JS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
from Thessalonica, Apamea, and Hieropolis, and when the
council opened, there were one hundred and ninety-eight
bishops present, including the pope's legates, and not
including Nestorius. John of Antioch, with the bishops of
his diocese, was on the way, but did not reach Ephesus until
Cyril's part of the council was over.
The council was to have met June 7, 431, but owing to
delays on the part of the bishops of Jerusalem, Thessalo-
nica, and Antioch, it did not open until June 22, and even
then the bishops of Antioch had not arrived. But all the
time was spent in preliminary disputes, winning partisans,.
and working up the populace. As Cyril had the great
majority of the bishops on his side, and as the city was
already devoted to the " Mother of God,"" Nestorius was at
a great disadvantage, and his enemies did not hesitate to let
him know it, and to make him feel it. Cyril preached a
sermon in which he paid the following idolatrous tribute to
Mary : —
" Blessed be thou, O Mother of God ! Thou rich treasure of the
world, inextinguishable lamp, crown of virginity, scepter of true doc-
trine, imperishable temple, habitation of Him whom no space can
contain, mother and virgin, through whom He is, who comes in the
name of the Lord. Blessed be thou, O Mary, who didst hold in thy
womb the Infinite One ; thou through whom the blessed Trinity is
glorified and worshiped, through whom the precious cross is adored
throughout the world, through whom heaven rejoices and angels and
archangels are glad, through whom the devil is disarmed and banished,
through whom the fallen creature is restored to" heaven, through whom
every believing soul is saved."25
Cyril and his party urged that the council should be
opened without any more delay. As the emperor had par-
ticularly required the presence of John of Antioch, JSTesto-
rius insisted on waiting till he came ; and Candidian sus-
tained Nestorius. Cyril refused, and he and his partisans
assembled in the Church of the Virgin Mary to proceed
25 Schaff 's " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 171, par. 10.
CONDEMNATION OF NE8TORIUS. -J.91
with the council. As soon as Count Candidian learned of
this, he hastened to the church to forbid it, and there he fell
into an ecclesiastical trap. He declared that they were act-
ing in defiance of the imperial rescript which was to guide
the council. They answered that as they had not seen the
rescript, they did not know what it required of them. The
Count read it to them. This was just what they wanted.
They declared that tJt.e reading of the rescript legalized their
meeting ! They greeted it with "loud and loyal clamors,"
pronounced the council begun, and commanded the Count to
withdraw from an assembly in which he had no longer any
legal place.
Candidian protested against the unfairness of the pro-
ceedings ; and then, he himself says, they " injuriously and
ignominiously ejected " him. They next expelled all the
bishops, sixty-eight in number, who were known to favor
Nestorius, "and then commenced their proceedings as the
legitimate Senate of Christendom." — 3filman.srj
One of Cyril's presbyters was secretary, and he for-
mally opened the business of the council by reading a state-
ment of the dispute that had brought them together. Then
the emperor's letter calling the council was read. They sent
four bishops to notify Nestorius to appear. He courteously
refused to acknowledge the legality of their assembly. A
second deputation of four bishops was sent, and they returned
with the word that they were not allowed by the guard to
go near him, but received from his attendants the same
answer as before. A third deputation of four was sent, and
they returned with the report that they were subjected to the
indignity of being kept standing in the heat of the sun, and
receiving no answer at all. Having made such an earnest
effort to have Nestorius present, but in vain, they "sorrow-
fully " commenced the proceedings without him.
The Nicene Creed was first read, and then Cyril's letter
25 " History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 49.
422 MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
to Nestorius, with the twelve propositions and their accom-
panying curses, all of which were solemnly confirmed by all
the bishops in succession.
Then was read the letter of Nestorius to Cyril, with the
twelve counter-propositions and their curses. One after
another the bishops arose and declared the propositions
blasphemous, and vehemently uttered the appended curses.
Then when the list was completed, they all arose, and with
one mighty roar that made the arches of the great church
echo and re-echo, they bawled, "Anathema to him who does
not anathematize Nestorius! Anathema! Anathema! The
n'Jiole world unites in the excommunication! Anathema on
him who holds communion with Nestorius! " 2o
Next were read the letters of Celestine, condemning him,
which were made a part of the acts of the council. Then
followed the reading of statements from the writings of
Athanasius, Peter of Alexandria, Julius I, Felix I of Rome ;
Theophihis of Alexandria, Cyprian, Ambrose, Gregory
Nazianzen, Basil the Great, Gregory of Nyssa, Atticus of
Constantinople, and Amphilochius of Iconium, all to the
effect that Mary was the Mother of God. Then the tender-
hearted, pious souls, according to their own words, proceeded
"with many tears, to this sorrowful sentence : "-
"As, in addition to other things, the impious Nestorius has not
obeyed our citation, and did not receive the holy bishops who were sent
by us to him, we were compelled to examine his ungodly doctrines. We
discovered that he had held and published impious doctrines in his letters
and treatises, as well as in discourses which he delivered in this city, and
which have been testified to. Urged by the canons, and in accordance
with the letter of our most holy father and fellow-servant Celestine,
the Roman bishop, we have come, with many tears, to this sorrowful
sentence against him, namely, that our Lord Jesus Christ, whom he has
blasphemed, decrees by the holy synod that Nestorius be excluded from
the episcopal dignity, and from all priestly communion."27
25 Id., par. 22.
27Hefele's " History of the Church Councils," sec. 134, par. 6
W
EH
cc
O
525
H^
O
O
-
COUNCIL AGAINST COUNCIL.
This sentence the bishops all signed, and then it was
sent to Nestorius, addressed, "To Nestorius, a second Judas."
All these proceedings, from the visit and protest of Can-
didian to the notice to Nestorius, were carried through in a
single day and one prolonged sitting.
It was now night. Criers were sent all through the city
to post up the decrees of the council, and to announce the
joyful news that Mary was indeed the Mother of God.
Everywhere they were met with loudest shouts of joy. The
multitude rushed into the streets and poured toward the
church. With lighted torches they escorted the bishops to
their abodes, the women marching before and burning in-
cense. The whole city was illuminated, and the songs and
exultations continued far into the night. The demonstration
far outdid that of their lineal ancestors, who, when they
tried to kill the apostle Paul, "all with one voice about the
space of two hours cried out, Great is Diana of the
Ephesians."
Five days afterward John of Antioch with his bishops,
arrived, and was greatly surprised to learn that the council
was over. He got together about fifty bishops, who unani-
mously condemned the doctrines of Cyril and the proceed-
ings of the council, and declared accursed all the bishops
who had taken part in it. Cyril and Memnon answered
with counter-curses. Letters came from Celestine, and
Cyril's council re-assembled formally to receive them.
When they were read, the whole company arose and again
cried with one voice : " The council renders thanks to the
second Paul, Celestine / to the second Paul, Cyril : to Celes-
tine, protector of the faith / to Celestine, unanimous with
tJie council. One Celestine, one Cyril, one faith in the whole
council, one faith throughout the world f"2*
Cyril's council next sent messengers with overtures to
John, who refused to see them. Then the council declared
28Milman's " History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 56.
424 MART IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
annulled all the acts of John's council, and deposed and ex-
communicated him and all the bishops of his party. John
threatened to elect a new bishop of Ephesus in the place of
Memnon, whom his council had deposed. A party tried to
force their way into the cathedral ; but finding it defended
by Memnon with a strong garrison, they retreated. Mem-
non's forces made a strong sally, and drove them through
the streets with clubs and stones, dangerously wounding
many.
On learning that the council had been held, and Nesto-
rius deposed before the arrival of John of Antioch, a letter
had been sent down from the court, but was not received
till this point in the contest. This letter annulled all the
proceedings of the council, and commanded a re-considera-
tion of the question by the whole assembly of the bishops
now present. The letter also announced the appointment of
another imperial officer, one of the highest officials of the
State, to assist Count Candidian.
The court had not made known in Constantinople the
proceedings of the council, and the deposition of Nesto-
rius. Cyril sent away a secret message to the monks of
Constantinople, announcing that Kestorius had been de-
posed and excommunicated. The object of this was by
stirring up those fanatics to influence the court. The
weak-minded Theodosius II stood in great awe of the holi-
ness of the monks. "His palace was so regulated that it
differed little from a monastery." In 422 there died one
of these who was noted for that kind of holiness that attaches
to a monk, and Theodosius secured "his cassock of sack-cloth
of hair, which, although it was excessively filthy, he wore as a
cloak, hoping that thus he should become a partaker, in some
degree, of the sanctity of the deceased." —Socrates.™ And
now, on receipt of Cyril's message, a certain Dalmatius,
who was famous for his filthy sanctity, left his cell and put
himself at the head of the whole herd of monks and archi-
"9 " Ecclesiastical History," book vii, chap. xxii.
ALL ALIKE ORTHODOX. 495
mandrites in and about Constantinople. They marched
solemnly through the streets, and everywhere as they
passed, the populace burst into curses against Nestorius.
They marched to the palace and lounged about the gates ;
but the chief influence at court was yet favorable to Nes-
torius, and their demonstrations had no immediate effect.
By this time the reports of both parties had reached
the court. Theodosius, after examining both accounts,
approved both, and pronounced Nestorius, Cyril, and
Memnon, all three deposed. As for their faith, he pro-
nounced them "all three alike orthodox," but deposed
them as a punishment which he said they all three alike
deserved as being the chief authors of continual disturb-
ances.
The new imperial commissioner was sent down to Ephe-
sus with the letter announcing the emperor's decision. As
soon as he arrived, he summoned the bishops before him.
Memnon refused to appear. Those who did come, however,
had no sooner arrived than each party began to denounce
the other. Cyril and his party pronounced the presence of
Nestorius unendurable, and demanded that he be driven out.
The party of Nestorius and John of Antioch, just as sternly
demanded that Cyril should be expelled. As neither party
could have its way, they began to fight. The imperial com-
missioner had to command his soldiers to separate the pugil-
istic bishops and stop the fight. When order had thus been
enforced, the imperial letters were read. As soon as the
sentence of deposition against Cyril and Memnon was read,
the uproar began again, and another fight was prevented
only by the arrest of the three chiefs. Nestorius and John
of Antioch submitted without remonstrance ; but Cyril made
a speech "in which he represented himself as the victim of
persecution, incurred by apostolic innocence, and borne with
apostolic resignation," and then yielded to the "inevitable
necessity." Memnon was hunted up and also taken into
426 MART IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
custody. Cyril escaped, and with his body-guard of bath-
men, women, and sailors, sailed away to Alexandria.
The emperor next commanded that eight bishops of each
party should appear in his presence at Constantinople. They
were sent, but, on account of the desperate temper of the
monks of Constantinople, it was counted unsafe for them to
enter the city, and therefore they were stopped at Chalcedon,
on the opposite side of the Bosphorus. There the emperor
met them. The whole summer had been spent in these con-
tentions of the council, and it was now September 4, when
the emperor granted them the first audience. Four times the
emperor had them appear before him, arid heard them fully.
He appeared so decidedly to favor the party of Nesto-
rius, that they thought the victory was already won. So cer-
tain were they of this that they even sent off letters to their
party at Ephesus, instructing them to send up a message of
thanks to him for his kindness. But at the fifth meeting all
their brilliant prospects were blasted. Cyril, from his post in
Alexandria, had sent up thousands of pounds of gold, with
instructions to Maximian, bishop of Constantinople, to add
to it, not only the wealth of that church, but his utmost per-
sonal effort to arouse ''the languid zeal of the princess
Pulcheria in the cause of Cyril, to propitiate all the courtiers,
and, if possible, to satisfy their rapacity." —Milman.™
As avarice was one of the ruling passions of the eunuchs
and women who ruled Theodosius II, "Every avenue of
the throne was assaulted with gold. Under the decent
names of eulogies and benedictions, the courtiers of both sexes
were bribed according to the measure of their rapaciousness.
But their incessant demands despoiled the sanctuaries of Con-
stantinople and Alexandria ; and the authority of the patri-
arch was unable to silence the just murmur of his clergy, that a
debt of sixty thousand pounds had already been contracted to
support the expense of this scandalous corruption." — Gibbon.31
30 "History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 64.
31 " Decline and Fall,'' chap, xlvii, par. 15.
CYRIL BRIBES THE COURT AND WINS. 437
The efforts of Cyril were at last effective. The eunuch
Scholasticus, one of the chief ministers of the emperor and
the supporter of the cause of Nestorius at court, was bought ;
and it was this that caused the sudden revolution in the em-
peror's conduct toward the party of Nestorius. In the fifth
and last audience that he gave the deputies, the emperor told
them at once that they had better abandon Nestorius, and
admit both Cyril and Memnon to their communion. They
remonstrated, but he would listen to nothing. He put an
end to the hearings, and returned the next day to Constanti-
nople, taking with him the bishops of Cyril's party, regularly
to ordain the successor of Nestorius in the bishopric of Con-
stantinople.
Shortly afterward an imperial edict was issued declaring
Nestorius justly deposed, re-instating Cyril and Memnon in
their respective sees, pronouncing all the other bishops alike
orthodox, and giving them all leave to return to their homes.
This dissolved the council.
Even before the dissolution of the council the emperor
had sent an order to Nestorius, commanding him to leave
Ephesus and return to the monastery wrhence he had been
called to the archbishopric of Constantinople. By the per-
sistent efforts of Celestine, bishop of Rome, and others, the
emperor was induced — A. D. 436 — to banish him and two
of his friends — a count of the empire and a presbyter of
Constantinople — to Petra in Arabia. July 30, in the same
year, an imperial edict was issued, commanding all who be-
lieved with Nestorius, to be called Simonians ; that all the
books by Nestorius should be sought for and publicly burnt ;
forbidding the Nestorians to hold any meetings anywhere,
in city, in village, or in field ; and if any such meeting was
held, then the place where it was held should be confiscated,
as also the estates of all who should attend the meeting.
Nestorius was not allowed to remain long at Petra. lie was
taken from there to a place away in the desert between
Egypt and Libya, and from there dragged about from place
428 MARY IS MADE THE MOTHER OF GOD.
to place till he died of the hardships inflicted, at what date
is not certainly known, but about A. D. 440.
Such was the cause and such the conduct of the first
Council of Ephesus, the third general council of the Catholic
Church. And thus was established the Catholic doctrine
that the Virgin Mary was the Mother of God.
The controversy went on, however, nor did it ever logic-
ally stop until December 8, A. D. 1854, when Pope Pius
IX established the actual divinity of the Virgin Mary, by
announcing the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, which
reads as follows : —
"By the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ and of the blessed apos-
tles Peter and Paul, as well as by our own, we declare, promulgate, and
define that the doctrine which teaches that the most blessed Virgin Mary,
at the very instant of her conception, was kept free from every stain of
original sin solely by the grace and prerogative of the omnipotent God,
in consideration of the merits of Jesus Christ, the Saviour of mankind,
was revealed by God, and must on that account be believed firmly and
continually by all the faithful ones."32
32 "Encyclopedia Britannica," article " Immaculate Conception." The follow-
ing is the original as there given: " Auctoritate Domini Nostri Jesu Christi,
beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, ac Nostra, declaranras, pronuntiamus et de-
flnimus, doctrinam, quse tenet Beatissimam Virginem Mariam in primo instant!
suiB Conceptions fuisse singulari Omuipotentis Dei gratia et privilegio, intuitu
meritorum Christi Jesu, Salvatoris humani generis, ab omni originalis culpae labe
praeservatam immunem, esse a Deo revelatam, atque idcirco ab omnibus fidelibus
firmiter constanterque credendam."
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
IT having been decided that the Virgin Mary was the
Mother of God, out of that decision there now arose an-
other question involving the nature of Christ. That ques-
tion was : How was the divine nature related to the human
so that Mary could truly be called the Mother of God?
That is, Did the divine nature become human ? or was the
divine nature only joined to the human? In other words :
Were there two natures in Christ ? or was there but one ?
It was now A. D. 448, and the Eutychian controversy
began. For a clear understanding of the case, it will be
best formally to introduce the leading characters.
Theodosius II was still emperor of the East ; Yalentinian
III was emperor of the West.
Eutyches was the abbot, or superior, of a monastery close
to Constantinople. He had been the chief leader of the
monks in the contest against Nestorius. "At his bidding
the swarms of monks had thronged into the streets, defied
the civil power, terrified the emperor, and contributed more
than* any other cause, to the final overthrow of Nestorius.
He had grown o!3 in the war against heresy." — Milman.1
Flavianus was now the occupant of the episcopal seat of
Constantinople.
Chrysaphius was another eunuch, who had risen to the
place of chief minister of Theodosius II, and was also the
godson of Eutyches. He was carrying on a court intrigue
1 " Jlistory of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 22.
[439]
430 THE ETTTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
to break the power of Pulcheria, by exalting the influence
of Eudocia. He hoped also to place Eutyches on the epis-
copal throne of Constantinople. The accession of Flavi-
anus to that dignity had prevented this design for the time
being, but he still held it in mind. When Flavianus was
installed in the bishopric, Chrysaphins demanded that he
should make to the emperor the offering of gold that was
customary on such occasions. Instead of bringing gold,
Flavianus brought only three loaves of consecrated bread.
This, Chrysaphius so employed as to prejudice the emperor
against the archbishop.
Dioscorus was now archbishop of Alexandria. In this
place it will be sufficient description of him simply to re-
mark that he was a second Cyril, and leave it to the progress
of the narrative to reveal him exactly as he was.
Leo I, "the Great," wras bishop of Kome, and regarded
Dioscorus as "a prelate adorned with many virtues, and
enriched with the gifts of the Holy Ghost.''1
Eusebius was bishop of Doryleum, to which office he
had been appointed from a civil office in the household of
Pulcheria. He also had been an early, ardent, and persistent
adversary of Nestorius. This Eusebius now stood forth as
the accuser of Eutyches.
At a small synod which had been called for another pur-
pose at Constantinople, November 8, A. D. 448, Eusebius
presented a written complaint against Eutyches, and asked
that it be read. The complaint was to the effect that Euty-
ches had accused of Nestorianism orthodox teachers — even
Eusebius himself. To the complaint wa*s appended a de-
mand that Eutyches should be summoned before the present
synod to answer.
As for Eusebius himself, he announced that he was ready
to prove that Eutyches had "no right to the name of Catho-
lic," and that he was "far from the true faith." Flavianus
expressed surprise, and told Eusebius that he ought to go
2 Bower's " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 22,
THE CONTROVERSY BEGINS. 431
to Eutyches, and, by a private interview, try to convince
him of the true faith ; and if then he really showed himself
to be a heretic, he would cite him before the synod. Euse-
bius said he had been to him several times. Flavianus asked
him to go again ; but he refused, and then the synod sent a
priest and a deacon, as deputies to convey to Eutyches the
accusations, and summon him to the synod which would
meet again in four days.
The synod met again, November 12, and Eusebius re-
newed his complaint, with the addition that by conversations
and discussions, Eutyches had misled many others. He
then suggested that the synod should give expression to the
true faith on the question that had been raised. Flavianus
produced a letter which Cyril had written to Nestorius at
the beginning of the controversy between them ; the act of
the Council of Ephesus which approved this letter ; and an-
other letter, which Cyril had written, about the close of that
controversy. He required the bishops present to assent to
the statements therein contained, as the expression of the
true faith according to the Nicene Creed, which they had
always believed and still believed, namely : —
"Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, is true God and true
man, of a reasonable soul and a body subsisting, begotten of the Father
before all time, without beginning, according to the Godhead, but in the
last times, for us men and for our salvation, born of the Virgin Mary,
according to the manhood ; of one substance with the Father according
to the Godhead, and of one substance with his mother, according to the
manhood. We confess that Christ after the Incarnation consists of two
natures in one hypostasis [personality] and in one person ; one Christ,
one Son, one Lord. Whoever asserts otherwise, we exclude from the
clergy and the church."3
This they all signed, and then at the suggestion of Euse-
bius it was sent to those who were absent for them to sign.
The next session of the synod was held November 15, and
the deputies who had been sent 10 Eutyches reported that
he had refused to come, for the reason that when he became
3Hefele's " History of the Church Councils," sec. 172, par. 3.
34
4:32 THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
a monk, he resolved never to leave the monastery to go to any
place whatever. Besides, he told them that the synod ought
to know that Eusebius had long been his enemy, and that it
was only out of malice that he now accused him. He said
he was ready to affirm and subscribe the declarations of the
Councils of Nice and Ephesus. The synod summoned him
again, and again he refused to come. Then Eusebius de-
clared, "The guilty have ever ways of escaping ; Eutyches
must now be brought here, even against his will." The
synod then summoned him the third time.
At the next meeting a messenger came from Eutyches,
saying that he was sick. Flavianus told him the synod
would wait until Eutyches got well, but that then he must
come. At the next meeting, the deputies who had been
sent with the third summons, reported that Eutyches had
told them that he had sent his messenger to the archbishop
and the synod that he might in his name give his assent to
the declarations of the councils of Nice and Ephesus, "and
to all that Cyril had uttered." At this Eusebius broke in
with the declaration, "Even if Eutyches will now assent,
because some have told him that he must yield to necessity
and subscribe, yet / am not therefore in the wrong, for it is
with reference, not to the future, but to the past, that I have
accused him." ^ The deputies then closed with the informa-
tion that he would come to the synod on the next Monday.
At the appointed time, Eutyches came ; but he did not
come alone. He came accompanied by a messenger of the
emperor's privy council, and escorted by a great crowd com-
posed of soldiers, and servants of the praetorian prefect, and
"a rout of turbulent monks." The emperor's representa-
tive bore a letter to the synod, in which the emperor
said : —
"I wish the peace of the church and the maintenance of the orthodox
faith, which was asserted by the Fathers at Nicsea and Ephesus ; and be-
cause I know that the patrician Florentius is orthodox, and proved in
* Id., par. 13.
EUSEBIUS IN A DILEMMA. 433
the faith, therefore it is my will that he be present at the sessions of the
synod, as the faith is in question." 5
At this the bishops cried out, ' ' Many years to the emperor,
his faith is great! Many years to tJie pious, orthodox, high-
priestly emperor.'''' Then the emperor's commissioner took
his place, and Eusebius and Eutyches, the accuser and the
accused, placed themselves in the midst. The first thing
was to read the proceedings from the beginning up to this
point, the vital part of which was the declarations to which
they had demanded that Eutyches should give his assent.
The reader read the Nicene Creed, and there was no dissent.
He read the first of Cyril's letters, yet there was no dissent.
He read the decision of the Council of Ephesus, and still
there was no dissent. Then he began the second of Cyril's
letters and read : —
"We confess our Lord Jesus Christ as perfect God and perfect man,
and as of one substance with the Father according to the Godhead, and
of one substance with us according to the manhood ; for a union of the
two natures has taken place, therefore we confess one Christ, one Lord,
and, in accordance witli this union without confusion, we call the holy
Virgin God-bearer, because God the Logos was made flesh and man, and
in the conception united the temple which he assumed from her with
himself — " 6
At this point Eusebius broke in. Seeing the reading was
nearly finished with no sign of dissent, he was afraid that
Eutyches would actually approve all the declarations, which
doubtless he would have done. He therefore interrupted
the reading, with the exclamation, "Certainly such is not
confessed by this man here ; he has never believed this, but
the contrary, and so he has taught every one who has come
to him." Elorentius asked that Eutyches might be given a
chance to say for himself "whether he agreed with what had
been read." To this Eusebins vehemently objected, for the
reason, said he, " If Eatyches agrees to it, then I must ap-
pear as having been, lightly a slanderer, and shall LOSE M\
OFFICE "/ /
* Id. par. 21. "A/., par. :>2.
THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
Florentius renewed his request that Eutyches might be
allowed to answer ; but Eusebius strenuously objected.
And he only consented at the last, on the express condition
that no prejudice should lodge against him, even though
Eutyches should confess all that was required. Elavianus
confirmed this condition, with the assurance that not the
slightest disadvantage should come to Eusebius. But even
then Eutyches was not allowed to answer in his own way,
because the predicament in which Eusebius had found him-
self, involved in a measure the whole synod also, as they
had given full credit to the charges of Eusebius, and had
refused all the assurances of Eutyches that he agreed to all
the documents which they had cited. Flavianus and Euse-
bius, therefore, in order to save themselves from defeat and
perhaps deposition, if the matter should come to a general
council, determined if possible to entrap Eutyches in some
statement which they could condemn. The proceedings
then were as follows : —
Flavianus. — '"Say now, dost thou acknowledge the
union of two natures ? "
Eutyches. — "I believe that Christ is perfect God and
perfect man, but here I stop, and advise you to do so too."
Eusebius. — "Dost thou confess the existence of two
natures, even after the incarnation, and that Christ is of one
nature writh us after the flesh, or not ? "
Eutyclies. — "I have not come to dispute, but to testify
to your Holiness what I think. My view, however, is set
down in this writing ; command, therefore, that it be read."
Flamamts. — " If it is thine own confession of faith, why
shouldst thou need the paper ? "
Eutyches. — "That is my belief: I pray to the Father
with the Son, and to the Son with the Father, and to the
Holy Ghost with the Father and Son. I confess that his
bodily presence is from the body of the holy Virgin, and
that he became perfect man for our salvation. This I con-
FORECAST OF THE INQUISITION. 435
fess before the Father, before the Son, and before the Holy
Ghost, and before your holiness."
Flavianm. — "Dost thou confess also that the one and
the same Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, is of one substance
with the Father as to his Godhead, and of one substance
with his mother as to his manhood ? "
Eutyches. — "I have already declared my opinion ; leave
me now in peace."
Flavian-its. — "Dost thou confess that Christ consists of
two natures ? "
Eutyches. — "I have not hitherto presumed to dispute
concerning the nature of my God ; but that he is of one
substance with us, have I hitherto, as I affirm, never said.
Up to this present day have I never said that the body of
our Lord and God is of one substance with us. I do con-
fess, however, that the holy Virgin is of one substance with
us, and that our God is made of our flesh."
Fla/uianus, Florentine, and Basil of Seleucia. — "If
thou dost acknowledge that Mary is of one substance with
us, and that Christ has taken his manhood from her, then
it follows of itself that he, according to his manhood, is
also of one substance with us."
Eutyches. — "Consider well, I say not that the body of
man has become the body of God, but I speak of a human
body of God, and say that the Lord was made flesh of the
Yirgin. If you wish me to add further that his body is of
one substance with ours, then I do this ; but I do not under-
stand this as though I denied that he is the Son of God.
Formerly I did not generally speak of a unity of sub-
stance, but now I will do so, because your Holiness thus
requires it."
Fla/oianus. — "Thou. doest it then only of compulsion,
and not because it is thy faith ? "
Eutyches. — "I have not hitherto so spoken, but will do
so now in accordance with the will of the synod."
436 THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
Florentine. -- " Dost thou believe that our Lord, who
was born of the Virgin, is of one substance with us, and
that after the incarnation he is of two natures, or not ? "
Eutyches. — "I confess that before the union he was of
two natures, but after the union I confess only one nature."
At this "the whole council was in an uproar, and noth-
ing was heard but anathemas and curses, each bishop there
present striving to distinguish himself above the rest, by
being the foremost in uttering the most bitter and severe his
zeal could suggest."- — Ilower.1 When the noise had ceased,
Flaviamis, in the name of the synod, demanded of Eutyches
a public declaration of his faith in, and a curse upon every
view that did not accept, the doctrines which had been set
forth by the synod.
Eutyches. — "I will now indeed, since the synod so re-
quires, accept the manner of speech in question ; but I find
it neither in Holy Scripture nor in the Fathers collectively,
and therefore cannot pronounce a curse upon the non-accept-
ance of the question, because that would be cursing the
Fathers."
All together (springing to their feet}. — "Let him be ac-
cursed ! "
Flamanus. — " What does this man deserve who does not
confess the right faith, but persists in his perverseness ? "
Eutyches. — "I will now indeed accept the required man-
ner of speaking in accordance with the will of the synod,
but cannot pronounce the curse."
Florentine. — "Dost thou confess two natures in Christ,
and his unity of substance with us ? "
Eutyches. — "I read the writings of St. Cyril and St.
Athanasius : before the union they speak of two natures,
but after the union only of one."
Florentius. — " Dost thou confess two natures even after
the union? If not, then wilt thou be condemned."
7 " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 24.
A GENERAL COUNCIL 18 DEMANDED. 43?
Eutyche*. — "Let the writings of Cyril and Athanasius
be read."
Basil of Seleutia. — "If thou dost not acknowledge two
natures after the union also, then thou acceptest a mingling
and confusion."
Florentines. — "He who does not say ^ of two natures^
and who does not acknowledge two natures, has not the
right faith."
All together. — "And he who accepts anything only by
compulsion does not believe in it. Long live the em-
perors ! "
Flavianus, announcing the sentence. — " Eutyches, a
priest and archimandrite, has, by previous statements, and
even now by his own confessions, shown himself to be en-
tangled in the perversity of Valentinus and Apollinaris,
without allowing himself to be won back to the genuine
dogmas by our exhortation and instruction ; therefore we,
bewailing his complete perversity, have decreed, for the
sake of Christ whom he has reviled, that he be deposed
from every priestly office, expelled from our communion,
and deprived of his headship over the convent. And all
who henceforth hold communion with him, and have re-
course to him, must know that they too are liable to the
penalty of excommunication."8
The sentence was subscribed by all the synod, about
thirty in number, and the synod was dissolved, November
22, A. D. 448.
It is not necessary to follow the particulars any farther ;
as in every other controversy, the dispute speedily spread far
and wide. The decree of the synod was sent by Flavianus
to all the other bishops for their indorsement. As soon as
the action of the synod had been announced, Dioscorus,
8Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," sec. 172, par. 22-24; and Bow-
er's "History of the Popes," Leo, par. 46.
438 THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
with all his powers, espoused the cause of Eutyches.
Through Chrysaphius the Eunuch, Eutyches was already
powerful at court, and added to this the disfavor in which
Flavianus was already held by the emperor, the war as-
sumed powerful proportions at the start.
The next step was, of course, for both parties to appeal to
the bishop of Rome. Eutyches felt perfectly safe in appeal-
ing to Leo, because he had the words of Julius, bishop of
Home, saying, "It must not be said that there are two
natures in Christ after their union ; for as the body and soul
form but one nature in man, so the divinity and humanity
form but one nature in Christ." This being precisely the
view of Eutyches, he felt perfectly confident in his appeal to
Leo, for he could not suppose that Leo would contradict
Julius. He shortly foujid that such a hope was altogether
vain.
The emperor also wrote to the bishop of Rome. It
seems that Leo did not make any answer to Eutyches direct.
To Flavianus he sent a request for a fuller account of the
whole matter, and that it should be sent by an envoy. To
the emperor he wrote rejoicing that Theodosius "has not
only the heart of an emperor, but also that of a priest, and
is rightly anxious that no discord should arise ; for then is
the empire best established when the holy Trinity is served
in unity."10
Dioscorus seeing now a chance of humbling the arch-
bishop of Constantinople, joined Eutyches in a request to
the emperor to call a general council. Chrysaphius, seeing
again a prospect of accomplishing his favorite project to
make Eutyches archbishop of Constantinople, strongly sup-
ported this request. But Theodosius, after his experience
with the council at Ephesus, dreaded to have anything to do
with another one, and sought to ward off another calamity
9 Bower, Id., par. 25.
10Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," sec. 173, par. 10.
THE SECOND GENERAL COUNCIL OF EPHESUS. 439
of the kind. But there was no remedy ; the tiling had to
come.
Accordingly, March 30, A. D. 449, a message in the
name of the two emperors, Theodosius II and Valentinian III,
was issued, announcing that "as doubts arid controversies
have arisen respecting the right faith, the holding of an
oacumenical synod has become necessary." Therefore the
archbishops, metropolitans, and "other holy bishops dis-
tinguished for knowledge and character," should assemble
at Ephesus August 1 . A special edict was sent to Dioscorus,
saying : -
"The emperor has already forbidden Theodoret of Cyrus, on account
of his writings against Cyril, to take part in the synod, unless he is ex-
pressly summoned by the synod itself. Because, however, it is to be
feared that some Nestorianizing bishops will use every means in order
to bring him with them, the emperor, following the rule of the holy
Fathers, will nominate Dioscorus to be president of the synod. Arch-
bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem and Thalassius of Csesarea, and all zealous
friends of the orthodox faith, will support Dioscorus. In conclusion, the
emperor expresses the wish that all who shall desire to add anything to
the Nicene confession of faith, or take anything from it, snail not be
regarded in the synod ; but on this point Dioscorus shall give judgment,
since it is for this very purpose that the synod is convoked."
Leo was specially invited ; and a certain Barsumas, a
priest and superior of a monastery in Syria, was called
as the representative of the monks, and Dioscorus was
directed to receive him as such, and give him a seat in
the council.
Not willing to wait for the decision of the question by
the coming general council, Leo took occasion to assert his
authority over all ; and June 13 sent a letter to Flavianus,
in which he indorsed the action of the Synod of Constanti-
nople as far as it went, but reproved the synod for treating
the matter so mildly as it had done, and himself took the
strongest ground against Eutyches. In answer to the re-
quest of the emperor that he should attend the general
440 THE EUTTCHIAN CONTROVERSY.
council, Leo declined to attend in person, but promised to
be present by Legates a Latere.
The council, composed of one hundred and forty-nine
members, met in the Church of the Virgin Mary at Ephesus,
and was formally opened August 8, A. D. 449. Dioscorus,
the president, was seated upon a high throne. Two imperial
commissioners, Elpidius and Eulogius, were in attendance
with a strong body of troops to keep order in the council,
and preserve peace in the city. The council was opened
with the announcement by the secretary, that " the God-
fearing emperors have from zeal for religion, convoked
this assembly." Then the imperial message calling the
council was read, and next the two legates of the bishop
of Rome announced that though invited by the emperor,
Leo did not appear in person, but had sent a letter. Next
Elpidius, the imperial commissioner, made a short speech,
in which he said : —
"The Logos has on this day permitted the assembled bishops to give
judgment upon him. If you confess him rightly, then he also will con-
fess you before his heavenly Father. But those who shall prevent the
true doctrine will have to undergo a severe two-fold judgment, that of
God and that of the emperor."12
Next was read the emperor's instructions to the two im-
perial commissioners, which ran as follows : -
"But lately the holy Synod of Ephesus has been engaged with the
affairs of the impious Nestorius, and has pronounced a righteous sentence
on him. Because, however, new controversies of faith have arisen, we
have summoned a second synod to Ephesus, in order to destroy the evil to
the roots. We have therefore selected Elpidius and Eulogius for the serv-
ice of the faith in order to fulfill our commands in reference to the Synod
of Ephesus. In particular, they must allow no disturbances, and they
must arrest every one who arouses such, and inform the emperor of him ;
they must take care that everything is done in order, must be present at
the decisions, and take care that the synod examine the matter quickly
and carefully, and give information of the same to the emperor. Those
12 Id., sec. 178, par. 5.
EUTTCHES IS DECLARED ORTHODOX. 44!
bishops who previously sat in judgment on Eutyches( at Constantinople )
are to be present at the proceedings at Ephesus, but are not to vote,
since their own previous sentence must be examined anew. Further,
no other question is to be brought forward at the synod, and especially
no question of money, before the settlement of the question of faith.
By a letter to the proconsul, we have required support for the com-
missioners from the civil and military authorities, so that they may be
able to fulfill our commissions, which are as far above other business as
divine above human things." 13
Following this was read a letter from the emperor to
the council itself, in which he said : —
"The emperor has adjudged it necessary to call this assembly of
bishops, that they might cut off this controversy and all its diabolical
roots, exclude the adherents of Nestorius from the church, and pre-
serve the orthodox faith firm and unshaken ; since the whole hope of
the emperor and the power of the*empire, depend on the right faith
in God and the holy prayers of the synod." u
The council was now formally opened, and according to the
instructions of the emperor they proceeded first to consider
the faith. But upon this a dispute at once arose as to what
was meant by the faith. Some insisted that this meant that
the council should first declare its faith ; but Dioscorus inter-
preted it to mean not that the faith should first be declared,
for this the former council had already done, but rather that
they were to consider which of the parties agreed with what the
true faith explains. And then he cried out :, " Or will you
alter the faith of the holy Fathers f " In answer to this there
were cries, ' ' Accursed he he wlio makes alterations in it / ac-
cursed he he who ventures to discuss the faith.'1''
Next Dioscorus took a turn by which he covertly an-
nounced what was expected of the council. He said : "At
Nica^a and at Ephesus the true faith has already been pro-
claimed ; but although there have been two synods, the
faith is but one." In response to this there were loud shouts
from the assembly, "No one dare add anything or take any-
13 Id., sec. 175, par. 3. " Id., par. 6.
442 THE EUTTCIIIAN CONTROVERSY.
tldng away. A great guardian of the faith is Dioscorus.
Accursed l>e he who still discusses the faith y the Holy Ghost
speaks by Dioscorus. " 15
Eutyches was now introduced to the council, that he might
explain his faith. He first commended himself to the holy
Trinity, and censured the Synod of Constantinople. He
then handed to the secretary a written confession, in which
he repeated the Nicene Creed, indorsed the acts of the Coun-
cil of Ephesus and the doctrine of the Holy Father Cyril,
and cursed all heretics from Nestorius clear -back to Simon
Magus, who had been rebuked by the apostle Peter. He
then gave an account of the proceedings against himself.
When this had been read, Flavianus demanded that Eu-
sebius should be heard ; but the imperial commissioners
stopped him with the statement that they were not called
together to judge Eutyches anew, but to judge those who had
judged him, and that therefore the only legitimate business
of the council was to examine the acts of the Synod of
Constantinople.
Accordingly the proceedings of that synod were taken
up. All went smoothly enough until the reader came to the
point where the synod had demanded of Eutyches that he
should acknowledge two natures in Christ after the incarna-
tion. When this was read, there was an uproar against it in
the council, as there had been against the statement of
Eutyches in the synod ; only the uproar here wTas as much
greater than there, as the council was greater than the
synod. The council cried with one voice, '•'•Away with
Eusebius ! banish Eusebius ! let him be burned alive ! As
lie cuts asunder the two natures in Christ, so be he cut
asunder / " 16
Dioscorus asked: "Is the doctrine that there are two
natures after the incarnation to be tolerated ? " Aloud the
15 Id., sec. 178, par. 6, 7.
16Milman's "History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 30.
THE UNITY OF THE COUNCIL. 443
council replied : ' ' Accursed l)e lie who says so. " Again
Dioscorus cried: " I have your voices, I must have your
hands. He that cannot cry loud enough to be heard, let
him lift up his hands." Then with uplifted hands the coun-
cil unanimously bellowed : " Whoever admits the two
natures, let him he accursed; let him he driven oxt, torn in
pieces, massacred.''''1''
Eutyches was then unanimously pronounced orthodox
and declared restored to the communion of the church, to
the government of his monastery, and to all his former
privileges ; and he was exalted as a hero for " his courage
in daring to teach, and his firmness in daring to defend,
che true and genuine doctrine of the Fathers. And on this
occasion, those distinguished themselves the most by their
panegyrics, who had most distinguished themselves by their
invectives before." -Sower.1*
Dioscorus having everything in his own power, now de-
termined to visit vengeance upon the archbishop of Con-
stantinople. Under pretense that it was for the instruction
of his colleagues, he directed that the acts of the previous
Council of Ephesus concerning the Nicene Creed, etc.,
should be read. As soon as the reading was finished, he
said : " You have now heard that the first Synod of Ephesus
threatens every one who teaches otherwise than the Nicene
Creed, or makes alterations in it, and raises new or further
questions. Every one must now give his opinion in writing
as to whether those who, in their theological inquiries, go
beyond the Nicene Creed, are to be punished or not." 19
This was aimed directly at Flavianus and Eusebms of
Doryleeum, as they had expressed the wish that the expres-
sion "two natures" might be inserted in the Nicene Creed.
To the statement of Dioscorus, several bishops responded at
once : "Whoever goes beyond the Nicene Creed is not to
17 Bower's " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 81. isld.
"Hefele's "History of the Church Councils," sec. 178, par. 15.
4:4:4: THE EUTYCIIIAN CONTROVERSY.
be received as a Catholic.*' Then Dioscorus continued:
"As then the first Synod of Ephesus threatens every one
who alters anything in the Nicene faith, it follows that Fla-
vianus of Constantinople and Eusebius of Dorylaeum must
be deposed from their ecclesiastical dignity. I pronounce,
therefore, their deposition, and every one of those present
shall communicate his view of this matter. Moreover every-
thing will be brought to the knowledge of the emperor."
Flavianus replied: " / except against you," and, to take
time by the forelock, placed a written appeal in the hands
of the legates of Leo. Several of the friends of Flavianus
left their seats, and prostrating themselves before the throne
of Dioscorus, begged him not to inflict such a sentence, and
above all that he would not ask them to sign it. He replied,
' ' Though my tongue were to be cut out, I would not alter a
single syllable of it" Trembling for their own fate if they
should refuse to subscribe, the pleading bishops now em-
braced his knees, and entreated him to spare them ; but he
angrily exclaimed : " What! do you think to raise a tumult f
Where are the counts f "
At this the counts ordered the doors to be thrown open,
and the proconsul of Asia entered with a strong body of
armed troops, followed by a confused multitude of furious
monks, armed with chains, and clubs, and stones. Then
there was a general scramble of the "holy bishops " to find a
refuge. Some took shelter behind the throne of Dioscorus,
others crawled under the benches — all concealed themselves
as best they could. Dioscorus declared : " The sentence
must he signed. If any one objects to it, let him take care / for
it is with me he has to deal." The bishops, when they found
that they were not to be massacred at once, crept out from
under the benches and from other places of concealment,
and returned trembling to their seats.
Then Dioscorus took a blank paper, and accompanied by
the bishop of Jerusalem, and attended by an armed guard,
PEACE JS DECLARED RESTORED. 445
passed through the assembly and had each bishop in succes-
sion to sign it. All signed but the legates of the bishop of
Rome. Then the blank was tilled up by Dioscorus with a
charge of heresy against Flavianus, and with the sentence
which he had just pronounced upon Flavianus and Eusebius.
When the sentence was written, Flavianus again said : " I ex-
cept against you; " upon which Dioscorus with some other
bishops rushed upon him, and with Barsumas crying out,
" Strike him ! strike Mm dead /" they beat him and banged
him about, and then threw him down and kicked him and
tramped upon him until he was nearly dead ; then sent him
off immediately to prison, and the next morning ordered him
into exile. At the end of the second day's journey he died of
the ill usage he had received in the council.20
All these proceedings, up to the murder of Flavianus,
were carried out on the first day. The council continued
three days longer, during which Dioscorus secured the con-
demnation and deposition of Domnus of Antioch, and several
other principal bishops, although they had signed his blank
paper, for having formerly opposed Cyril and Eutyches. He
then put an end to the council, and returned to Alexandria.
The emperor Theodosius, whom Leo had praised as hav-
ing the heart of a priest, issued an edict in which he approved
and confirmed the decrees of the council, and commanded
that all the bishops of the empire should immediately sub-
scribe to the Nicene Creed. He involved in the heresy of
Nestorius, all who were opposed to Eutyches, and com-
manded that no adherent of Nestorius or Flavianus should
ever be raised to a bishopric. " By the same edict, persons
of all ranks and conditions were forbidden, on pain of per-
petual banishment, to harbor or conceal any who taught,
held, or favored, the tenets of Nestorius, Flavianus, and the
20 Bower's " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 32 ; Milman's " History of
Latin Christianity,"1 book ii, chap, iv, par. 30 ; and Hefele's "History of the
Church Councils," sec. 178, par. 16, and sec. 179.
35
446 THE EUTYCIHAN CONTROVERSY.
deposed bishops ; and the books, comments, homilies, and
other works, written by them or passing under their names,
were ordered to be publicly burnt." 21 He then wrote to Val-
entinian III, that by the deposition of the turbulent prelate
Flavianus, ''peace had in the end been happily restored to
all the churches in his dominions."
As the doctrine which the council had established was
contrary to that which Leo had published in his letter, he
denounced the council as a "synod of robbers," refused to
recognize it at all, and called for another general council.
But in every respect this council was just as legitimate and
as orthodox as any other one that had been held from the
Council of Nice to that day. It was regularly called ; it was
regularly opened ; the proceedings were all perfectly regular;
and when it was over, the proceedings were regularly ap-
proved and confirmed by the imperial authority. In short,
there is no element lacking to make the second Council of
Ephesus as thoroughly regular and orthodox as the first
Council of Ephesus, which is held by the Church of Rome to
be entirely orthodox, or even as orthodox as the Council of
Nice itself.
21 Bovver, Id., par. 34.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
IEO persisted in his refusal to recognize the validity of
.>• the acts of the second Council of Ephesus, and insisted
that another general council should be called. As it was
the will of Leo alone that made, or could now make, the
late council anything else than strictly regular and orthodox
according to the Catholic system of discipline and doctrine,
it is evident that if another general council was called, it
would have to be subject to the will of Leo, and its decision
upon questions of the faith would be but the expression of
the will of Leo. This is precisely what Leo aimed at, and
nothing less than this would satisfy him.
Leo had now been bishop of Rome eleven years. He
was a full-blooded Roman in all that that term implies.
"All that survived of Rome, of her unbounded ambition,
her inflexible perseverance, her dignity in defeat, her haugh-
tiness of language, her belief in her own eternity, and in
her indefeasible title to universal dominion, her respect
for traditionary and written law, and of unchangeable cus-
tom, might seem concentrated in him alone." — Hfilman.1
Yet Leo was not the first one in whom this spirit was
manifested. His aspirations were but the culmination of
the arrogance of the bishopric of Rome which had been
constantly growing. To trace the subtle, silent, often vio-
lent, yet always constant, growth of this spirit of supremacy
and encroachment of absolute authority, is one of the most
curious studies in all history ; though it cannot be followed
1 " History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 2.
[447]
448 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
in detail in this book. Not only was there never an oppor-
tunity lost, but opportunities were created, for the bishop of
Rome to assert authority and to magnify his power. Su-
premacy in discipline and in jurisdiction was asserted by
Victor and Stephen ; but it was not until the union of
Church and State that the field was fully opened to the arro-
gance of the bishopric of Rome. A glance at the successive
bishops from the union of Church and State to the accession
of Leo, will give a better understanding of the position and
pretensions of Leo than could be obtained in any other way.
MELCHIADES
was bishop of Rome from July 2, A. D. 311, to December,
314, and therefore, as already related, was in the papal
chair when the union of Churdh and State was formed, and
took a leading part- in that evil intrigue. And soon the
bishopric of Rome began to receive its reward in imperial
favors. "The bishop of Rome sits by the imperial author-
ity at the head of a synod of Italian bishops, to judge the
disputes of the African Donatists." — MUman* Melchiades
was succeeded by —
SYLVESTER, A. D. 314-336.
In the very year of his accession, the Council of Aries
bestowed upon the bishopric of Rome the distinction and the
office of notifying all the churches of the proper time to
celebrate Easter. And in 325 the general Council of Nice
recognized the bishop of Rome the first bishop of the empire.
Under him the organization of the church was formed upon
the model of the organization of the State. He was suc-
ceeded by —
MAKE, A. D. 336,
whose term continued only from January till October, and
was therefore so short that nothing occurred worthy of rec-
ord in this connection. He was succeeded by —
8 .W., book i, chap, ii, par. 1.
PRETENSIONS OF THE BISHOPS OF ROME. 449
JULIUS, OCTOBER 336-352,
under whom the Council of Sardica — 347 — made the
bishop of Rome the source of appeal, upon which "single
precedent " the bishopric of Rome built " a universal right."
— ScJiajf* Julius was succeeded by —
LIBEKIUS, 352-366,
who excommunicated Athanasius and then approved his
doctrine, and carried on the contest with Constantius, in
which he incurred banishment for the Catholic faith ; and
then became Arian, then Serni-Arian, and then Catholic
again. He was succeeded by —
DAMASUS, 366-384.
In his episcopate, Yalentinian I enacted a law making
the bishop of Rome the judge of other bishops. A council in
Rome, A. D. 378, enlarged his powers of judging, and peti-
tioned the emperor Gratian to exempt the bishop of Rome
from all civil jurisdiction except that of the emperor alone ;
to order that he be judged by none except a council, or the
emperor direct ; and that the imperial power should be ex-
erted to compel obedience to the judgment of the bishop of
Rome concerning other bishops. Gratian granted part of
their request, and it was made to count for all. Damasus
was succeeded by —
SIEICIUS, 384-389,
who issued the first decretal. A decretal is "an answer
sent by the pope to applications to him as head of the
church, for guidance in cases involving points of doctrine
or discipline." The directions of Siricius in this decretal
were to be strictly observed under penalty of excommuni-
cation. It was dated February 11, A. D. 385. He convened
a council in Rome, which decreed that "no one should pre-
sume to ordain a bishop without the knowledge of the
apostolic see." -Bower.* He was succeeded by —
3 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, \ 62, par. 6.
* " History of the Popes," Siricius, par. 21.
450 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
ANASTASIUS i, 389-402,
who, though very zealous to maintain all that his predecessors
had asserted or claimed, added nothing in particular himself.
He condemned as a heretic, Origen, who had been dead one
hundred and fifty years, and who is now a Catholic saint.
He was succeeded by —
INNOCENT i, 402— 4:17.
Innocent was an indefatigable disciplinarian, and kept up
a constant correspondence with all the West, as we'll as with
the principal bishoprics of the East, establishing rules, dic-
tating to councils, and issuing decretals upon all the affairs of
the church. Hitherto the dignity of the bishopric of Borne
had been derived from the dignity of the city of Rome. In-
nocent now asserted that the superior dignity of the bishop-
ric of Rome was derived from Peter, whom he designated
the Prince of the Apostles ; and that in this respect it took
precedence of that of Antioch because that in Rome Peter
had accomplished what he had only begun in Antioch.* He
demanded the absolute obedience of all churches in the
West, because, as he declared, Peter was the only apostle that
ever preached in the West ; and that all the churches in the
West had been founded by Peter, or by some successor of
his. This was all a lie, and he knew it, but that made no
difference to him ; he unblushingly asserted it, and then,
upon that, asserted that "all ecclesiastical matters through-
out the world are, by divine right, to be referred to the
apostolic see, before they are finally decided in the prov-
inces." — Sower.5 At the invasion of Alaric and his
siege of Rome, Innocent headed an embassy to the emperor
Honorius to mediate for a treaty of peace between Alaric
and the emperor. "Upon the mind of Innocent appears
first distinctly to have dawned the vast conception of Rome's
universal ecclesiastical supremacy, dim as yet, and shadowy,
5/d., "Innocent," par. 8 from the end.
"IRREVOCABLE" AND "UNIVERSAL." 4.", 1
yet full and comprehensive in its outline." - Milman* He
was succeeded by —
ZOSIMUS, MARCH 18, A. D. 417 DEC. 26, 418,
who asserted with all the arrogance of Innocent, all that In-
nocent had claimed. He not only boasted with Innocent
that to him belonged the power to judge all causes, but that
the judgment "is irrevocable ; " and accordingly established
the use of the dictatorial expression, "For so it has pleased
the apostolic see," as sufficient authority for all things that
he might choose to command. And upon this assumption,
those canons of the Council of Sardica which made the
bishop of Rome the source of appeal, he passed off upon the
bishops of Africa as. the canons of the Council of Nice, in
which he was actually followed by Leo, and put tradition
upon a level with the Scriptures. He was succeeded by —
BONIFACE i, 419-422,
who added nothing to the power or authority of the bishopric
of Rome, but diligently and " conscientiously " maintained
all that his predecessors had asserted, in behalf of what he
called "the just rights of the see,"1 in which he had been
placed. He was succeeded by—
CELESTINE i, 422-432,
who in a letter written A. D. 438, plainly declared : ' ' As I
am appointed by God to watch over his church, it is incum-
bent upon me everywhere to root out evil practices, and in-
troduce good ones in their room, for my pastoral vigilance
is'restrained by no bounds, but extends to all places where
Christ is known and adored." -Sower.1 It was he who
appointed the terrible Cyril his vicegerent to condemn Nes-
torius, and to establish the doctrine that Mary was the
Mother of God. He was succeeded by —
6 " History of Latiu Christianity," book ii, chap, i, par. 8.
7 " History of the Popes," Celestine, par. 15.
452 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
SIXTUS in, 432-440,
who, as others before, added nothing specially to the papal
claims, yet yielded not an iota of the claims already made.
He was succeeded by —
LEO i, "THE GREAT," A. D. 440-461.
Such was the heritage bequeathed to Leo by his prede-
cessors, and the arrogance of his own native disposition,
with the grand opportunities which offered during his long
rule, added to it a thousandfold. At the very moment of
his election he was absent in Gaul on a mission as media-
tor to reconcile a dispute between two of the principal men
of the empire. He succeeded in his mission, and was hailed
as "the Angel of Peace," and the "Deliverer of the Em-
pire." In a sermon, he showed what his ambition em-
braced. He portrayed the powers and glories of the former
Rome as they were reproduced in Catholic Rome. The
conquests and universal sway of Heathen Rome were but
the promise of the conquests and universal sway of Catholic
Rome. Romulus and Remus were but the precursors of
Peter and Paul. Rome of former days had by her armies
conquered the earth and sea : now again, by the see of the
holy blessed Peter as head of the world, Rome through her
divine religion would dominate the earth.8
In A. D. 445, "at the avowed instance of Leo" and at
the dictation, if not in the actual writing, of Leo, Valen-
tinian III issued a "perpetual edict" "commanding all
bishops to pay an entire obedience and submission to the
orders of the apostolic see ;" "to observe, as law, whatever
it should please the bishop of Rome to command ;" "that
the bishop of Rome had a right to command what he
pleased ;" and "whoever refused to obey the citation of the
Roman pontiff should be compelled to do so by the mod-
8 Milman, '• History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 2.
LEO DEMANDS ANOTHER COUNCIL. 453
erator of the province" in which the recalcitrant bishop
might dwell.9
This made his authority absolute over all the West, and
now he determined to extend it over the East, and so make
it universal. As soon as he learned the decision of the
Council of Ephesus, he called a council in Rome, and by it
rejected all that had been done by the council at Ephesus,
and wrote to the emperor, Theodosius II, "entreating him
in the name of the holy Trinity, to declare null what had
been done there," and set everything back as it was before
that council was called, and so let the matter remain until a
general council could be held in Italy.
Leo addressed not the emperor Theodosius alone, to have
another council called. He wrote to Pulcheria, appointing
her a legate of St. Peter, and entreated her " to employ all
her interest with the emperor to obtain the assembling of
an oecumenical council, and all her authority to prevent the
evils that would be otherwise occasioned by the war which
had been lately declared against the faith of the church. "-
Bower. 10
In February 450, the emperor Yalentinian III, with his
mother Placidia and his wife Eudocia, who was the daughter
of Theodosius II, made a visit to Rome. The next day
after their arrival, they went to the Church of St. Peter,
where they were received by Leo, who, as soon as he met
them, put on all the agony he could, and with sobs, and
tears, and sighs, he addressed them ; but on account of his
great excess of grief, his words were so mumbled that noth-
ing could be made of them.
Presently the two women began to cry. This somewhat
relieved the stress upon Leo, so that with much eloquence,
he represented the great danger that threatened the church.
Then he mustered up his tears again, and mixed them with
'/<?., par. 16 ; and Bower, "History of the Popes," Leo, par. 8.
10 " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 85.
454 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAlTH.
more sighs and sobs, and begged the emperor and empress,
by the apostle Peter to whom they were about to pay their
respects, by their own salvation and by the salvation of
Theodosius, to write to the emperor, and spare no pains to
persuade him to nullify the proceedings of the second Coun-
cil of Ephesus, and call another general council, this time
in Italy.
As soon as it was learned in the East what strenuous
efforts Leo was making to have another general council
called, many of the bishops who had condemned Flavianus
began to make overtures to the party of Leo, so that if an-
other council should be called, they might escape condem-
nation. Dioscorus learning this, called a synod of ten
bishops in Alexandria, and solemnly excommunicated Leo,
bishop of Rome, for presuming to judge anew, and annul
what had already been judged and finally determined by a
general council.
Leo finally sent four legates to the court of Theodosius,
to urge upon him the necessity of another general council,
but before they reached Constantinople, Theodosius was
dead ; and having left no heir to his throne, Pulcheria, Leo's
legate, became empress. As there was no precedent in Ro-
man history to sanction the rule of a woman alone, she mar-
ried a senator by the name of Marcian, and invested him
with the imperial robes, while she retained and exercised
the imperial authority. The first thing they did was to burn
Chrysaphius. The new authority received Leo's legates
with great respect, and returned answer that they had noth-
ing so much at heart as the unity of the church and the ex-
tirpation of heresies, and that therefore they would call a
general council. Not long afterward they wrote to Leo, in-
viting him to assist in person at the proposed council.
No sooner was it known that Theodosius was dead, and
Pulcheria and Marcian in power, than the bishops who had
indorsed and praised Eutyches, changed their opinions and
condemned him and all who held with him. Anatolius, an
TEE GENERAL COUNCIL OF CHALCEDON. 455
ardent defender of Eutyches, who had succeeded Flavianus
as archbishop of Constantinople, and had been ordained by
Dioscorus himself, "assembled in great haste all the bishops,
abbots, presbyters, and deacons, who were then in Constan-
tinople, and in their presence not only received and signed
the famous letter of Leo to Flavianus, concerning the incar-
nation, but at the same time anathematized Nestorius and
Eutyches, their doctrine, and all their followers, declaring
that he professed no other faith but what was held and pro-
fessed by the Roman Church and by Leo." -Bower.11 The
example of Anatolius was followed by other bishops who had
favored Eutyches, and by most of those who had acted in
the late council, "and nothing was heard but anathemas
against Eutyches, whom most of those who uttered them,
had but a few months before, honored as a new apostle, and
as the true interpreter of the doctrine of the church and the
Fathers."— Bower.™
By an imperial message dated May 17, A. D. 451, a gen-
eral council was summoned to meet at Nice in Bithynia, the
first of September. The council met there accordingly, but
an invasion of the Huns from Illyricum made it necessary
for Marcian to remain in the capital ; and therefore the
council was removed from Nice to Chalcedon. Accord-
ingly at Chalcedon there assembled the largest council ever
yet held, the number of bishops being six hundred and thirty.
Marcian, not being able to be present at the opening, ap-
pointed six of the chief officers of the empire, and fourteen
men of the Senate as commissioners to represent him at the
council. Leo's legates presided ; their names were Pas-
chasinus, Lucentius, and Boniface.
FIRST SESSION, OCTOBER 8.
When all the bishops were seated, Leo's legates arose,
and advanced to the middle of the assembly, and Paschasinus.
holding a paper in his hand, said : —
11 " History of the Popes," Leo, par. 40. ia Id.
456 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
" We have here an order from the most blessed and apostolic pope,
of the city of Rome, which is the head of all churches, by which his
apostleship has been pleased to command that Dioscorus, bishop of
Alexandria, should not be allowed to sit in the council. Let him there-
fore be ordered to withdraw, else we must withdraw."
The commissioners. — "What have you to object against
Dioscorus in particular ? "
No answer. The question was repeated.
Lacentius. — " lie must be called to account for the judg-
ment he gave at Ephesus, where he presumed to assemble a
council without the consent of the apostolic see, which has
never been thought lawful, which has never been done ; as
he is therefore to be judged, he ought not to sit as a judge."
Tlie commissioners. — "Neither ought you to sit as a
judge, since you take it upon you to act as a party. How-
ever, let us know what crime you lay to the charge of Dios-
corus, for it is not agreeable to justice or reason, that he
alone should be charged with a crime of which many others
are no less guilty than he."
T/ie legates. — "Leo will by no means suffer Dioscorus
to sit or act in this assembly as a judge, and if he does, then
we must withdraw, agreeably to our instructions."13
The commissioners finding the legates immovable, yielded
at last, and ordered Dioscorus to leave his seat, and put
himself in the midst of the assembly, in the place of one
accused.
Then Eusebius of Dorylseum, the original accuser of
Eutyches, stepped forward as the accuser of Dioscorus, and
declared: "I have been wronged by Dioscorus ; the faith
has been wronged ; the bishop Flavian was murdered, and,
together with myself, unjustly deposed by him. Give di-
rections that my petition be read." This petition was a
memorial to the emperors, and was to the effect that at the
late council at Ephesus, Dioscorus "having gathered a dis-
orderly rabble, and procured an overbearing influence by
13 Bower's "History of the Popes,'' Loo, par. 43.
"A FRIGHTFUL STORM." 457
bribes, made havoc, as far as lay in his power, of the pious
religion of the orthodox, and established the erroneous doc-
trine of Eutyches the monk, which had from the first been
repudiated by the holy Fathers ; " that the emperors should
therefore command Dioscorus to answer the accusation
which he now made ; and that the acts of the late council of
Ephesus should be read in the present council, because from
these he could show that Dioscorus was "estranged from
the orthodox faith, that he strengthened a heresy utterly
impious," and that he had "wrongfully deposed" and
" cruelly outraged " him.14
When the reading of the memorial was ended, it was de-
cided that not only the acts of the late council at Ephesus,
but those of the original synod at Constantinople and all the
steps between, should be read.
The late council at Ephesus had excommunicated Theo-
doret, bishop of Cyrus. Theodoret had appealed to Leo.
Leo had re-instated him, and the emperor Marcian had spe-
cially summoned him to this council. Theodoret had ar-
rived, and at this point in the proceedings, the imperial
commissioners directed that he should be admitted to the
council. "The actual introduction of Theodoret caused a
frightful storm." - Hefele™ A faint estimate of this fright-
ful storm may be formed from the following account of it,
which is copied bodily from the report of the council : —
"And when the most reverend bishop Theodoret entered,
the most reverend the bishops of Egypt, Illyria, and Pales-
tine [the party of Dioscorus] shouted out, ' Mercy upon us !
the faith is destroyed. The canons of the church excommuni-
cate him. Turn him out ! turn out the teacher of Nestorius.'
"On the other hand, the most reverend the bishops of
the East, of Thrace, of Pontus, and of Asia, shouted out,
14 Evagrius's "Ecclesiastical History," book ii, chap. iv.
15 "History of the Church Councils," sec. 189, par. 4. This is the Theodo-
ret whose "Ecclesiastical History" has been several times referred to in thig
book.
458 TUH POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
' We were compelled [at the former council] to subscribe our
names to blank papers; we were scourged into submission.
Turn out the Manichceans ! Turn out the enemies of Flavian ;
turn out the adversaries of the faith ! '
"Dioscorus, the most reverend bishop of Alexandria,
said, ' Why is Cyril to be turned out ? It is he whom Theo-
doret has condemned.'
"The most reverend the bishops of the East shouted out,
' Turn out the murderer Dioscorus. Who knoivs not the deeds
of Dioscorus 1 '
"The most reverend the bishops of Egypt, Illyria, and
Palestine shouted out, 'Long life to the empress!'
"The most reverend the bishops of the East shouted
out, ' Turn out the murderers ! '
"The most reverend the bishops of Egypt shouted out,
' The empress turned out Nestorius ; long life to the Catliolic
empress ! The orthodox synod refuses to admit Theodoret.' "
Here there was a "momentary" lull in the storm, of
which Theodoret instantly took advantage, and stepped for-
ward to the commissioners with " a petition to the emper-
ors," which was really a complaint against Dioscorus, and
asked that it be read. The commissioners said that the
regular business should be proceeded with, but that Theodo-
ret should be admitted to a seat in the council, because the
bishop of Antioch had vouched for his orthodoxy. Then
the storm again raged.
"The most reverend the bishops of the East shouted out,
' lie is worthy — vjorthy ! '
"The most reverend the bishops of Egypt shouted out,
' Do n't call him bishop, he is no bishop. Turn out the fighter
against God ; turn out the Jew ! '
"The most reverend the bishops of the East shouted
out, ' The orthodox for the synod ! Turn out the rebels ; turn
out the murderers ! '
"The most reverend the bishops of Egypt, 'Turn out
the enemy of God. Turn out the defamer of Christ. Long
~
Q
W
H
•sfl
CONDEMNATION OF DIOSCORUS. 459
life to the empress ! Long life to the emperor ! Long life to
the Catholic emperor! Theodoret condemned Cyril. If we
receive Theodoret, we excommunicate Cyril.' "
At this stage the commissioners were enabled by a special
exertion of their authority, to allay the storm. They plainly
told the loud-mouthed bishops, " Such vulgar shouts are not
becoming in bishops, and can do no good to either party." 17
When the tumult had been subdued, the council pro-
ceeded to business. First there were read all the proceedings
from the beginning of the Synod of Constantinople against
Eutyches clear down to the end of the late Council of Ephe-
sus ; during which there was much shouting and counter-
shouting after the manner of that over the introduction of
Theodoret, but which need not be repeated.
The first act of the council after the reading of the fore-
going minutes, was to annul the sentence which Dioscorus
had pronounced against Flavianus and Eusebius. "Many of
the bishops expressed their penitence at their concurrence in
these acts ; some saying that they were compelled by force
to subscribe — others to subscribe a blank paper." — Milman™
Then a resolution was framed charging Dioscorus with hav-
ing approved the doctrine of one nature in Christ ; with
having condemned the doctrine of two natures, and having
opposed Flavianus in maintaining it ; and with having forced
all the bishops at Ephesus to sign the sentence which he had
pronounced.
Dioscorus was not afraid of anything, not even the terrors
of an orthodox church council, and without the least sign of
intimidation or fear, he boldly confronted the whole host of
his adversaries. In answer to their charges —
Dioscorus said. — "I have condemned, still do, and al-
ways will, condemn, the doctrine of two natures in Christ,
16 Quoted by Stanley, " History of the Eastern Church," Lecture ii, par. 8
from the end.
17 Hefele, " History of the Church Councils," sec. 189, par. 4.
18 "History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 38.
36
460 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
and all who maintain it. I hold no other doctrine but what
I have learned of the Fathers, especially Athanasius, Nazian-
zen, and Cyril. I have chosen rather to condemn Flavianus
than them. Those who do not like my doctrine may use me
as they please, now they are uppermost and have the power
in their hands ; but in what manner soever they think fit to
use me, I am unalterably determined, my soul being at
stake, to live and die in the faith which I have hitherto pro-
fessed. As to my having forced the bishops to sign the
condemnation of Flavianus, I answer that the constancy of
every Christian, and much more of a bishop, ought to be
proof against all kinds of violence and death itself. The
charge brought by Eusebius lays heavier against them than
it does against me, and therefore it is incumbent upon them
to answer that, as they are the more guilty." — JBow&r.19
Night had now come. Dioscorus demanded an adjourn-
ment. It was refused. Torches were brought in. The
night was made hideous by the wild cries of acclamation to
the emperor and the Senate, of appeals to God and curses
upon Dioscorus. When the resolution was finally put upon
its passage, it was announced as follows by —
TJte imperial commissioners. — "As it has now been
shown by the reading of the acts and by the avowal of many
bishops who confess that they fell into error at Ephesus,
that Flavianus and others were unjustly deposed, it seems
right that, if it so pleases the emperor, the same punishment
should be inflicted upon the heads of the previous synod,
Dioscorus of Alexandria, Juvenal of Jerusalem, Thalassius
of Caesarea, Eusebius of Ancyra, Eustathius of Berytus, and
Basil of Seleucia, and that their deposition from the episco-
pal dignity should be pronounced by the council."
The orientals. — "That is quite right."
Many of the party of Dioscorus now abandoned him
arid his cause, and went over to the other side, exclaim-
19 "History of the Popes," Leo, par. 45.
LEO'S LETTER THE TEST. 461
ing : " We have all erred, we all ask for pardon." Upon
this there was an almost unanimous demand that only
Dioscorus should be deposed.
Dioscorus. — "They are condemning not me alone, but
Athanasius and Cyril. They forbid us to assert the two
natures after the incarnation."
Tlie orientals, and other opponents of Dioscorus, all
together. — "Many years to the Senate! holy God, holy
Almighty, holy Immortal, have mercy upon us ! Many
years to the emperors ! The impious must ever be subdued !
Dioscorus the murderer, Christ has deposed ! This is a
righteous judgment, a righteous senate, a righteous council."
Amid such cries as these, and, " Christ has deposed
Dioscorus, Christ has deposed the murderer, God has
avenged his martyrs," the resolution was adopted. Then
the council adjourned.20
THE SECOND SESSION, OCTOBER 10.
As soon as the council had been opened, the direction
was given by —
27te imperial commissioners. — "Let the synod now de-
clare what -the true faith' is, so that the erring may be
brought back to the right way."
The bishops, protesting. — "No one can venture to draw
up a new formula of the faith, but that which has already
been laid down by the Fathers [at Nice, Constantinople, and
the first of Ephesus] is to be held fast. This must not be
departed from;"
20IIefele's "History of the Church Councils," sec. 183, last three par.
Milman's "History of Latiu Christianity," book ii, chap, iv, par. 38. In the
rest of this chapter, I follow so closely and so fully, Hefele's " History of the
Church Councils," that I shall not attempt to cite particular references. The
only references that I shall make are to passages not derived from Hefele's
account. In following Hefele, however, I have maintained the uniformity of
the narrative by turning indirect quotations into direct, and so have preserved
as far as possible the personality of the speakers.
462 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
Cecropius, bishop of Sevastopol. — "On the Eutychian
question a test has already been given by the Roman
archbisfiop, which we [that is, he and his nearest colleagues]
have all signed."
All the bishops, with acclamation. — "That we also say,
the explanation already given by Leo suffices; another dec-
laration of the faith must not be put forth."
Tfie imperial commissioners. — ''Let all the patriarchs
[the chief bishops] come together, along with one or two
bishops of their province, and take common counsel respect-
ing the faith, and communicate the result, so that, by its
universal acceptance, every doubt in regard to the faith may
be removed, or if any believe otherwise, which we do not
expect, these may immediately be made manifest."
The bishops. — "A written declaration of faith we do not
bring forward. This is contrary to the rule " [referring to
the command of the first Council of Ephesus].
Florentius, bishop of Sardes. — "As those who have
been taught to follow the Nicene Synod, and also the regu-
larly and piously assembled synod at Ephesus, in accord-
ance with the faith of the holy Fathers Cyril and Celestine,
and also with the letter of the most holy Leo, cannot possi-
bly draw up at'orice a formula of the faith, we therefore ask
for a longer delay ; but I, for my part, believe that the let-
ter of Leo is sufficient."
Cecropius. — " Let the formulas be read in which the true
faith has already been set forth."
This suggestion was adopted. First the Nicene Creed,
with its curse against the Arian heresy, was read, at the
close of which, —
Tlie bishops, unanimously. — "That is the orthodox faith,
that we all believe, into that we were baptized, into that
we also baptize ; thus Cyril taught, thus believes Pope
Leo."
Next was read the Creed of Constantinople, and with
similar acclamations it was unanimously indorsed. Then
LEO'S LETTER APPROVED. 463
were read the two letters which Cyril had written, and which
were a part of the record of the inquisition upon Eutyches.
Lastly there was read the letter of Leo. When Leo's letter
was read, it was cheered to the echo, and again roared —
TJie bishops. — "It is the belief of the Fathers — of the
apostles — so believe we all ! Accursed be he that admits
not that Peter has spoken by the mouth of Leo ! Leo has
taught what is righteous and true, and so taught Cyril.
Eternal be the memory of Cyril ! Why was not this read at
Ephesus ? It was suppressed by Dioscorus ! "
The bishops of Illyricum and Palestine, however, said
that there were some passages — three, it proved — in the
letter of Leo of which they had some doubts. The truth of
those passages wras confirmed by statements which Cyril had
made to the same eft'ect.
The imperial commissioners. — ' ' Has any one still a
doubt ? "
The bishops, l)y acclamation. — "No one doubts."
Still there was one bishop who hesitated, and requested
that there might be a few days' delay, that the question
might be quietly considered and settled ; and as the letter
of Leo had been read, that they might have a copy of the
letter of Cyril to Nestorius, that they might examine them
together.
TJie council. — "If we are to have delay, we must request
that all the bishops in common shall take part in the desired
consultation."
TJie commissioners. — "The assembly is put off for five
days, and the bishops shall, during that time, meet with
Anatolius of Constantinople, and take counsel together con-
cerning the faith, so that the doubting may be instructed."
As the council was about to be dismissed, some bishops
entered a request that the bishops who had taken a leading
part in the late council of Ephesus, should be forgiven ! "
TJie petitioning bishops. — "We petition for the Fathers
that they may be allowed again to enter the synod. The
464 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
emperor and the empress should hear of this petition. "We
have all erred ; let all be forgiven ! "
Upon this "a great commotion again arose, similar to
that at the beginning of the council over the introduction of
Theodoret."
The clergy of Constantinople shouted. — " Only a few cry
for this, the synod itself says not a syllable."
The orientals cried out. — "Exile to the Egyptian ! "
The Illyrians. — "We beseech you, pardon all ! "
The orientals. — "Exile to the Egyptian ! "
The Illyrians. — "We have all erred; have mercy on us
all ! These words to the orthodox emperor ! The churches
are rent in pieces."
The clergy of Constantinople. — "To exile with Dios-
corus ; God has rejected him. Whoever has communion
with him is a Jew."
In the midst of this uproar, the imperial commissioners
put an end to the session. The recess continued only two
days instead of five, for —
THE THIKD SESSION WAS HELD OCTOBER 13.
The first step taken at this session was by Eusebius of
Dorylaem, who proudly stepped forward to secure by the
council his vindication as the champion of orthodoxy. He
presented a petition to the council in which, after repeating
his accusation against Dioscorus, he said : —
"I therefore pray that you will have pity upon me, and decree that
all which was done against me be declared null, and do me no harm,
but that I be again restored to my spiritual dignity. At the same time
anathematize his evil doctrine, and punish him for his insolence accord-
ing to his deserts."
Following this, Dioscorus was charged with enormous
crimes, with lewdness and debauchery to the great scandal
of his flock ; with styling himself the king of Egypt, and
attempting to usurp the sovereignty. Dioscorus was not
LEO'S LETTER "THE TRUE FAITH." 465
present, and after being summoned three times without
appearing, Leo's legates gave a recapitulation of the crimes
charged against him, and then pronounced the following
sentence : —
"Leo, archbishop of the great and ancient Rome, by us and the
present synod, with the authority of St. Peter, on whom the Catholic
Church and orthodox faith are founded, divests Dioscorus of the
episcopal dignity, and declares him henceforth incapable of exercising
any sacerdotal or episcopal functions."21
THE FOURTH SESSION, OCTOBER 17.
At this session, the discussion of the faith was resumed.
First, there was read the act of the second session, ordering
a recess of five days for the consideration of the faith.
Tlie commissioners. — "What has the reverend synod
now decreed concerning the faith ? "
The papal legate, Paschasinus. — "The holy synod holds
fast the rule of faith which was ratified by the Fathers at
Nicsea and by those at Constantinople. Moreover, in the
second place, it acknowledges that exposition of this creed
which was given by Cyril at Ephesus. In the third place,
the letter of the most holy man Leo, archbishop of all
churches, who condemned the heresy of Nestorius and
Eutyches, shows quite clearly what is the true faith, and this
faith the synod also holds, and allows nothing to he added to
it or taken from it."
The "bishops all together. — "We also all believe thus,
into that we were baptized, into that we baptize, thus we
believe."
In the midst of the assembly was the throne upon which
lay the Gospels. The imperial commissioners now required
that all the bishops should swear by the Gospels whether or
not they agreed with the faith expressed in the creeds of
Nice and Constantinople, and in Leo's letter. The first to
21 Bower, "History of the Popes," Leo, par. 40.
466 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
swear was Anatolius, archbisliop of Constantinople, next,
the three legates of Leo, and after them, one by one, others
came, until one hundred and sixty-one votes had been thus
taken ; whereupon the imperial commissioners asked the re-
maining bishops to give their votes all at once.
The Mshops, unanimously and vociferously . — " We are all
agreed, we all believe thus ; he who agrees, belongs to
the synod ! Many years to the emperors, many years -to
the empress ! Even the five bishops [who had been deposed
with Dioscorus ] have subscribed, and believe as Leo does!
They also belong to the synod ! ''
The imperial commissioners and others. — "We have
written on their [ the five bishops' ] account to the emperor,
and await his commands. You, however, are responsible to
God for these five for whom you intercede, and for all the
proceedings of this synod."
The bishops. — ''God has deposed Dioscorus ; Diosco-
rus is rightly condemned ; Christ has deposed him."
After this the council waited to receive word from the
emperor respecting the five bishops. After several hours
the message came, saying that the council itself should decide
as to their admission. As the council was already agreed
upon it, and had called for it, the five bishops were called in
at once. As they came in and took their places, again cried
loudly —
The T)ixhops. — " God has done this ! Many years to the
emperors, to the Senate, to the commissioners ! The union
is complete, and peace given to the churches ! "
The commissioners next announced that the day before,
a number of Egyptian bishops had handed in a confession
of faith to the emperor, who wished that it should be read
to the council. The bishops were called in and took their
places, and their confession was read. The confession was
signed by thirteen bishops, but it was presented in the
name of " all the bishops of Egypt." It declared that they
UNITY OF THE COUNCIL IS CREATED. 407
agreed with the orthodox faith and cursed all heresy, partic-
ularly that of Arms, and a number of others, but did not
name Eutyches* amongst the heretics. As soon as this was
noticed, the council accused the Egyptians of dishonesty.
Leo's legates demanded whether or not they would agree
with the letter of Leo, and pronounce a curse on Eutyches.
The Egyptians. — "If any one teaches differently from
what we have indicated, whether it be Eutyches, or whoever
it be, let him be anathema. As to the letter of Leo, howr-
ever, we cannot express ourselves, for you all know that
in accordance with the prescription of the Nicene Council,
we are united with the archbishop of Alexandria, and there-
fore must await his judgment in this matter."
This caused such an outcry in the council against them,
that the thirteen yielded so far as to pronounce openly and
positively a curse upon Eutyches. Again the legates called
upon them to subscribe to the letter of Leo.
TJie Egyptians. — "Without the consent of our arch-
bishop we cannot subscribe."
Acacius, bishop of Ariarathia. — "It is inadmissible to
allow more weight to one single person wlio is to hold the
bishopric of Alexandria, than to the whole synod. The
Egyptians only wish to throw everything into confusion
here as at Ephesus. They must subscribe Leo's letter or be
excommunicated. "
The Egyptians. — "In comparison with the great num-
ber of the bishops of Egypt, there are only a few of us pres-
ent, and we have no right to act in their name, to do what
is here required. We therefore pray for mercy, and that we
may be allowed to follow our archbishop. Otherwise all
the provinces of Egypt will rise up against us. "
Cecropius of Sebastopol. — [Again reproaching them with
heresy] " It is from yourselves alone that assent is demanded
to the letter of Leo, and not in the name of the rest of the
Egyptian bishops."
468 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
TJie Egyptians. — "Wo can no longer live at home if we
do this."
Leo's legate, Lucentius. — "Ten individual men can oc-
casion no prejudice to a synod of six hundred bishops and
to the Catholic faith."
Tlie Egyptians. — " We shall be killed, we shall be killed,
if we do it. We will rather be made away with here by you
than there. Let an archbishop for Egypt be here appointed,
and then we will subscribe and assent. Have mercy on our
gray hairs ! Anatolius of Constantinople knows that in Egypt
all the bishops must obey the archbishop of Alexandria.
Have pity upon us ; we would rather die by the hands of
the emperor, and by yours than at home. Take our bishop-
rics if you will, elect an archbishop of Alexandria ; we do
not object."
Many Mshops. — " The Egyptians are heretics ; they must
subscribe the condemnation of Dioscorus."
Tfie imperial commissioners. — "Let them remain at Con-
stantinople until an archbishop is elected for Alexandria."
The legate, Paschasinn*. — [Agreeing] "They must
give security not to leave Constantinople in the mean-
time."
During the rest of the session matters were discussed
which had no direct bearing upon the establishment of the
faith.
THE FIFTH SESSION, OCTOBER 22.
The object of this session was the establishment of the
faith ; and the object \vas accomplished. The first thing
was the reading of a form of doctrine which, according to
arrangement made in the second session, had been framed,
and also the day before had been "unanimously approved."
As soon as it was read, however, there was an objection
made against it.
John, bishop of Germanicia. — "This formula is not
good ; it must be improved."
LEO'S DOCTRINE SEALS THE CREED. 469
Anatolius. — "Did it not yesterday give universal"
satisfaction \ "
The bishops in acclamation. — "It is excellent, and con-
tains the Catholic faith. Away with the Nestorians !
The expression ' Thcotokos ' [ Mother of God ] must be re-
ceived into the creed."
Leo's legates. — "If the letter of Leo is not agreed to,
we demand our papers, so that we may return home, and
that a synod may be held in the West."_
The imperial commissioners then suggested that a com-
mission composed of six bishops from the East, three from
Asia, three from Illyria, three from Pontus, and three from
Thrace, with the archbishop of Constantinople and the
Roman legates, should meet in the presence of the commis-
sioners, and decide upon a formula of the faith, and bring
it before the council. The majority of the bishops, how-
ever, loudly demanded that the one just presented should
be accepted and subscribed by all, and charged John of
Germanicia with being a Nestorian.
The commissioners. — "Dioscorus asserts that he con-
demned Flavianus for having maintained that there are two
natures in Christ ; in the new doctrinal formula, however, it
stands, ' Christ is of two natures.' '
Anatolius. — "Dioscorus has been deposed not on ac-
count of false doctrine, but because he excommunicated the
pope, and did not obey the synod."
The commissioners. — "The synod has already approved
of Leo^s letter. As that has been done, then that which is
contained in the letter must be confessed."
The majority of the council, however, insisted upon
adopting the formula already before them. The commis-
sioners informed the emperor of the situation. Immediately
the answer came.
Theemperoi^s message. — "Either the proposed commis-
sion of bishops must be accepted, or the bishops must indi-
vidually declare their faith through their metropolitans, so
470 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
that all doubt may be dispelled, and all discord removed.
If they will do neither of these things, a synod must be held
in the West, since they refuse here to give a definite and
stable declaration respecting the faith."
TJte majority. — " We abide by the formula, or we go ! "
Cecropius of Sevastopol. — "Whoever will not subscribe
it can go [to a Western council]."
Tfte Illyrians. — "Whoever opposes it is a Nestorian ;
these can go to Rome ! "
Tli.e commissioners. — "Dioscorus has rejected the expres-
sion, ' There are two natures in Christ,' and on the contrary
has accepted '•of two natures \ ' Leo on the other hand says,
'In Christ there, are two natures united; ' which will you
follow, the most holy Leo, or Dioscorus ? "
TliG whole council. — "We believe with Leo, not with
Dioscorus ; whoever opposes this is a Eutychian."
TJie commissioners. — " Then you must also receive into
the creed, the doctrine of Leo, which has Veen stated.'1'1
The council now asked for the appointment of the com-
mission which the commissioners had suggested. Among
those who were made members of the commission were a
number of bishops who had not only "vehemently sup-
ported " the doctrine of Eutyches, but had also actually
taken a leading part with Dioscorus in the second Council
of Ephesus. The commission met at once in the oratory of
the church in which the council was held, and after consult-
ing together not a great while, they returned to the council
and presented the following preamble : —
" The holy and great and (Ecumenical Synod, ... at Chalcedon in
Bithynia, . . . has defined as follows : Our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ, when confirming the faith in his disciples, declared: 'Peace I
leave with you ; my peace I give unto you,' so that no.one might be sep-
arated from his neighbor in the doctrines of religion, but that the
preaching of the truth should be made known to all alike. As, however,
the evil one does not cease by his tares to hinder the seed of religion,
and is ever inventing something new in opposition to the truth, therefore
THE CREED OF LEO AND CIIALCEDON.
has God, in his care for the human race, stirred up zeal in this pious and
orthodox emperor, so that he has convoked the heads of the priesthood
in order to remove all the plague of falsehood from the sheep of Christ,
and to nourish them with the tender plants of truth. This we have also
done in truth, since we have expelled, by our common judgment, the
doctrines of error, and have renewed the right faith of the Fathers, have
proclaimed the creed of the three hundred and eighteen to all, and have
acknowledged the one hundred and fifty of Constantinople who accepted
it, as our own. While we now receive the regulations of the earlier
Ephesine Synod, under Celestine and Cyril, and its prescriptions con-
cerning the faith, we decree that the confession of the three hundred
and eighteen Fathers at Nica3a js a light to the right and unblemished
faith, and that that is also valid which was decreed by the one hundred
and fifty Fathers at Constantinople for the confirmation of the Catholic
and apostolic faith."
Here they inserted bodily the creed of the council of
Nice and that of Constantinople, found on pages 350 and 396
of this book ; and then the preamble continued as follows : —
"This wise and wholesome symbol of divine grace would indeed suf-
fice for a complete knowledge and confirmation of religion, for it teaches
everything with reference to the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost,
and declares the incarnation of the Lord to those>who receive it in faith ;
as, however, those who would do away with the preaching of the truth
devised vain expressions through their own heresies, and, on the one side,
dared to destroy the mystery of the incarnation of our Lord and rejected
the designation of God-bearer, and, on the other side, introduced a mixt-
ure and confusion [of the natures], and, contrary to reason, imagined
only one nature of the flesh and of the Godhead, and rashly maintained
that the divine nature of the Only-begotten was, by the mixture, become
passible, therefore the holy, great, and (Ecumenical Synod decrees that
the faith of the three hundred and eighteen Fathers shall remain invio-
late, and that the doctrine afterwards promulgated by the one hundred
and fifty Fathers at Constantinople, on account of the Pneumatomachi
shall have equal validity, being put forth by them, not in order to add to
the creed of Nica3a anything that was lacking, but in order to make
known in writing their consciousness concerning the Holy Ghost against
the deniers of his glory.
" On account of those, however, who endeavored to destroy the mys-
tery of the incarnation, and who boldly insulted him who was born of
the holy Mary, affirmed that he was a mere man, the holy synod has ac-
472 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
cepted as valid the synodal letter of St. Cyril to Nestorius and to the ori-
entals in opposition to Nestorianism, and has added to them the letter of
the holy archbishop Leo of Rome, written to Flavian for the overthrow of
the Eutychian errors, as agreeing with the doctrine of St. Peter and as a
pillar against all heretics, for tlie confirmation of the orthodox dogmas.
The synod opposes those who seek to rend the mystery of the incarna-
tion into a duality of sons, and excludes from holy communion those who
venture to declare the Godhead of the Only-begotten as capable of suffer-
ing, and opposes those who imagine a mingling and a confusion of
the two natures of Christ, and drives away those who foolishly maintain
that the servant-form of the Son, assumed from us, is from a heavenly
substance, or any other [than ours], and anathematizes those who fable
that before the union there were two natures of our Lord, but after the
union only one."
Having thus paved the way, they presented for the pres-
ent occasion, for all people, and for all time, the following
creed : —
"Following, accordingly, the holy Fathers, we confess one and the
same Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and we all with one voice declare him
to be at the same time perfect in Godhead, and perfect in manhood,
very God, and at the same time very man, consisting of a reasonable
soul and a body, being t:onsubstantial with the Father as respects his
Godhead, and at the same time consubstantial with ourselves as respects
his manhood ; resembling us in all things, independently of sin ; begotten
before the ages, of the Father, according to his Godhead, but born, in
the last of the days, of Mary, the virgin and Mother of God, for our
sakes and for our salvati on ; being one and the same Jesus Christ, Son,
Lord, Only-begotten, made known in two natures without confusion, with-
out conversion, without severance, vrithyut separation inasmuch as the dif-
ference of the natures is in no way annulled by their union, but the
peculiar essence of each nature is rather preserved, and conspires in
one person and in one subsistence, not as though he were parted or severed
into two persons, but is one and the same Son, Only-begotten, Divine
Word, Lord Jesus Christ, as the prophets declared concerning him, and
Christ himself has fully instructed us, and the symbol of the Fathers has
conveyed to us. Since, then, these matters have been defined by us with
all accuracy and diligence, the holy and universal synod has determined
that no one shall be at liberty to put forth another faith, whether in
writing, or by framing, or devising, or teaching it to others. And that
those who shall presume to frame, or publish, or teach another faith, or
ROYALTY RATIFIES THE CREED. 473
to communicate another symbol to those who are disposed to turn to
the knowledge of the truth from heathenism, or Judaism, or any other
sect — that they, if they be bishops or clerks, shall suffer deprivation,
the bishops of their episcopal, the clerks of their clerical, office ; and if
monks or laics, shall be anathematized."22
When the reading of this report of the commission was
finished, the council adjourned.
THE SIXTH SESSION, OCTOBER 25.
At this session the emperoi Marcian and the empress
Pulcheria, came with their whole court to ratify the decision
which the council in the previous session had reached con-
cerning the faith. Marcian opened the session in a speech,
spoken first in Latin and repeated in Greek, which was as
follows : —
"From the beginning of our reign we have had the purity of the
faith peculiarly at heart. As now, through the avarice or perversity of
some, many have been seduced to error, we summoned the present synod
so that all error and all obscurity might be.dispelled, that religion might
shine forth from the power of its light, and that no one should in future
venture further to maintain concerning the incarnation of our Lord and
Saviour, anything else than that which the apostolic preaching and the
decree, in accordance therewith, of the three hundred and eighteen holy
Fathers have handed down to posterity, and which is also testified by the
letter of the holy Pope Leo of Rome to Flavian. In order to strengthen the
faith, but not at all to exercise violence, we have wished, after the ex-
ample of Constantine, to be personally present at the synod, so that the
nations may not be still more widely separated by false opinions. Our
efforts were directed to this, that all, becoming one in the true doctrine,
may return to the same religion, and honor the true Catholic faith. May
God grant this."
As soon as he had finished the speech in Latin, —
The bishops unanimously exclaimed. — "Many years to the
emperor, many years to the empress ; he is the only son of
Constantine. Prosperity to Marcian, the new Constantine ! "
After he had repeated the speech in Greek, the bishops
repeated their shouts of adulation. Then the whole declara-
22Evagrius's "Ecclesiastical History," book ii, chap, iv, par. 4.
THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
tion, preamble and all, concerning the faith, was read, at the
close of which —
The Emperor Marcian. — "Does this formula of the faith
express the view of all ? "
I?ie six hundred Mshops all shouting at once. — "We all
believe thus ; there is one faith, one will ; we are all unani-
mous, and have unanimously subscribed ; we are all ortho-
dox ! This is the faith of the Fathers, the faith of the apos-
tles, the faith of the orthodox ; this faith has saved the world.
Prosperity to Marcian, the new Coiistantine, the new Paul,
the new David ! long years to our sovereign lord David !
You are the peace of the world, long life ! Your faith will
defend you. Thou honorest Christ. He will defend thee.
Thou hast established orthodoxy. ... To the august em-
press, many years ! You are the lights of orthodoxy. . . .
Orthodox from her birth, God will defend her. Defender
of the faith, may God defend her. Pious, orthodox enemy
of heretics, God will defend her. Thou hast persecuted all
the heretics. May the evil eye be averted from your empire !
Worthy of the faith, worthy of Christ ! So are the faithful
sovereigns honored. . . . Marcian is the new Constantine,
Pulcheria is the new Helena ! . . . Your life is the safety
of all ; your faith is the glory of the churches. By thee the
world is at peace ; by thee the orthodox faith is established ;
by thee heresy ceases to be : Long life to the emperor and
empress ! " 23
The emperor then "gave thanks to Christ that unity in
religion had again been restored, and threatened all, as well
private men and soldiers as the clergy, with heavy punish-
ment if they should again stir up controversies respecting the
faith," and proposed certain ordinances which were made a
part of the canons established in future sessions. As soon
as he had ceased speaking, the bishops again shouted, "Thou
art priest and emperor together, conqueror in war and teacher
of the faith."
23 Quoted by Stanley, "History of the Eastern Church," Lecture ii, par. 34.
THE COUNCIL TO LEO. 475
The council was sitting in the Church of St. Euphemia,
and Marcian now announced that in honor of St. Euphemia
and the council, he bestowed upon the city of Chalcedon the
title and dignity of "metropolis ;" and in return the bishops
all unanimously exclaimed, " This is just ; an Easter be over
the whole world ; the holy Trinity will protect thee. We
pray dismiss us."
Instead of dismissing them, however, the emperor com-
manded them to remain "three or four days longer," and
to continue the proceedings. The council continued until
November 1, during which time ten sessions were held, in
which there was much splitting of theological hairs, pro-
nouncing curses, and giving the lie ; and an immense
amount of hooting and yelling in approval or condemna-
tion. None of it, however, is worthy of any further
notice except to say that twenty-eight canons were estab-
lished, the last of which confirmed to the archbishopric of
Constantinople the dignity which had been bestowed by
the Council of Constantinople seventy years before, and
set at rest all dispute on the matter of jurisdiction by de-
creeing that in its privileges and ecclesiastical relations it
should be exalted to, and hold, the first place after that
of Old Rome. Against this, however, Leo's legates pro-
tested at the time ; and Leo himself, in three letters —
one to Marcian, one to Pulcheria, and one to Anatolius —
denounced it in his own imperious way.
Having closed its labors, the council drew up and sent to
Leo a memorial beginning with the words of Psalms cxxvi,
2, which read in substance as follows : —
" ' Our mouth was filled with laughter, and our tongue with joy.'
" The reason of this joy is the confirmation of the faith which has
been preserved by your Holiness and the blissful contents of which have
been translated by you as interpreter of the voice of Peter. You the
bishops of Chalcedon have taken as their guide, in order to show to the
sons of the church the inheritance of the truth. Your letter has been
for us a spiritual, imperial banquet, tfnd we believe we have had the
heavenly Bridegroom present at it in our midst. As the head over the
37
476 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
members, so have you by your representatives, had the predominance
among us. In order that everything might proceed in the most orderly
manner, however, the faithful emperors have had the presidency. The
wild beast Dioscorus, having in his madness attacked even him who is
by the Saviour a keeper of the divine vineyard, and having dared to ex-
communicate him whose vocation it is to unite the body of the church, the
synod has inflicted meet punishment upon him because he has not re-
pented and appeared in answer to our exhortation. All our other busi-
ness has been prosperously conducted by God's grace and through St.
Euphemia, who has crowned the assembly held in her bridal chamber,
and has transmitted its doctrinal decree as her own to her bride-
groom Christ by the hand of the emperor and the empress. . . . We have
also confirmed the canon of the synod of the one hundred and fifty Fath-
ers, by which the second rank is assigned to the see of Constantinople,
immediately after thy holy and apostolic see. We have done it with confi-
dence, because you have so often allowed the apostolic ray which shines by
you to appear to the church at Constantinople, and because you are accus-
tomed ungrudgingly to enrich those who belong to you by allowing them
participation in your own possessions. Be pleased, therefore, to embrace
this decree as though it were thine own, most holy and most blessed father.
Thy legates have strongly opposed it, probably because they thought that
this good regulation, like the declaration of the faith, should proceed from
thyself. But we were of an opinion that it belonged to the (Ecumen-
ical Synod to confirm its prerogatives to the imperial city in accordance
with the wish of the emperor, assuming that when thou hadst heard it,
thou wouldst regard it as thine own act. For all that the sons have done,
which is good, conduces to the honor of the fathers. We pray thee,
honor our decree also by thine assent ; and as we have assented to thy
good decree, so may thy loftiness accomplish that which is meet towards
the sons. This will also please the emperors, who have sanctioned thy
judgment in the faith as law ; and the see of Constantinople may well
receive a reward for the zeal with which it united itself with thee in the
matter of religion. In order to show that we have done nothing from
favor or dislike towards any one, we have brought the whole contents
of what we have done to thy knowledge, and have communicated it to
thee for confirmation and assent."
This was followed up December 18, by two letters to Leo
from the emperor and the archbishop of Constantinople,
Anatolius, saying that he had constantly done all for the
honor of Leo and his legates, and from reverence for the
pope, the council and himself had transmitted all to Leo for
IMPERIAL EDICTS ENFORCE THE CREED. 477
his approval and confirmation ; Marcian expressing his glad-
ness that the true faith had received its expression in accord-
ance with the letter of Leo, and both praying him to approve
and confirm the decrees of the council, and especially the
canon in reference to the see of Constantinople. Leo stead-
ily denounced that canon, however. But as Anatolius, in
a letter, April, 454, acknowledged to Leo: "The whole
force and confirmation of the decrees have been reserved for
your Holiness ; " this was to yield absolutely all to Leo, so
far as it was possible for the council and its members to go.
February 7, A. D. 452, the emperor Marcian, in the name
of himself and Valentinian III, issued the following edict
confirming the creed of the council : —
" That which has been so greatly and universally desired is at last
accomplished. The controversy respecting orthodoxy is over, and unity
of opinion is restored among the nations. The bishops assembled in
Chalcedon at my command from various exarchies, have taught with
exactness in a doctrinal decree what is to be maintained in respect to
religion. All unholy controversy must now cease, as he is certainly
impious and sacrilegious who, after the declaration made by so many
bishops, thinks that there still remains something for his own judgment
to examine. For it is evidently a sign of extreme folly when a man
seeks for a deceptive light in broad day. He who, after discovery has
been made of the truth, still inquires after something else, seeks for
falsehood. No cleric, no soldier, and generally no one, in whatever
position he may be, must venture publicly to dispute concerning the
faith, seeking to produce confusion, and to find pretexts for false doc-
trines. For it is an insult to the holy synod to subject that which it has
decreed and fundamentally established, to new examinations and public
disputes, since, that which was recently defined concerning the Christian
faith is in accordance with the doctrine of the three hundred and eight-
een Fathers and the regulation of the one hundred and fifty Fathers.
The punishment of the transgressors of this law shall not be delayed,
since they are not only opponents of the lawfully established faith but
also by their contentions betray the holy mysteries to the Jews and
heathen. If a cleric ventures openly to dispute respecting religion, he
shall be struck out of the catalogue of the clergy, the soldier shall be
deprived of his belt, other persons shall be removed from the residence
city, and shall have suitable punishments inflicted upon them, according
to the pleasure of the courts of justice."
478 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
The following July 28, he issued a decree in which he
forbade the Eutychians to have any clergy ; and if anybody
should attempt to appoint any, both they who should ap-
point and he who was appointed, should be punished with
confiscation of goods and banishment for life. They were
forbidden to hold any assemblies of any kind, or to build,
or to live in, monasteries'. If they should presume to hold
any kind of meeting, then the place where it was held would
be confiscated, if it was with the knowledge of the owner.
But if, without the knowledge of the owner it was rented by
some one for them, he who rented it should be punished
with a beating, with confiscation of goods, and with banish-
ment. They were declared incapable of inheriting anything
by will, or of appointing any Eutychian an heir. If any
were found in the army, they were to be expelled from it.
Those of them who had formerly been in the orthodox faith,
and also the monks of the monastery — he called it the
"stable" — of Eutyches, were to be driven entirely beyond
the boundaries of the Roman empire. All their writings
were to be burnt, whoever circulated them was to be ban-
ished, and all instruction in the Eutychian doctrine was to
be "rigorously punished." And finally, all governors of
provinces with their officials, and all judges in the cities who
should be negligent in enforcing the law, were to be fined
ten pounds of gold, as despisers of religion and the laws.
At the same time that this last decree was issued,
Eutyches and Dioscorus were sentenced to banishment.
Eutyches died before the sentence was enforced; and Dios-
corus died in exile at Gangra in Paphlagonia two years
afterward.
As Leo had published his letters rejecting the canon con-
cerning the see of Constantinople, and had not yet formally
published any approval of the doctrinal decree of the council,
the report went abroad throughout the East that he had
repudiated all the decisions of the council. The report,
LEO "CONFIRMS" THE CREED. 4.79
therefore, was a new incentive to all who disagreed with the
creed of the council, and ' ' heresy " became again so preva-
lent that February 15, A. D. 453, Marcian addressed a letter
to Leo earnestly beseeching him as soon as possible to issue
a decree in confirmation of the decision of the Council of
Chalcedon, "so that no one might have any further doubt
as to the judgment of his Holiness." March 21, Leo re-
sponded in the following words : —
"I doubt not, brethren, that you all know how willingly I have
confirmed the doctrinal decree of the Synod of Chalcedon. You would
have been able to learn this not only from the assent of my legates, but
also from my letters to Anatolius of Constantinople, if he had brought
the answer of the apostolic see to your knowledge. But that no one
may doubt my approving of that which was decreed at the Synod of
Chalcedon by universal consent in regard to the faith, I have directed
this letter to all my brethren and fellow-bishops who were present at the
synod named, and the emperor will, at my request, send it to you, so that
you may all know that, not merely by my legates, but also by my own
confirmation of it, I have agreed with you in what was done at the synod ;
but only, as must always be repeated, in regard to the subject of the faith,
on account of which the general council was assembled at the command
of the emperors, in agreement with the apostolic see. But in regard to
the regulations of the Fathers of Nicsea, I admonish you that the rights
of the individual churches must remain unaltered, as they were there
established by the inspired Fathers. No unlawful ambition must covet
that which is not its own, and no one must increase by the diminution of
others. And that which pride has obtained by enforced assent, and
thinks to have confirmed by the name of a council, is invalid, if it is in
opposition to the canons of the aforesaid Fathers [of Nicsea]. How
reverentially the apostolic see maintains the rules of these Fathers, and
that I by God's help shall be a guardian of the Catholic faith and of the
ecclesiastical canons, you may see from the letter by which I have re-
sisted the attempts of the bishop of Constantinople."
As the necessity for the Council of Chalcedon was created
by the will of Leo alone ; as the council when assembled
was ruled from beginning to end by his legates in his name ;
as the documents presented in the council were addressed to
"Leo, the most holy, blessed, and universal patriarch of
480 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
the great city of Rome, and to the holy and (Ecumenical
Council of Chalcedon ; " as the council distinctly acknowl-
edged Leo as its head, and the members of the council
as members of him ; as the judgments were pronounced as
his own ; as his letter was made the test, and the expression
of the faith, and with that all were required to agree ; as the
decisions of the council were submitted to him for approval,
and were practically of little or no force until he had formally
published his approval, and then only such portion as he did
approve ; as, in skort, everything in connection with the
council sprung from his will and returned in subjection to
his will, — Leo, and in him the bishopric of Rome, thus be-
came essentially the fountain of the Catholic faith.
It is not at all surprising, therefore, that Leo should
officially declare that the doctrinal decrees of the Council of
Chalcedon were inspired. This is precisely what he did.
In a letter to Bishop Julian of Cos (Epistle 144), he said :
' ' The decrees of Chalcedon are inspired by the Holy Spirit,
and are to ~be received as the definition of the faith for the
welfare of the whole world." And in a letter (Epistle 145)
to the emperor Leo, who succeeded Marcian in A. D. 457,
he said : ' ' The Synod of Chalcedon was held by divine in-
spiration." As, therefore, the doctrinal decrees of the
Council of Chalcedon were the expression of the will of
Leo ; and as these decrees were published and held as of
divine inspiration ; by this turn, it was a very short cut to
the infallibility of the bishop of Rome.
Now let the reader turn to pages 436 and 470 and 472,
and compare the Italicized words in the statement of Euty-
ches, in the statement of the commissioners in the council,
and in the creed of Chalcedon. It will be seen that Leo
and the council came so near to saying what Eutyches had
said, that no difference can be perceived. Eutyches had
been condemned as a heretic for saying that in Christ, after
the incarnation, the two natures are one. Now Leo and
THE WORK OF THE FOUR COUNCILS. 481
the council express the orthodox faith by saying that in
Christ there are two natures united in one. In other words,
Eutyches was a condemned heretic for saying that Christ is
"<9/ two natures ; " while Leo and the council were declared
everlastingly orthodox for saying that Christ is "m two
natures." In Greek, the difference was expressed in the
two small words, ek and en / which, like the two large words,
Homoousion and Homoiousion, in the beginning of the
controversy between Alexander and Arius, differed only
in a single letter. And like that also, the meaning of
the two words is so "essentially the same," that he who
believes either, believes the other. ' ' Such was the device of
the envious and God-hating demon in the change of a single
letter, that, while in reality the one expression was com-
pletely inductive of the notion of the other, still with the
generality the discrepancy between them was held to be con-
siderable, and the ideas conveyed by them to be clearly in
diametric opposition, and exclusive of each other ; whereas
he who confesses Christ in two natures, clearly affirms him
to be from two, . . . and on the other hand, the position of
one who affirms his origin from two natures, is completely
inclusive of his existence in two. ... So that in this case
by the expression, ''from two natures,' is aptly suggested
the thought of the expression, i in two,' and conversely;
nor can there l>e a severance of the terms." — JEvagriv^.Zi
And that is all that there was in this dispute, or in any
of those before it, in itself. Yet out of it there came con-
stant and universal violence, hypocrisy, bloodshed, and
murder, which speedily wrought the utter ruin of the empire,
and established a despotism over thought which remained
supreme for ages, and which is yet asserted and far too
largely assented to.
2* " Ecclesiastical History," book II, chap, v; Hefele's "History of the
Church Councils," sec. 193, par. 5, note ; Schaff's " History of the Christian
Church," Vol. Hi, \ 140, par 9. note 2 ; § 141, par. 12, note 4.
4:82 THE POPE MADE AUTHOR OF THE FAITH.
The whole world having been thus once more brought to
the "unity of the faith," the controversy, the confusion, and
the violence, went on worse than before. But as the faith
of Leo which was established by the Council of Chalcedon,
"substantially completes the orthodox Christology of the
ancient church," and has "passed into all the confessions of
the Protestant churches " (Schaffz5} ; and as the work of
these four general councils — Nice, Constantinople, first of
Ephesus, and Chalcedon — was to put dead human formulas
in the place of the living oracles of God, a woman in the
place of Christ, and a MAN IN THE PLACE OF GOD, it is not
necessary to follow any farther the course of ambitious strife
and contentious deviltry.
25 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 142, par. 1, 3.
CHAPTER XX.
THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
events related in the five chapters immediately pre-
1 ceding this, abundantly demonstrate that the promise of
the unity of the faith, which the bishops made to Constan-
tine, was a fraud ; and that the blessings which were prom-
ised and expected to accrue to the State by the union with
the Church, proved a continual and horrible curse to the
State and to society in general.
In tracing the faith of the Catholic Church, it has been
necessary to deal most largely with society and the State in
the East. But bad as it was in the East, it was worse in
the West. The reason is that in the Eastern empire the
imperial authority held its place above the church — the
civil power remained superior to the ecclesiastical ; whereas
in the Western empire, the church exalted itself above the
State — the ecclesiastical was made superior to the civil
power. To trace the course, and to discover the result, of
the workings of the Western system, that is, of the papacy
in fact, is the purpose of the present chapter.
In the sketch of the bishops of Home from Melchiades
to Leo, given in the foregoing chapter, we have seen the
working of the episcopal spirit in exalting the bishopric of
Rome to the place of supremacy in religion. In the con-
troversies which we have traced, it is clearly seen that in
order to secure the weight of the influence of the bishop of
Rome, each one to his particular side of the question, the
parties to the innumerable controversies which kept every-
thing in a ferment, were always ready to bestow every sort
[483]
484 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
of flattering title and token of distinction upon him to whom
they appealed. Then when the controversy had culminated
in the inevitable council, the victorious party, if in harmony
with the bishop of Rome, added to its flattering unction on
him the weight of the council in whatever dignities and
honors it might choose to bestow. In fact, there was never
a controversy in which there was not an appeal to the bishop
of Home by one or both parties, and almost always by both.
And there never was a general council that agreed with the
bishop of Rome, by which there was not some special honor
or dignity conferred upon him.
On the other hand, there was a curious train of political
events which conspired to the same result, and which yet
more fully opened the way for the church to usurp the civil
power, and for the bishop of Rome to encroach upon the
imperial authority.
Diocletian established his capital at Nicomedia, and
Maximian his at Milan, A. D. 304 ; and with the exception
of Maxentius and Constantine, during brief periods, never
afterward was there an emperor who made Rome his capital :
and even while Constantine did so, instead of detracting from
the dignity of the bishop of Rome, it added to it ; for as we
have seen, the bishop of Rome bore a leading part in the
formation of the union of Church and State, and the moment
that that union was consummated, "the bishop of Rome
rises at once to the rank of a great accredited functionary.
... So long as Constantine was in Rome, the bishop of
Rome, the head of the emperor's religion, became in public
estimation, ... in authority and influence, immeasurably
the superior, to all of sacerdotal rank. . . . As long as
Rome is the imperial residence, an appeal to the emperor is
an appeal to the bishop of Rome." — Milman.1
Thus the presence of Constantine in Rome redounded to
the importance and dignity of the bishopric of Rome ; but it
was not until Constantine had moved his capital to Constan-
tinople, that the way was opened for the full play of that
1 " History of Latin Christianity," book I, chap, ii, par. 1.
EVENTS TEAT FAVORED THE PAPACY. 485
arrogant spirit that has ever been the chief characteristic
of that dignitary. "The absence of a secular competitor
allowed the papal authority to grow up and to develop its
secret strength " (Milman 2) ; and under the blandishments
of necessitous imperial favor he did as he pleased, and more
rapidly than ever his power grew.
In the sketch of the hierarchy, given on page 390, it
will be noticed that in the gradation of the church dignita-
ries the ascent was only so far as corresponded to the four
prefects in the State. There was not above the four patri-
archs a bishop over all, as above the prefects the emperor
was over all. The one great reason for this is that Constan-
tine was not only emperor but bishop, and as "bishop of
externals " in the church, he held the place of chief bishop,
— supreme pontiff — over the four patriarchs precisely as 'he
held as emperor the chief authority over the four prefects.
Yet, in the nature of things, it was inevitable and only a
question of time when the bishop of Rome would assert as a
matter of right, his supremacy over all others, and when this
should be accomplished, the matter of the supremacy would
then lie between him and the emperor alone, which would
open the way for the bishop of Home to encroach upon the
civil and imperial authority. This spirit showed itself in
the action of the bishop of Borne in studiously avoiding the
title of "patriarch," "as placing him on a level with other
patriarchs." He always preferred the title of "papa," or
"pope" (/ScfM/"3) : and this, because "patriarch" bespeaks
an oligarchical church government, that is, government by
a few ; whereas "pope" bespeaks a monarchical church
government, that is, government by one.
Again : in all the "West there was no rival to the bishop
of Rome. Whereas in the East there were three rivals to
one another, whose jealousies not only curbed the encroach-
ments of one another, but built up the influence and author-
ity of the bishop of Rome.
8 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 1.
8 " History of the Christain Church," Vol. iii, \ 55, par. 1, note.
486 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
In addition to all these things, both the weakness and
the strength of the imperial influence and authority were
made to serve the ambitious spirit of the bishopric of Rome.
After Constantino's death, with the exception of Valentinian I,
there never was a single able emperor of the "West ; and
even Valentinian I was the servant of the bishop of Rome
to the extent that he " enacted a law empowering the bishop
of Rome to examine and judge other bishops." — Bower. *
When Constantius exercised authority over the West, the
bishop of Rome openly defied his authority ; and although
Liberius afterward changed his views and submitted, the
example was never forgotten. And when Theodosius for a
brief period exercised authority in the West, it was not only
as the servant of the bishop of Rome, but as the subject of
the bishop of Milan. It is true that the power of Ambrose
in that particular case was exercised in a just cause. But a
power that could be carried to such extremes in a cause that
was just, could as easily be carried to the same extreme in a
cause that was unjust. So it had been exercised before this
on several occasions, and so it was exercised afterward on
numberless occasions, and by others than Ambrose.
All these things conspired to open the way for the exalta-
tion of the ecclesiastical above the civil power ; and the
ecclesiastics walked diligently in the way thus opened. The
seed which directly bore this evil fruit, was also sown in
that dark intrigue between Constantine and the bishops,
which formed the union of Church and State, and created
the papacy. That seed was sown when Constantine be-
stowed upon the bishops the right of judgment in civil
matters.
It is a doctrine of Christianity, first, that there shall be
no disputes among Christians, and, second, if any such do
arise, then Christians must settle such differences among
themselves, and not go to law before unbelievers. I Cor.
vi, 1-7.
* "History of the Popes," Damasus, par. 8.
TEE BISHOPS CENSORS OF MAGISTRATES. 48T
This order was faithfully followed in the church at the
beginning ; but as the power and influence of the bishopric
grew, this office was usurped by the bishop, and all such
cases were decided by him alone. Until the union of Church
and State, however, every man had the right of appeal from
the decision of the bishop to the civil magistrate.
Very shortly after the establishment of the Catholic
Church, " Constantiiie likewise enacted a law in favor of the
clergy, permitting judgment to be passed by the bishops
when litigants preferred appealing to them rather than to the
secular court ; he enacted that their decree should be valid,
and as far superior to that of other judges as if pronounced
by the emperor himself ; that the governors and subordinate
military officers should see to the execution of these decrees ;
and that sentence, when Dassed by them, should be irre-
versible." — So&omen.1
This was only in cases, however, where the disputants
voluntarily appeared and submitted their causes to the de-
cision of the bishops. Yet as the bishops were ever ready
to "extend their authority far beyond their jurisdiction, and
their influence far beyond their authority" (Milman),* they
so worked this power as to make their business as judges
occupy the principal portion of their time. "To worldly-
minded bishops it furnished a welcome occasion for devoting
themselves to any foreign and secular affairs, rather than to
the appropriate business of their spiritual calling ; and the
same class might also allow themselves to be governed by
impure motives in the settlement of these disputes." —
Neander.1
Some bishops extended this right into what was known
as the right of intervention, that is, the right of interceding
with the secular power in certain cases. "The privilege of
5" Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap, ix, par. 2.
6 " History of Christianity," book iv, chap, i, par. 49.
7 "History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Second,
part i, div. i, par. 12.
488 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
interceding with the secular power for criminals, prisoners,
and unfortunates of every kind, had belonged to the heathen
priests, and especially to the vestals, and now passed to the
Christian ministry, above all to the bishops, and thenceforth
became an essential function of their office." — Schaff.*
This office was first assumed by the heathenized bishops
for this purpose, but soon instead of interceding they began
to dictate ; instead of soliciting they began to command ;
and instead, of pleading for deserving unfortunates, they
interfered with the genuine administration of the civil mag-
istrates. As early as the Council of Aries, A. D. 314, the
second council that was held by the direction of Constantine,
the church power began to encroach in this matter upon the
jurisdiction of the State. Canon 7 of this council, charged
the bishops to take the oversight of such of the civil magis-
trates within their respective sees, as were church members ;
and if the magistrates acted inconsistently with their Chris-
tian duties, they should be turned out of the church.9
This was at once to give to the bishops the direction of
the course of civil matters. And the magistrates who were
members of the church, — and it was not long before the great
majority of them were such, — knowing that their acts were to
be passed upon for approval or disapproval by the bishop,
chose to take counsel of him beforehand so as to be sure
to act according to "discipline," and avoid being excom-
municated. Thus by an easy gradation and extension of
power, the bishopric assumed jurisdiction over the jurispru-
dence of the State.
Further, as the empire was now a religious State, a
"kingdom of God," the Bible was made the code of civil
procedure as well as of religion. More than this, it was the
Bible as interpreted T)y the Jjishops. Yet, more than this, it
8 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, \ 16, par. 5.
'Neander, "History of the Christian Keligion and Church," Vol. ii, Section
Secoud, part i, div. i, par. 14 ; and the canon itself in Hefele's "History of the
Church Councils."
THE BIBLE 18 MADE THE CODE. 489
was the Bible as interpreted by the bishops according to the
Fathers. "The Bible, and the Bible interpreted by the
Fathers, became the code, not of religion only, but of every
branch of knowledge." —Milman.™ And as the Fathers
themselves, necessarily, had to be interpreted, the bishops
became the sole interpreters of the code, as well as the
censors of the magistracy, in all the jurisprudence of the
empire.
The advice which one of the model bishops in the church
— in the estimation of some, a model even to this day11 —
gave upon a certain occasion to a magistrate who had con-
sulted him in regard to the performance of his duty, well
illustrates the workings of this system as a system. A cer-
tain officer consulted Ambrose, bishop of Milan, as to what
he would better do in a certain criminal case. Ambrose told
him that according to Romans xiii, he was authorized to use
the sword in punishment of the crime ; yet, at the same
time, advised him to imitate Christ in his treatment of the
woman mentioned in John viii, who had been taken in adul-
tery, and forgive the criminal ; because if the criminal had
never been baptized, he might yet be converted and obtain
forgiveness of his sin : and if he had been baptized, it was
proper to give him an opportunity to repent and reform.12
With the Bible as the code, this was the only thing that
could be done, and this the only proper advice that could
be given. For Christ distinctly commands : " Judge not ;"
"Condemn not." And he does directly command that
when a brother offends and is reproved, if he repents, he is
to be forgiven ; and if he does it seven times in a day and
seven times in a day turns and says "I repent," so often is
he to be forgiven. Therefore, with the Bible as the code,
the advice which Ambrose gave was the only advice which
10 " History of Christianity," book iv, chap, v, par. 17.
11 See Schaff, " History of the Christian Church," Vol, iii, § 175.
12Neander, " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section
Second, part i, div. i, par. 14.
490 THE CHURCn USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
could properly be given. But it was destructive of civil
government. And this is only to say that it was an utter
perversion of the Bible to make it the code of civil procedure.
Such procedure therefore in civil government where there
was no possible means of knowing that repentance was
genuine or reformation sure, was to destroy civil govern-
ment, and substitute for it only a pretense at moral govern-
ment which was absolutely impotent for any good purpose,
either moral or civil. In other words, it was only to destroy
the State, and to substitute for it, in everything, the church.
This is not saying anything against the Bible, nor against
its principles. It is only exposing the awful perversion of
its principles by the church in exalting its authority above
the State. God's government is moral, and he has made
provision for maintaining his government with the forgive-
ness of transgression. But he has made no such provision
for civil government. No such provision can be made, and
civil government be maintained. The Bible reveals God's
method of saving those who sin against his moral govern-
ment. Civil government is man's method of preserving
order, and has nothing to do with sin, nor the salvation of
sinners. Civil government prosecutes a man and finds him
guilty. If before the penalty is executed he repents, God
forgives him ; but the government must execute the penalty.
And this authority was carried much further than merely
to advise. The monks and clergy went so far at last as ac-
tually to tear away from the civil authorities, criminals and
malefactors of the worst sort, who had been justly con-
demned. To such an extent was this carried that a law had
to be enacted in 398 ordering that "the monks and the
clergy should not be permitted to snatch condemned male-
factors from their merited punishment." — Neander.™ Yet
they were still allowed the right of intercession.
This evil led directly to another, or rather only deepened
and perpetuated itself. Ecclesiastical offices, especially the
bishoprics, were the only ones in the empire that were elect-
13 Id., par. 17, note.
THE BISHOPRIC A POLITICAL OFFICE. 491
ive. As we have seen, all manner of vile and criminal
characters had been brought into the church. Consequently
these had a voice in the elections. It became therefore an
object for the unruly, violent, and criminal classes to secure
the election of such men as would use the episcopal influ-
ence in their interests, and shield them from justice.
"As soon as a bishop had closed his eyes, the metropoli-
tan issued a commission to one of his suffragans to adminis-
ter the vacant see, and prepare, within a limited time, the
future election. The right of voting was vested in the infe-
rior clergy, who were best qualified to judge of the merit of
the candidates ; in the senators or nobles of the city, all
those who were distinguished by their rank or property ;
and finally in the whole body of the people who, on the
appointed day, flocked in multitudes from the most remote
parts of the diocese, and sometimes silenced by their tumult-
uous acclamations, the voice of reason and the laws of disci-
pline. These acclamations might accidentally fix on the
head of the most deserving competitor ; of some ancient
presbyter, some holy monk, or some layman, conspicuous
for his zeal and piety.
' ' But the episcopal chair was solicited, especially in the
great and opulent cities of the empire, as 'a temporal rather
than as a spiritual dignity. The interested views, the selfish
and angry passions, the arts of perfidy and dissimulation,
the secret corruption, the open and even bloody violence
which had formerly disgraced the freedom of election in the
commonwealths of Greece and Rome, too often influenced
the choice of the successors of the apostles. While one of
the candidates boasted the honors of his family, a second
allured his judges by the delicacies of a plentiful table, and
a third, more guilty than his rivals, offered to share the
plunder of the church among the accomplices of his sacrile-
gious hopes." - Gibbon.™
The offices of the church, and especially the bishopric,
thus became virtually political, and were made subject to al]
" " Decline and Fall," chap, xx, par. 22.
38
492 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
the strife of political methods. As the logical result, the
political schemers, the dishonest men, the men of violent
and selfish dispositions, pushed themselves to the front in
every place ; and those who might have given a safe direc-
tion to public affairs, were crowded to the rear, a*nd in fact
completely shut out of office by the very violence of those
who would have office at any cost.
Thus by the very workings of the wicked elements which
had been brought into the church by the political methods of
Constantino and the bishops, genuine Christianity was sep-
arated from this whole Church and State system, as it had
been before from the pagan system. The genuine Chris-
tians, who loved the quiet and the peace which belong with
the Christian profession, were reproached by the formal,
hypocritical, political religionists who represented both the
Church and the State, or rather the Church and the State
in one, — the real Christians were reproached by these with
being "righteous overmuch."
" It was natural, however, that the bad element, which
had outwardly assumed the Christian garb, should push itself
more prominently to notice in public life. Hence it was
more sure to attract the common gaze, while the genuinely
Christian temper loved retirement, and created less sensa-
tion."
"At the present time, the relation of vital Christianity
to the Christianity of mere form, resembled that which, in
the preceding period, existed between the Christianity of
those to whom religion was a serious concern, and paganism,
which constituted the prevailing rule of life. As in the
earlier times, the life of genuine Christians had stood out in
strong contrast with the life of the pagan world, so now the
life of such as were Christians not merely by outward pro-
fession, but also in the temper of their hearts, presented a
strong contrast with the careless and abandoned life of the
ordinary nominal Christians. By these latter, the others
. . . were regarded in the same light as, in earlier times,
THE WORST CHARACTERS BECOME BISHOPS. 493
the Christians had been regarded by the pagans. They
were also reproached by these nominal Christians, just as
the Christians generally had been taunted before by the pa-
gans, with seeking to be righteous overmuch." — Neander.™
In the episcopal elections, " Sometimes the people acted
under outside considerations and the management of dema-
gogues, and demanded unworthy or ignorant men for the
highest offices. Thus there were frequent disturbances and
collisions, and even bloody conflicts, as in the election of
Damasus in Rome. In short all the selfish passions and
corrupting influences which had spoiled the freedom of the
popular political elections in the Grecian and Roman repub-
lics, and which appear also in the republics of modern times,
intruded upon the elections of the church. And the clergy
likewise often suffered themselves to be guided by impure
motives."— Schaff.™
It was often the case that a man who had never been
baptized, and was not even a member of the church, would
be elected a bishop, and hurried through the minor offices
to this position. Such was the case with Ambrose, bishop
of Milan, in A. D. 374, and Nectarius, bishop of Constanti-
nople, in 381, and many others. In the contention for the
bishopric, there was as much political intrigue, strife, con-
tention, and even bloodshed, as there had formerly been for
the office of consul in the republic in the days of Pompey
and Caesar.
It often happened that men of fairly good character were
compelled to step aside and allow low characters to be elected
to office, for fear they would cause more mischief, tumult, and
riot if they were not elected than if they were. Instances
actually occurred, and are recorded by Gregory Nazianzen,
in which certain men who were not members of the church
at all, were elected to the bishopric in opposition to others
15 "History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section Third,
part i, div. 1. par. 5, 6.
16 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 49, par. 2.
494 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
who had every churchly qualification for the office, because
"they had the worst men in the city on their side."17 And
Chrysostom says that " many are elected on account of their
badness, to prevent the mischief they would otherwise do."18
Such characters as these elected to office by such characters
as those, and the office representing such authority as that
did, — nothing but evil of the worst kind could accrue either
to the civil government or to society at large.
More than this, as the men thus elected were the dis-
pensers of doctrine and the interpreters of Scripture in all
points both religious and civil ; and as they owed their posi-
tion to those who elected them, it was only the natural con-
sequence that they adapted their interpretations to the char-
acter and wishes of those who had placed them in their
positions. For ' ' when once a political aspirant has bidden
with the multitude for power, and still depends on their
pleasure for effective support, it is no easy thing to re-
fuse their wishes, or hold back from their demands." —
Draper.19
Nectarius, who has been already mentioned after he had
been taken from the prsetorship and made bishop by such a
method of election as the above — -elected bishop of Con-
stantinople before he had been baptized — wished to ordain
his physician as one of his own deacons. 'The physician
declined on the ground that he was not morally fit for the
office. Nectarius endeavored to persuade him by saying,
"Did not I, who am now a priest, formerly live much more
immorally than thou, as thou thyself well knowest, since
thou wast often an accomplice of my many iniquities ?"
Schaff.20 — The physician still refused, but for a reason which
was scarcely more honorable than that by which he was
17Neander's " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section
Second, part i, div. ii, par. 9, note.
18Schaff's " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, | 49, par. 2, note 5.
19 " Intellectual Development of Europe," Vol. i, chap, x, par. 6.
20 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, I 59, par. 2.
THE EPISCOPAL DICTATORSHIP. 495
urged. The reason was that although he had been baptized,
he had continued to practice his iniquities, while Nectarius
had quit his when he was baptized.
The bishops' assumption of authority over the civil juris-
prudence did not allow itself to be limited to the inferior
magistrates. It asserted authority over the jurisdiction of
the emperor himself. "In Ambrose the sacerdotal char-
acter assumed a dignity and an influence as yet unknown ;
it first began to confront the throne, not only on terms of
equality, but of superior authority, and to exercise a spirit-
ual dictatorship over the supreme magistrate. The resist-
ance of Athanasius to the imperial authority had been firm
but deferential, passive rather than aggressive. In his
public addresses he had respected the majesty of the em-
pire ; at all events, the hierarchy of that period only ques-
tioned the authority of the sovereign in matters of faith.
But in Ambrose the episcopal power acknowledged no lim-
its to its moral dominion, and admitted no distinction of
persons. " • — Milman. 21
As the Church and the State were identical, and as who-
ever refused to submit to the dictates of the bishopric was
excommunicated from the church, this meant that the only
effect of disobedience to the bishop was to become an out-
cast in society, if not an outlaw in the State. And more
than this, in the state of abject superstition which now pre-
vailed, excommunication from the church was supposed to
mean consignment to perdition only. "The hierarchical
power, from exemplary, persuasive, amiable, was now au-
thoritative, commanding, awful. When Christianity became
the most powerful religion, when it became the religion of
the many, of the emperor, of the State, the convert or the
hereditary Christian had no strong pagan party to receive
him back into its bosom when outcast from the church. If
he ceased to believe, he no longer dared cease to obey. No
course remained but prostrate submission, or the endurance
21 " History of Christianity," book iii, chap, x, par. 2.
496 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
of any penitential duty which might be enforced upon him."
— Milman.™
"When the alliance was made between the bishops and
Constantine, it was proposed that the jurisdiction of the civil
and ecclesiastical authorities should remain separate, as being
two arms of the same responsible body. This was shown in
that saying of Constantine in which he represented himself
as a "bishop of externals" of the church, that which per-
tained more definitely to its connection with civil society
and conduct ; while the regular bishops were bishops of the
internal, or those things pertaining to the sacraments, ordi-
nation, etc. " Constantine . . . was the first representative
of the imposing idea of a Christian theocracy, or of a system
of policy which assumes all subjects to be Christians, con-
nects civil and religious rights, and regards Church and State
as the two arms of one and the same divine government on
earth. This idea was more fully developed by his success-
ors, it animated the whole Middle Age, and is yet working
under various forms in- these latest times." — ScJMff.™
To those who conceived it, this theory might have ap-
peared well enough, and simply in theory it might have been
imagined that it could be made to work ; but when it came to
be put into practice, the all-important question was, Where
was the line which defined the exact limits between the juris-
diction of the magistrate and that of the bishop ? between
the authority of the Church and that of the State? The
State was now a theocracy. The government was held to
be moral, a government of God ; the Bible the supreme code
of morals, "was the code of the government ; there was no
such thing as civil government — all was moral. But the
subject of morals is involved in every action, yea, in every
thought of man. The State then being allowed to be moral,
it was inevitable that the church, being the arbiter of
morals and the dispenser and interpreter *f the code regu-
lating moral action, would interpose in all questions of
22 Id., book iv, chap, i, t>ar. 85.
88 "History of the Christian Church." VoL iii, \ 2, par. 8.
CIVIL GOVERNMENT VANISHES. 497
human conduct, and spread her dominion over the whole
field of human action.
" In ecclesiastical affairs, strictly so called, the supremacy
of the Christian magistracy, it has been said, was admitted.
They were the legislators of discipline, order, and doctrine.
The festivals, the fasts, the usages, and canons of the
church, the government of the clergy, were in their ex-
clusive power. The decrees of particular synods and coun-
cils possessed undisputed authority, as far as their sphere
extended. General councils were held binding on the whole
church. But it was far more easy to define that which did
belong to the province of the church than that which did
not. Religion asserts its authority, and endeavors to extend
its influence over the whole sphere of moral action,
which is, in fact, over the whole of human life, its habits,
manners, conduct.
' ' Christianity, as the most profound moral religion, ex-
acted the most complete and universal obedience ; and, as
the acknowledged teachers and guardians of Christianity,
the clergy continued to draw within their sphere every part
of human life in which man is actuated by moral or religious
motives. The moral authority, therefore, of the religion, and
consequently of the clergy, might appear legitimately to ex-
tend over every transaction of life, from the legislature of the
sovereign, which ought, in a Christian king, to be guided by
Christian motive, to the domestic duties of the peasant, which
ought to be fulfilled on the principle of Christian love. . . .
"But there was another prolific source of difference.
The clergy, in one sense, from being the representative
body, had begun to consider themselves the church; but,
in another and more legitimate sense, the State, when
Christian, as comprehending all the Christians of the
empire, became the Church. Which was the legislative
body, — the whole community of Christians ? or the Chris-
tian aristocracy, who were in one sense the admitted rulers ?
— -Milman.**
84 "History of Christianity, book Iv, chap. 1, par. 58-66.
498 THE CHURCH USURPS THE CIVIL AUTHORITY.
To overstep every limit and break down every barrier
that seemed in theory to be set between the civil and eccle-
siastical powers, was the only consequence that could result
from such a union. And when itjwas attempted to put the
theory into practice, every step taken in any direction only
served to demonstrate that which the history everywhere
shows, that "the apparent identification of the State and
Church by the adoption of Christianity as the religion of the
empire, altogether confounded the limits of ecclesiastical and
temporal jurisdiction." — JMJUman.**
The State, as a body distinct from the Church, was
gone. As a distinct system of law and government the
State was destroyed, and its machinery existed only as the
tool of the Church to accomplish her arbitrary will and to
enforce her despotic decrees.
25 "History of Latin Christianity," book ii, chap, iii, par. 40.
-m
CHAPTER XXI.
THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
WE have seen the church secure the enactment of laws by
which she could enforce church discipline upon all the
people, whether in the church or not. We have seen her next
extend her encroachments upon the civil power, until the
whole- system of civil jurisprudence, as such, was destroyed
by being made religious. We shall now see how the evils
thus engendered, and like dragon's teeth sown broadcast,
with another element of the monstrous evil planted by Con-
stantino and the bishops, caused the final and fearful ruin of
the Roman empire.
Among the first of the acts of Constantino in his favors
to the church was, as has been shown on page 290 of this
book, the appropriation of money from the public treasury
to the bishops.
Another enactment, A. D. 321, of the same character, but
which was of vastly more importance, was his glinting to
the church the right to receive legacies. "This was a law
which expressly secured to the churches a right which, per-
haps, they had already now and then tacitly exercised ;
namely, the right of receiving legacies, which, in the Roman
empire, no corporation whatever was entitled to exercise,
unless it had been expressly authorized to do so by the
State."— Neander.1
Some estimate of this enactment may be derived from
the statement that " the law of Constantime which empow-
1 " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. 11, Section Second,
part i, div. 1, par. 7. [499]
500 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
ered the clergy of the church to receive testamentary be
quests, and to hold land, was a gift which would scarcely
have been exceeded if he had granted them two provinces
of the empire." — Milman* That which made this still more
magnificent gift to the church was the view which prevailed,
especially among the rich, that they could live as they
pleased all their lives, and then at their death give their
property to the church, and be assured a safe conduct to
eternal bliss. "It became almost a sin to die without some
bequest to pious uses." — Milman*
We have seen in the previous chapter what kind of char-
acters were chosen to the bishopric in those times ; and when
such a law was now made bestowing such privileges upon
such characters, it is easy to understand what use would be
made of the privilege. Not content with simply receiving
bequests that might voluntarily be made, they brought to
bear every possible means to induce persons to bestow their
goods upon the churches. They assumed the protectorship
of widows and orphans, and had the property of such persons
left to the care of the bishop.
Now into the coffers of the bishops, as into the coffers of
the republic after the fall of Carthage, wealth came in a
rolling stream of gold, and the result in this case was the
same as in that. With wealth came luxury and magnificent
display. The bishopric assumed a stateliness and grandeur
that transcended that of the chief ministers of the empire ;
and that of the bishopric of Rome fairly outshone the glory
of the emperor himself. He was the chief beneficiary in all
these favors of Constantine.
As already related, when the emperors in the time of
Diocletian began habitually to absent themselves from Rome,
the bishop of Rome became the chief dignitary in the city.
And by the time that Constantine moved the capital perma-
nently from Rome, through these imperial favors the bishop
of that city had acquired such a dignity that it was easy for
him to step into the place of pomp and magnificent display
2 " History of Christianity," book iv, chap, i, par. 39. 3 Id.
TEE BISHOPRIC OF ROME. 501
that had before been shown by the emperor. ' ' The bishop
of Rome became a prince of the empire, and lived in a style
of luxury and pomp that awakened the envy or the just indig-
nation of the heathen writer, Marcellinus. The church was
now enriched by the gifts and bequests of the pious and the
timid ; the bishop drew great revenues from his farms in
the Campagna and his rich plantations in Sicily ; he rode
through the streets of Rome in a stately chariot, and clothed
in gorgeous attire ; his table was supplied with a profusion
more than imperial ; the proudest women of Rome loaded
him with lavish donations, and followed him with their flat-
teries and attentions ; and his haughty bearing and profuse
luxury were remarked upon by both pagans and Christians
as strangely inconsistent with the humility and simplicity en-
joined by the faith which he professed."-— Eugene Lawrence.*
The offices of the church were the only ones in the em-
pire that were elective. The bishopric of Rome was the
chief of these offices. As that office was one which carried
with it the command of such enormous wealth and such dis-
play of imperial magnificence, it became the object of the
ambitious aspirations of every Catholic in the city ; and even
a heathen exclaimed, "Make me bishop of Rome, and I
will be a Christian ! "
Here were displayed all those elements of political strife
and chicanery which were but referred to in the previous
chapter. The scenes which occurred at the election of
Damasus as bishop of Rome, A. D. 366, will illustrate the
character of such proceedings throughout the empire, ac-
cording as the particular bishopric in question compared
with that of Rome. There were two candidates — Damasus
and Ursicinus — and these two men represented respectively
two factions that had been created in the contest between
Liberius, bishop of Rome, and Constantius, emperor of
Rome.
"The presbyters, deacons, and faithful people, who had
adhered to Liberius in his exile, met in the Julian Basilica,
* " Historical Studies," Bishops of Rome, par. 13.
502 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
and duly elected Ursicinus, who was consecrated by Paul,
bishop of Tibur. Damasus was proclaimed by the followers
of Felix, in S. M. Lucina. Damasus collected a mob of
charioteers and a wild rabble, broke into the Julian Basilica,
and committed great slaughter. Seven days after, having
bribed a great body of ecclesiastics and the populace, and
seized the Lateran Church, he was elected and consecrated
bishop. Ursicinus was expelled from Rome.
"Damasus, however, continued his acts of violence.
Seven presbyters of the other party were hurried prisoners
to Lateran : their faction rose, rescued them, and carried
them to the Basilica of Liberius. Damasus at the head of a
gang of gladiators, charioteers, and laborers, with axes,
swords, and clubs, stormed the church : a hundred and
sixty of both sexes were barbarously killed ; not one on the
side of Damasus. The party of Ursicinus were obliged to
withdraw, vainly petitioning for a synod of bishops to exam-
ine into the validity of the two elections.
"So long and obstinate was the conflict, that Juventius,
the prefect of the city, finding his authority contemned, his
forces unequal to keep the peace, retired into the neighbor-
hood of Rome. Churches were garrisoned, churches be-
sieged, churches stormed and deluged with blood. In one
day, relates Ammianus, above one hundred and thirty dead
bodies were counted in the Basilica of Sisinnius. . . . Nor
did the contention cease with the first discomfiture and
banishment of Ursicinus : he was more than once recalled,
exiled, again set up as rival bishop, and re-exiled. An-
other frightful massacre took place in the Church of St.
Agnes. The emperor was forced to have recourse to the
character and firmness of the famous heathen Prastextatus,
as successor to Juventius in the government of Rome, in
order to put down with impartial severity these disastrous
tumults. Some years elapsed before Damasus was in
undisputed possessions of his see." "But Damasus had
the ladies of Rome in his favor ; and the council of Yal-
entinian was not inaccessible to bribes. New scenes of
PRIDE OF THE BISHOPS AND CLERQY. 503
blood took place. Ursicinus was compelled at last to give
up the contest." — Milmcm.&
Of the bishop of Rome at this time we have the follow-
ing sketch written by one who was there at the time, and had
often seen him in his splendor: "I must own that when I
reflect on the pomp attending that dignity, I do not at all
wonder that those who are fond of show and parade, should
scold, quarrel, fight, and strain every nerve to attain it ;
since they are sure, if they succeed, to be enriched with the
offerings of the ladies ; to appear no more abroad on foot,
but in stately chariots, and gorgeously attired ; to keep
costly and sumptuous tables ; nay, and to surpass the em-
perors themselves in the splendor and magnificence of their
entertainments. " — Ammianus Marcellinus. 6
The example of the bishop 'of Rome was followed by the
whole order of bishops, each according to his degree and
opportunities. Chrysostom boasted that " the heads of the
empire and the governors of provinces enjoy no such honor
as the rulers of the church. They are first at court, in the
society of ladies, in the houses of the great. No one has
precedence of them." By them were worn such titles as,
"Most holy," "Most reverend," and "Most holy Lord."
They were addressed in such terms as, " Thy Holiness," and
"Thy Blessedness." "Kneeling, kissing of the hand, and
like tokens of reverence, came to be shown them by all
classes, up to the emperor himself." — ScJiajf.'1
The manners of the minor clergy of Rome are described
by one who was well acquainted with them. " His whole
care is in his dress, that it be well perfumed ; that his feet
may not slip about in a loose sandal ; his hair is crisped
with a curling-pin ; his fingers glitter with rings ; he walks
on tiptoe lest he should splash himself with the wet soil ;
5 " History of Latin Christianity," book i, chap, ii, par. 18, and note.
6 Book xxvii, chap, iii, par. 12-15, Bower's translation in "History of the
Popes," Damasus, par. 6.
7 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, \ 53, par. 3.
504 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
when you see him, you would think him a bridegroom rather
than an ecclesiastic." — Jerome.*
Such an example being set by the dignitaries in the church,
these too professing to be the patterns of godliness, their ex-
ample was readily followed by all in the empire who were able.
Consequently, "The aristocratical life of this period seems to
have been characterized by gorgeous magnificence without
grandeur, inordinate luxury without refinement, the pomp
and prodigality of a high state of civilization with none of
its ennobling or humanizing effects. The walls of the pal-
aces were lined with marbles of all colors, crowded with
statues of inferior workmanship, mosaics of which the
merit consisted in the arrangement of the stones ; the cost,
rather than the beauty and elegance, was the test of excel-
ency, and the object of admiration. The nobles were sur-
sounded with hosts of parasites, or servants. ' You reckon
up,' Chrysostom thus addresses a patrician, 'so many acres
of land, ten or twenty palaces, as many baths, a thousand
or two thousand slaves, chariots plated with silver or over-
laid with gold.'
"Their banquets were merely sumptuous, without social
grace or elegance. The dress of the females, the fondness
for false hair sometimes wrought up to an enormous height,
and especially affecting the golden dye, and for paint, from
which irresistible propensities they were not to be estranged
even by religion, excite the stern animadversion of the
ascetic Christian teacher. ' What business have rouge and
paint on a Christian cheek ? Who can weep for her sins
when her tears wrash her face bare and mark furrows on her
skin ? With what trust can faces be lifted up towards heaven,
which the Maker cannot recognize as his own workmanship ? '
Their necks, heads, arms, and fingers were loaded with
golden chains and rings ; their persons breathed precious
odors ; their dresses were of gold stuff and silk : and in this
attire they ventured to enter the church.
8 Quoted and translated by Milman, " History of Latin Christianity," book i,
chap, ii, par. 20, note 1.
VICES OF OLE ROY AND PEOPLE, 505
"Some of the wealthier Christian matrons gave a religious
air to their vanity ; while the more profane wore their thin
silken dresses embroidered with hunting pieces, wild beasts,
or any other fanciful device, the more pious had the miracles
of Christ, the marriage in Cana of Galilee, or the paralytic
carrying his bed. In vain the preacher urged that it would
be better to emulate these acts of charity and love, than to
wear them on their garments. . . . The provincial cities,
according to their natural character, imitated the old and
new Rome ; and in all, no doubt, the nobility, or the
higher order, were of the same character and habits." —
Milman.9
As in the republic of old, in the train of wealth came
luxury, and in the train of luxury came vice ; and as the
violence now manifested in the election of the bishops was
but a reproduction of the violence by which the tribunes
and the consuls of the later republic were chosen, so the
vices of these times were but a reproduction of the later
republic and early empire — not indeed manifested so coarsely
and brutally ; more refined and polished, yet essentially the
same iniquitous practice of shameful vice.
Another phase of the evil : Under the law empowering
the church to receive legacies, the^efforts of some of the
clergy to persuade people, and especially women, to bestow
their wealth upon the church, took precedence of every-
thing else.
" Some of the clergy made it the whole business and
employment of their lives to learn the names of the ladies,
to find out their habitations, to study their humor. One of
these, an adept in the art, rises with the sun, settles the order
of his visits, acquaints himself with the shortest ways, and
almost breaks into the rooms of the women before they are
awake. If he sees any curious piece of household furniture,
he extols, admires, and handles it ; and, sighing that he too
should stand in need of such trifles, in the end rather extorts
it by force than obtains it by good-will, the ladies being
8 "History of Christianity," book iv, chap, i, par. 12, 13, 15.
506 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
afraid to disoblige the prating old fellow that is always
running about from house to house." — Jerome.™
Because of the insatiable avarice of the Roman clergy,
and because of the shameful corruption that was practiced
with the means thus acquired, a law was enacted, A. D. 3TO,
by Valentinian I, forbidding any ecclesiastics to receive any
inheritance, donation, or legacy from anybody ; and to let
the world know that he did not complain of this hardship,
the great bishop of Milan exclaimed : "We are excluded by
laws lately enacted from all inheritances, donations, and
legacies; yet we do not complain. And why should we?
By such laws we only lose wealth ; and the loss of wealth is
no loss to us. Estates are lawfully bequeathed to the min-
isters of the heathen temples ; no layman is excluded, let
his condition be ever so low, let his life be ever so scandal-
ous : clerks alone are debarred from a right common to the
rest of mankind. Let a Christian widow bequeath her whole
estate to a pagan priest, her will is good in law ; let her
bequeath the least share of it to a minister of God, her will is
null. I do not mention these things by way of complaint,
but only to let the world know that I do not complain." —
Ambrose. n
The fact that such^ a law as this had to be enacted — a
law applying only to the clergy — furnishes decisive proof
that the ecclesiastics were more vicious and more corrupt in
their use of wealth than was any other class in the empire.
This in fact is plainly stated by another who was present at
the time : "I am ashamed to say it, the priests of the idols,
the stage-players, charioteers, whores, are capable of inher-
iting estates, and receiving legacies ; from this common
privilege, clerks alone, and monks, are debarred by law ;
debarred not under persecuting tyrants, but Christian
princes. " — Jerome. 12
Nor was this all. The same pagan rites and heathen
superstitions and practices, which were brought into the
10 Quoted by Bower, " History of the Popes," Damasus, par. 12.
11 Id.
Two REPUBLICS. 39
This is a combination sun piece. The central object is Mithra in a cavern, sac-
rificing a bull. Mithra was the sun, the bull was the symbol of the powers of night.
The blood of the bull is to impart the power of regeneration. At the right hand be-
low is the Genius of the Night, with his torch extinguished. At the left is the Genius
of the Day, with his torch aflame. Above, in the middle, is the earth, with its pro-
ductions. At the left is Apollo in his chariot, drawn by four horses, in this place
representing the rising sun ; while at the right is Aurora, the goddess of the morning,
disappearing before the brightness of the coming ApoDo. The inscription on the
body of the bull is : "To Mithra, the invincible Sun-God." This sacrifice was made
at the winter solstice, what is now Christmastime. The whole combination-piece is
intended to represent the victory of the sun, the god of the day, over the powers of
darkness, or of night. The original was in a vault at Rome under the capitol, and is
now in the Louvre, Paris.
MITHRA SACRIFICING THE BULL.
ABOMINATIONS OF SUN WORSHIP CONTINUED. 507
church when the Catholic religion became that of the em-
pire, not only still prevailed, but were enlarged. The cele-
bration of the rites of the mysteries still continued, only
with a more decided pagan character, as time went on, and
as the number of pagans multiplied in the church. To add
to their impressiveness, the mysteries in the church, as in
the original Eleusinia, were celebrated in the night. As the
catechumen came to the baptismal font, he "turned to the
West, the realm of Satan, and thrice renounced his power ;
he turned to the East to adore the Sun of Righteousness,
and to proclaim his compact with the Lord of Life." —
Milman. 13
About the middle of the fourth century there was added
another form and element of sun worship. Amongst the
pagans for ages, December 25 had been celebrated as the
birthday of the sun. In the reigns of Domitian and Trajan,
Rome formally adopted from Persia the feast of the Persian
sun-god, Mithras, as the Mrth festival of the unconquered
sun — Natales invicti Solis. The Church of Rome adopted
this festival, and made it the birthday of Christ. And
within a few years the celebration of this festival of the sun
had spread throughout the whole empire east and west ;
the perverse-minded bishops readily sanctioning it with the
argument that the pagan festival of the birth of the real sun,
was a type of the festival of the birth of Christ, the Sun of
Righteousness. Thus was established the church festival of
Christmas."
This custom, like the forms of sun worship — the day of
the sun, worshiping toward the East, and the mysteries —
which had already been adopted, was so closely followed
that it was actually brought " as a charge against the Chris-
tians of the Catholic Church that they celebrated the Solstitia
13 "History of Christianity," book Iv, chap, ii, par. 8.
" Schaff's " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 77, par. 3, 4, and the
notes ; Gibbon's " Decline and Fall," chap, xxii, par. 8, note. Neander's " His-
tory of the Christian Religion and Church," Section Third, part ii, div. iii, par.
21-23, and the notes.
508 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
with the pagans." — Weander.15 The worship of the sun
itself was also still practiced. Pope Leo I testifies that in
his time many Catholics had retained the pagan custom of
paying "obeisance from some lofty eminence to the sun."
And that they also " first worshipped the rising sun, paying
homage to the pagan Apollo, before repairing to the Basilica
of St. Peter."— Schaff.™
The images and pictures which had formerly represented
the sun were adopted and transformed into representations
of Christ. How easily this was accomplished can be dis-
cerned by an examination of the accompanying illustration.
And such was the origin of the ' ' pictures of Christ " ; and
especially of the nimbus or halo round the heads of them.
The martyrs, whether real or imaginary, were now hon-
ored in the place of the heathen heroes. The day of their
martyrdom was celebrated as their birthday, and these cele-
brations were conducted in the same way that the heathen
celebrated the festival days of their heroes. "The festivals
in honor of the martyrs were avowedly instituted, or at least
conducted, on a sumptuous scale in rivalry of the banquets
which formed so important and attractive a part of the
pagan ceremonial. Besides the earliest Agapse, which gave
place to the more solemn Eucharist, there were other kinds
of banquets, at marriages and funerals, called likewise
Agapse. " — Mil/man. 1T
These festivals were celebrated either at the sepulchers
of the martyrs or at the churches, and the day began with
hymns ; the history or fables of their lives and martyrdom
was given; and eulogies were pronounced. "The day
closed with an open banquet in which all the worshipers
were invited to partake. The wealthy heathen had been
accustomed to propitiate the manes of their departed friends
by these costly festivals ; the banquet was almost an integral
part of the heathen religious ceremony. The custom passed
into the church ; and with the pagan feeling, the festival
15 Id. 16 " History of the Christian Church," \ 74, par. 4.
17 " History of Christianity," par. 14.
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HEATHEN PRACTICES IN THE CHURCH. 509
assumed a pagan character of gayety and joyous excitement,
and even of luxury. In some places the confluence of
worshipers was so great that, as in the earlier and indeed
the more modern religions of Asia, the neighborhood of
the more celebrated churches of the martyrs became marts
for commerce, and fairs were established on those holidays.
"As the evening drew in, the solemn and religious
thoughts gave way to other emotions ; the wine flowed
freely, and the healths of the martyrs were pledged, not
unfrequently, to complete inebriety. All the luxuries of the
Roman banquet were imperceptibly introduced. Dances
were admitted, pantomimic spectacles were exhibited, the
festivals were prolonged till late in the evening, or to mid-
night, so that other criminal irregularities profaned, if not
the sacred edifice, its immediate neighborhood. The bishops
had for some time sanctioned these pious hilarities with
their presence; they had freely partaken of the banquets."
— Milman.1*
So perfectly were the pagan practices duplicated in these
festivals of the martyrs, that the Catholics were charged
with practicing pagan rites, with the only difference that
they did it apart from the pagans. This charge was made
to Augustine: "You have substituted your Agapse for the
sacrifices of the pagans ; for their idols your martyrs, whom
you serve with the very same honors. You appease the
shades of the dead with wines and feasts : you celebrate the
solemn festivals of the Gentiles, their calends and their
solstices ; and as to their manners, those you have retained
without any alteration. Nothing distinguishes you from the
pagans except that you hold your assemblies apart from
them." — Draper.19 And the only defense that Augustine
could make was in a blundering casuistical effort to show a
distinction in the nature of the two forms of worship.
In the burial of their dead, they still continued the pagan
practice of putting a piece of money in the mouth of the
18 Id., par. 15, 16.
19 " Intellectual Development of Europe," Vol. i, chap, x, par. 5.
510 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
corpse with which the departed was to pay the charges of
Charon for ferrying him over the River Styx.20
Another most prolific source of general corruption was
the church's assumption of authority to regulate, and that
by law, the whole question of the marriage relation, both in
the Church and in the State. "The first aggression . . .
which the Church made on the State, was assuming the
cognizance over all questions and causes relating to mar-
riage. " • — Milma/n,.*1
Among the clergy she attempted to enforce celibacy,
that is, to prohibit marriage altogether. Monkery had
arisen to a perfect delirium of popularity, and " a character-
istic trait of monasticism in all its forms is a morbid aversion
to female society, and a rude contempt of married life. . . .
Among the rules of Basil is a prohibition of speaking with a
woman, touching one, or even looking on one, except in
unavoidable cases." — Schaff.™ As monkery was so uni-
versally and so extremely popular among all classes from
the height of imperial dignity to the depths of the monkish
degradation itself, it became necessary for the clergy to
imitate the monks in order to maintain popularity with the
people. And as monkery is only an ostentatious display of
self-righteousness, the contempt of married life was the
easiest way for the clergy to advertise most loudly their
imitation of monkish virtue.
In their self-righteousness some of the monks attained to
such a "pre-eminence" of "virtue" that they could live
promiscuously with women, or like Jerome, write "letters
to a virgin," that were unfit to be written to a harlot. The
former class, in the estimation of an admirer, "bore away
the pre-eminence from all others. " His account of them is
as follows : —
" There are persons who, when by virtue they have attained to a
condition exempt from passion, return to the world. In the midst of the
20Milmatfs "History of Christianity," book iv, chap, ii, par. 13, note.
ai Id., book iv, chap. 1, par. 58.
28 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 32, par. 15.
MONKISH VIRTUE MADE PREVALENT. 5H
stir, by plainly intimating that they are indifferent to those who view
them with amazement, they thus trample underfoot vain-glory, the last
garment, according to the wise Plato, which it is the nature of the soul
to cast off. By similar means they study the art of apathy in eating,
practising it even, if need be, with the petty retailers of victuals. They
also constantly frequent the public baths, mostly mingling and bathing
with women, since they have attained to such au ascendency over their
passions, as to possess dominion over nature, and neither by s^ght, touch,
or even embracing of the female, to relapse into their natural condition ;
it being their desire to be men among men, and women among women,
and to participate in both sexes. In short, by a life thus all excellent
and divine, virtue exercises a sovereignty in opposition to nature, estab-
lishing her own laws, so as not to allow them to partake to satiety in any
necessary. " — Evagrius. 23
The first decretal ever issued, namely, that by Pope Siri-
cius, A. D. 385, commanded the married clergy to separate
from their wives under sentence of expulsion from the cler-
ical order upon all who dared to offer resistance ; yet promis-
ing pardon for such as had offended through ignorance, and
suffering them to retain their positions, provided they would
observe complete separation from their wives — though even
then they were to be held forever incapable of promo-
tion. The clergy finding themselves forbidden by the pope
to marry, and finding it necessary, in order to maintain a
standing of popularity, to imitate the monks, practiced the
same sort of monkish " virtue " as described above. "The
clerks who ought to instruct and awe the women with a grave
and composed behavior, first kiss their heads, and then
stretching out their hands as it were to bestow a blessing,
slyly receive a fee for their salutation. The women in the
meantime, elated with pride in feeling themselves thus
courted by the clergy, prefer tJ^ freedom of widowJiood to
the subjection attending the state of matrimony."'— Jerome ™
As these associations differed from those in real matri-
mony "only in the absence of the marriage ceremony," it
was not an uncommon thing for men to gain admission to
"holy orders" "on account of the superior opportunities
zs " Ecclesiastical History," book i, chap. xxi.
z*Quoied by Bower, " History of the Popes," Damasus, par. 1*3.
512 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
which clericature gave of improper intercourse with women. "
This practice became so scandalous that in A. D. 370 Yalen-
tian I enacted a law "which denounced severe punishment
on ecclesiastics who visited the houses of widows and vir-
gins."— Lea.*~a The law, however, had really no effect in
stopping the wickedness, and "with the disappearance of
legitimate marriage in the priesthood, the already prevalent
vice of the cohabitation of unmarried ecclesiastics with pious
widows and virgins 'secretly brought in,' became more and
more common. This spiritual marriage which had become
as a bold ascetic venture, ended only too often in the flesh,
and prostituted the honor of the church." — Schaff™
Again : in accordance with the rest of the theocratical
legislation of Constantine and the bishops, the precepts of
the Scripture in relation to marriage and divorce were
adopted with heavy penalties, as the laws of the empire.
As the church had assumed "cognizance over all questions
relating to marriage," it followed that marriage not cele-
brated by the church was held to be but little better than an
illicit connection. Yet the weddings of the church were
celebrated in the pagan way. Loose hymns were sung to
Yenus, and " the bride was borne by drunken men to her
husband's house among choirs of dancing harlots with pipes,
and flutes, and songs of offensive license." And when the
marriage had been thus celebrated, and even consummated,
the marriage bond was held so loosely that it amounted to
very little, for "men changed their wives as quickly as their
clothes, and marriage chambers were set up as easily as
booths in a market." — Milman.21
Of course there were against all these evils, laws abun-
dant with penalties terrible, as in the days of the Caesars.
And also as in those days the laws were utterly impotent :
not only for the same great reason that then existed, that
the iniquity was so prevalent that there were none to enforce
25 "History of Sacerdotal Celibacy," chap, v, par. 17, and chap, iv, par. 7.
26 " History of the Christian Church," Vol. iii, § 50, par. 8.
27 "History of Christianity," book iv. chap, i, par. 58, note^ and 60.
HYPOCRISY AND FRAUD MADE HABITUAL. 513
the laws ; but for an additional reason that now existed, that
is, tJie bishops were the interpreters of the code, and by this
time through the interminable and hair-splitting distinctions
drawn against heresies, the bishops had so sharpened their
powers of interpretation that they could easily evade the
force of any law, scriptural, canonical, or statutory that might
be produced.
There is yet one other element of general corruption to
be noticed. As we have seen, the means employed by
Constantine in establishing the Catholic religion and church,
and in making that the prevalent religion, were such as to
win only hypocrites. This was bad enough in itself, yet the
hypocrisy was voluntary ; but when through the agency of
her Sunday laws and by the ministration of Theodosius the
church received control of the civil power to compel all
without distinction who were not Catholics to act as though
they were, hypocrisy was made compulsory ; and every per-
son who was not voluntarily a church-member was compelled
either to be a hypocrite or a rebel. In addition to this,
those who were of the church indeed, through the endless
succession of controversies and church councils, were forever
establishing, changing, and re-establishing the faith, and as
all were required to change or revise their faith according
as the councils decreed, all moral and spiritual integrity was
destroyed. Hypocrisy became a habit, dissimulation and
fraud a necessity of life, and the very moral fiber of men
and of society was vitiated.
In the then existing order of things it was impossible
that it could be otherwise. Right faith is essential to right
morals. Purity of faith is essential to purity of heart and
life. But there the faith was wrong and utterly corrupt,
and nothing but corruption could follow. More than this,
the faith was essentially pagan, and much more guilty than
had been the original pagan, as it was professed under the
name of Christianity and the gospel, and as it was in itself
a shameful corruption of the true faith of the gospel. As
the faith of the people was essentially pagan, or rather worse,
514 THE RUIN OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
the morality of the people could be nothing else. And such
in fact it was.
" There is ample evidence to show how great had been
the reaction from the simple genuineness of early Christian
belief, and how nearly the Christian world had generally
associated itself, in thought and temper, not to say in su-
perstitious practice, with the pagan. We must not shut our
eyes to the fact that much of the apparent success of the new
religion had been gained by its actual accommodation of
itself to the ways and feelings of the old. It was natural
it should be so. Once set aside, from doubt, distaste, €>r any
other feeling, the special dogmas of the gospel, . . . and
men will naturally turn to compromise, to electicism, to
universalism, to indifference, to unbelief. . . .
' ' If the great Christian doctors had themselves come
forth from the schools of the pagans, the loss had not been
wholly unrequited ; so complacently had even Christian
doctors again surrendered themselves to the fascinations
of pagan speculations ; so fatally, in their behalf, had
they extenuated Christian dogma, and acknowledged the
fundamental truth and sufficiency of science falsely so
called.
"The gospel we find was almost eaten out from the
heart of the Christian society. I speak not now of the pride
of spiritual pretensions, of the corruption of its secular
politics, of its ascetic extravagances, its mystical fallacies,
of its hollowness in preaching, or its laxity in practice ; of its
saint worship, which was a revival of hero-worship ; its
addiction to the sensuous in outward service, which was a
revival of idolatry. But I point to the fact less observed by
our church historians, of the absolute defect of all distinctive
Christianity in the utterances of men of the highest esteem
as Christians, men of reputed wisdom, sentiment, and devo-
tion. Look, for instance, at the remains we possess of the
Christian Boethius, a man whom we know to have been a
professed Christian and churchman, excellent in action,
steadfast in suffering, but in whose writings, in which he
PURE, UNMINGLED NATURALISM. 515
aspires to set before us the true grounds of spiritual con-
solation on which he rested himself in the hour of his trial,
and on which he would have his fellows rest, there is no
trace of Christianity whatever, nothing but pure, unmingled
naturalism.
"This marked decline of distinctive Christian belief was
accompanied with a marked decline of Christian morality.
Heathenism re-asserted its empire over the carnal affections
of the natural man. The pictures of abounding wickedness
in the high places and the lew places of the earth, which
are presented to us by the witnesses of the worst pagan deg-
radation, are repeated, in colors not less strong, in lines
not less hideous, by the observers of the gross and reckless
iniquity of the so-called Christian period now before us. It
becomes evident that as the great mass of the careless and
indifferent have assumed witli the establishment of the Chris-
tian church in authority and honor, the outward garb and
profession of Christian believers, so with the decline of
belief, the corruption of the visible church, the same masses,
indifferent and irreligious as of old, have rejected the moral
restraints which their profession should have imposed upon
them. — Merivale.™
In short, the same corruptions that had characterized the
former Home were reproduced in the Rome of the fifth cent-
ury. "The primitive rigor of discipline and manners was
utterly neglected and forgotten by the ecclesiastics of Rome.
The most exhorbitant luxury, with all the vices attending it,
was introduced among them, and the most scandalous and
unchristian arts of acquiring wealth universally practiced.
They seem to have rivaled in riotous living the greatest epi-
cures of Pagan Rome when luxury was there at the highest
pitch. For Jerome, who was an eye witness of what he
writ, reproaches the Roman clergy with the same excesses
which the poet Juvenal so severely censured in the Roman
nobility under the reign of Domitian." — Bower.™
28 " Conversion of the Northern Nations," Lecture iv, par. 10, 12, 13.
39 41 History of the Popes," Damasus, par. 14.
516 THE RUIN OF TIIE ROMAN EMPIRE.
The following quotation, though touching upon some
points already made, gives others of sufficient value to
justify its insertion: "The mass of professing believers
were found to relapse into the grossest superstitions and
practices of the heathen. . . . The old heathen cultus, par-
ticularly that of the sun ( Sol invictus ), had formerly en-
twined itself with the Christian worship of God. Many
Christians, before entering the Basilica of Peter, were wont
to mount the platform, in order to make their obeisance to
the rising luminary. Here was an instance of the way in
which the 'spirit of paganism,' had found means of in-
sinuating itself into the very heart of Christianity. Leo
could say, with no great exaggeration, in looking at the
moral position of the Roman Christians, ' Quod temporibus
nostris auctore diabolo sic vitiata sunt omnia, ut fere nihil sit
quod absque idololatria transigatur ' [ In our time, by the
instigation of the devil, all things have become so corrupt
that there is hardly anything that is done without idolatry].
The weddings of the Christians could not be distinguished
from those of the pagans. Everything was determined by
auguries and auspices ; the wild orgies of the "Bacchanalians,
with all their obscene songs and revelry, were not wanting."
— Merivale.™
And now all the evils engendered in that evil intrigue
which united the State with a professed Christianity, hur-
ried on the doomed empire to its final and utter ruin.
"The criminal and frivolous pleasures of a decrepit civiliza-
tion left no thought for the absorbing duties of the day or
the fearful trials of the morrow. Unbridled lust and unblush-
ing indecency admitted no sanctity in the marriage tie. The
rich and powerful established harems, in the recesses of
which their wives lingered, forgotten, neglected, and de-
spised. The banquet, theater, and the circus exhausted
what little strength and energy were left by domestic ex-
cesses. The poor aped the vices of the rich, and hideous
30 "Conversion of the Northern Nations," notes and illustrations, E.
DESTRUCTION AND DEVASTATION. 517"
depravity reigned supreme, and invited the vengeance of
heaven. — Lea.31
The pagan superstitions, the pagan delusions, and the
pagan vices, which had been brought into the church by
the apostasy, and clothed with a form of godliness, had
wrought such corruption that the society of which it was a
part could no longer exist. From it no more good could
possibly come, and it must be swept away. "The uncon-
trollable progress of avarice, prodigality, voluptuousness,
theater going, intemperance, lewdness ; in short, of all the
heathen vices, which Christianity had come . to eradicate,
still carried the Koman empire and people with rapid strides
toward dissolution, and gave it at last into the hands of the
rude, but simple and morally vigorous, barbarians." —
Schaff.™
And onward those barbarians came, swiftly and in multi-
tudes. For a hundred years the dark cloud had been hang-
ing threateningly over the borders of the empire, encroach-
ing slightly upon the West and breaking occasionally upon
the East. But at the close of the fourth century the tem-
pest burst in all its fury, and the flood was flowing ruin-
ously. As early as A. D. 377 a million Goths had crossed
the Danube, and between that time and A. D. 400 they had
ravaged the country from Thessalonica to the Adriatic Sea.
In A. D. 400 a host of them entered the borders of Italy, but
were restrained for a season.
In 406 a band of Burgundians, Vandals, Suevi, and
Alani from the north of Germany, four hundred thousand
strong, overran the country as far as Florence. In the
siege of that city their course was checked with the loss of
more than one hundred thousand. They then returned to
Germany, and with large accessions to their numbers, over-
ran all the southern part of Gaul. The Burgundians re-
mained in Gaul ; the Vandals, the Alani, and the Suevi
31 "History of Sacerdotal Celibacy," chap. v. par. 20.
32 "History of the Christian Church," Vol. 3, § 23, par. 2.
518 THE RUIN OF TUB ROMAN EMPIRE.
overran all the southern part of Spain, and carried their
ravages over the greater part of that province, and clear to
the Strait of Gibraltar.
In 410 again returned the mighty hosts of the Goths,
and spread over all Italy from the Alps to the Strait of
Sicily, and for five days inflicted upon Rome such pillage as
had never befallen it since the day, nearly a thousand years
before, when the Cimbri left it in ruins. They marched out
of Italy and took possession of Southwestern Gaul from the
Mediterranean Sea to the Bay of Biscay.
In May 429, the Vandals, in whose numbers the Alani
had been absorbed, crossed the Strait of Gibraltar' into
Africa, and for ten years ravaged the country from there to
Carthage, of which city they took possession with great
slaughter, October 9, A. D. 439 ; and in 440 the terrible
Genseric, king of the Vandals, ruled the Mediterranean and
sacked the city of Rome.
In 449 the Saxons and their German neighbors invaded
Britain, of which they soon became sole possessors, utterly
exterminating the native inhabitants.
In 451-3 another mighty host, numbering seven hundred
thousand, of all the barbarous nations, led by Attila, deso-
lated Eastern Gaul as far as Chalons, and the north of Italy
as far as the Rhone, but returned again beyond the Danube.
And finally, in 476, when Odoacer, king of the Heruli,
became king of Italy, the last vestige of the Western empire
of Rome was gone, and was divided among the ten nations
of barbarians of the North.
Wherever these savages went, they carried fire and
slaughter, and whenever they departed, they left desolation
and ruin in their track, and carried away multitudes of cap-
tives. Thus was the proud empire of Western Rome swept
from the earth ; and that which Constantino and his ecclesi-
astical flatterers had promised one another should be the
everlasting salvation of the State, proved its speedy and
everlasting ruin.
NO REMEDY, AND FINAL RUIN. 519
It was impossible that it should be otherwise. We have
seen to what a fearful depth of degradation Pagan Rome
had gone in the days of the Caesars, yet the empire did not
perish then. There was hope for the people. The gospel
of Jesus Christ carried in earnestness, in simplicity, and in
its heavenly power, brought multitudes to its saving light,
and to a knowledge of the purity of Jesus Christ. This was
their salvation ; and the gospel of Christ, by restoring the
virtue and integrity of the individual, was the preservation
of the Roman State.
But when by apostasy that gospel had lost its purity and
its power in the multitudes who professed it ; and when it
was used only as a cloak to cover the same old pagan wick-
edness ; when this form of godliness, practiced not only
without the power but in defiance of it, permeated the great
masses of the people, and the empire had thereby become a
festering mass of corruption ; when the only means which
it was possible for the Lord himself to employ to purify the
people, had been taken and made only the cloak under
which to increase unto more ungodliness, — there was no
other remedy : destruction must come.
And it did come, as we have seen, by a host wild and
savage, it is true ; but whose social habits were so far above
those of the people which they destroyed, that savage as
they were, they were caused fairly to blush at the shameful
corruptions which they found in this so-called Christian
society of Rome. This is proved by the best authority. A
writer who lived at the time of the barbarian invasions and
who wrote as a Christian, gives the following evidence as to
the condition of things : —
" ' The church which ought everywhere to propitiate God, what does
she, but provoke him to anger ? How many may one meet, even in the
church, who are not still drunkards, or debauchees, or adulterers, or
fornicators, or robbers, or murderers, or the like, or all these at once,
without end ? It is even a sort of holiness among Christian people, to
be less vicious.' From the public worship of God. and almost during it,
4O
520 THE FALL OF THE EMPIRE.
they pass to deeds of shame. Scarce a rich man but would commit mur-
der and fornication. We have lost the whole power of Christianity, and
offend God the more, that we sin as Christians. We are worse than the
barbarians and heathen. If the Saxon is wild, the Frank faithless, the
Goth inhuman, the Alanian drunken, the Hun licentious, they are, by
reason of their ignorance, far less punishable than we, who, knowing
the commandments of God, commit all these crimes." — SalDian.33
' ' He compares the Christians, especially of Rome, with
the Arian Goths and Yandals, to the disparagement of the
Romans, who add to the gross sins of nature the refined
vices of civilization, passion for the theaters, debauchery,
and unnatural lewdness. Therefore has the just God given
them into the hands of the barbarians, and exposed them
to the ravages of the migrating hordes."-— Scliaff.^
And this description, says the same author, "is in gen-
eral not untrue.''1 And he confirms it in his own words by
the excellent observation that "nothing but the divine judg-
ment of destruction upon this nominally Christian, but essen-
tially heathen, world, could open the way for the moral
regeneration of society. There must be new, fresh nations,
if the Christian civilization, prepared in the old Roman em-
pire, was to take firm root and bear ripe fruit." — Schaff™
These new, fresh nations came, and planted themselves
upon the ruins of the old. Out of these came the faithful
Christians of the Dark Ages, and upon them broke the light
of the Reformation. And out of these and by this means
God produced the civilization of the nineteenth century and
the new republic of the United States of America^ from which
there should go once more in its purity, as in the beginning,
the everlasting gospel to every nation and kindred and
tongue and people.
33 Quoted by Schafl, Id., \ 12, par. 3.
35 Id. \ 24, par. 2. 3* Id.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
AS out of the political difficulties of the days of Constan-
tino, the Catholic Church rose to power in the State ; so
out of the ruin of the Roman empire she rose to supremacy
over kings and nations. She had speedily wrought the ruin
of one empire, and now for more than a thousand years she
would prove a living curse to all the States and empires
that should succeed it.
We have seen how that, by the arrogant ministry of Leo,
the bishop of Rome was made the fountain of faith, and was
elevated to a position of dignity and authority that the aspir-
ing prelacy had never before attained. For Leo, as the typ-
ical pope, was one whose " ambition knew no bounds ; and
to gratify it, he stuck at nothing ; made no distinction be-
tween right and wrong, between truth and falsehood ; as if
he had adopted the famous maxim of Julius Caesar, —
Be just, unless a kingdom tempts to break the laws,
For sovereign power alone can justify the cause,'
or thought the most criminal actions ceased to be criminal,
and became meritorious, when any ways subservient to the
increase of his power or the exaltation of his see." — Bower.1
Nor was the force of any single point of his example ever
lost upon his successors. His immediate successor, —
HILARY, 4(51-467,
was so glad to occupy the place which had been made so
large by Leo, that shortly after his election he wrote a letter
lu History of the Popes," Leo, last par. but one.
[521]
522 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
to the other bishops asking them to exult with him, taking
particular care in the letter to tell them that he did not
doubt that they all knew what respect and deference was
paid "in the Spirit of God to St. Peter and his see." The
bishops of Spain addressed him as "the successor of
St. Peter, whose primacy ought to be loved and feared by
all." He was succeeded by —
SIMPLICIUS, 467-4:83,
in whose pontificate the empire perished when the Heruli,
under Odoacer, overran all Italy, deposed the last emperor of
the "West, appropriated to themselves one third of all the
lands, and established the Herulian kingdom, with Odoacer
as king of Italy. In fact, the more the imperial power
faded, and the nearer the empire approached its fall, the
more rapidly and the stronger grew the papal assumptions.
Thus the very calamities which rapidly wrought the ruin of
the empire, and which were hastened by the union of Church
and State, were turned to the advantage of the bishopric of
Rome. During the whole period of barbarian invasions
from 400 to 476, the Catholic hierarchy everywhere adapted
itself to the situation, and reaped power and influence from
the calamities that were visited everywhere.
We have seen that Innocent I, upon whose mind there
appears first to have dawned the vast conception of Rome's
universal ecclesiastical supremacy, during the invasion of
Italy and the siege of Rome by Alaric, headed an embassy
to the emperer to mediate for a treaty of peace between the
empire and the invading Goths. 'We have seen that at the
moment of Leo's election to the papal see, he was absent on
a like mission to reconcile the enmity of the two principal
Roman officers, which was threatening the safety of the
empire. Yet other and far more important occasions of the
same kind fell to the lot of Leo during the term of his bish-
opric. In 453 Leo was made the head of an embassy to
meet Attila as he was on his way to Rome, if possible to
THE PAPACY AND THE BARBARIANS. 523
turn him back. The embassy was successful ; a treaty was
formed ; Attila retired beyond the Danube, where he imme-
diately died ; and Italy was delivered. This redounded no
less to the glory of Leo than any of the other remarkable
things which he had accomplished. He was not so suc-
cessful with Genseric two years afterward, yet even then he
succeeded in mitigating the ravages of the Yandals, which
were usually so dreadful that the idea still lives in the
word "vandalism."
Moreover, it was not against religion as such that the
barbarians made war, as they themselves were religious.
It was against that mighty empire of which they had seen
much, and suffered much, and heard more, that they
warred. It was as nations taking vengeance upon a nation
which had been so great, arid which had so proudly asserted
lordship over all other nations, that they invaded the Roman
empire. And when they could plant themselves and remain,
as absolute lords, in the dominions of those who had boasted
of absolute and eternal dominion, and thus humble the pride
of the mighty Rome, this was their supreme gratification.
As these invasions were not inflicted everywhere at once,
but at intervals through a period of seventy-five years, the
church had ample time to adapt herself to the ways of such
of the barbarians as were heathen, which as ever she
readily did. The heathen barbarians were accustomed to
pay the greatest respect to their own priesthood, and were
willing to admit the Catholic priesthood to an equal or
even a larger place in their estimation. Such of them as
were already professedly Christian, were Arians, and not
so savage as the Catholics ; therefore, they, with the excep-
tion of the Yandals, were not so ready to persecute, and
were willing to settle and make themselves homes in the
territories of the vanished empire.
An account of the conversion of the Burgundians, and
through them of the Franks, will illustrate the dealings of
the papacy with the barbarians, and will also give the key
524 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
to the most important events in the history of the supremacy
of the bishopric of Rome.
Ever since the time of Constantine, the god and saviour of
the Catholics had been a god of battle, and no surer way to
the eternal rewards of martyrdom could be taken than by
being killed in a riot in behalf of the orthodox faith, or to
die by punishment inflicted for such proceeding, as in the
case of that insolent ruffian who attempted to murder
Orestes. It was easy, therefore, for the heathen barbarians,
whose greatest god was the god of battle, and whose greatest
victory and surest passport to the halls of the warrior god,
was to die in the midst of the carnage of bloody battle, — it
was easy for such people as this to become converted to the
god of battle of the Catholics. A single bloody victory would
turn the scale, and issue in the conversion of a whole nation.
The Burgundians were settled in that part of Gaul which
now forms Western Switzerland and that part of France
which is now the county and district of Burgundy. As
early as A. D. 430, the Huns making inroads into Gaul,
severely afflicted the Burgundians, who finding impotent the
power of their own god, determined to try the Catholic god.
They therefore sent representatives to a' neighboring city in
Gaul, requesting the Catholic bishop to receive them. The
bishop had them fast for a week, during which time he cate-
chised them, and then baptized them. Soon afterward the
Burgundians found the Huns without a leader, and, sud-
denly falling upon them at the disadvantage, confirmed their
conversion by the slaughter of ten thousand of the enemy.
Thereupon the wrhole nation embraced the Catholic religion
"with fiery zeal." — JMfilman.* Afterward, however, when
about the fall of the empire, the Visigoths under Euric as-
serted their dominion over all Spain, and the greater part of
Gaul, and over the Burgundians too, they deserted the
Catholic god, and adopted the Arian faith.
2 "History of Latiu Christiauty," book ii, chap, ii, par. 21 ; Socrates's
"Ecclesiastical History," book vii, chap. xxx.
THE "CONVERSION" OF CLOVI8. 525
Yet Clotilda, a niece of the Burgundian king, "was edu-
cated " in the profession of the Catholic faith. She married
Clovis, the pagan king of the pagan Franks, and strongly
persuaded him to become a Catholic. All her pleadings were
in vain, however, till A. D. 496, when in a great battle
with the Alemanni, the Franks were getting the worst of the
conflict, in the midst of the battle Clovis vowed that if the
victory could be theirs, he would become a Catholic. The
tide of battle turned ; the victory was won, and Clovis
was a Catholic. Clotilda hurried away a messenger with
the glad news to the bishop of Rhiems, who came to baptize
the new convert.
But after the battle was over, and the dangerous crisis
was past, Clovis was not certain whether he wanted to be a
Catholic. He said he must consult his warriors ; he did so,
and they signified their readiness to adopt the same religion
as their king. He then declared that he was convinced of
the truth of the Catholic faith, and preparations were at
once made for the baptism of the new Constantine, Christ-
mas day, A. D. 496. "To impress the minds of the barbari-
ans, the baptismal ceremony was performed with the utmost
pomp. The church was hung with embroidered tapestry
and white curtains ; odors of incense like airs of paradise,
were diffused around ; the building blazed with countless
lights. When the new Constantine knelt in the font to be
cleansed from the leprosy of his heathenism, 'Fierce Sicam-
brian,'.said the bishop, ' bow thy neck ; burn what thou hast
adored, adore what thou hast burned.' Three thousand
Franks followed the example of Clovis." — Milman.3
The pope sent Clovis a letter congratulating him on his
conversion. As an example of the real value of his relig-
ious instruction, it may be well to state that some time after
his baptism, the bishop delivered a sermon on the crucifixion
of the Saviour ; and while he dwelt upon the cruelty of the
Jewrs in that transaction, Clovis blurted out, "If I had been
there with my faithful Franks, they would not have dared to
3 "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, ii, par. 27.
526 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
do it." "If unscrupulous ambition, undaunted valor and
enterprise, and desolating warfare, had been legitimate
means for the propagation of pure Christianity, it could not
have found a better champion than Clovis. For the first
time the diffusion of belief in the nature of the Godhead
became the avowed pretext for the invasion of a neighboring
territory." — Milman,* "His ambitious reign was a per-
petual violation of moral and Christian duties ; his hands
were stained with blood in peace as well as in war ; and
as soon as Clovis had dismissed a synod of the Gallican
church, he calmly assassinated all the princes of the Mero-
vingian race."-- Gibbon*
The bishop of Yienne also sent a letter to the new con-
vert, in which he prophesied that the faith of Clovis would
be a surety of the victory of the Catholic faith ; and he,
with every other Catholic in Christendom, was ready to do
his utmost to see that the prophecy was fulfilled. The
Catholics in all the neighboring countries longed and prayed
and conspired that Clovis might deliver them from the rule
of Arian monarchs ; and in the nature of the case, war
soon followed. Burgundy was the first country invaded.
Before the war actually began, however, by the advice of the
bishop of Rhiems, a synod of the orthodox bishops met at
Lyons ; then with the bishop of Yienne at their head, they
visited the king of the Burgundians, and proposed that he
call the Arian bishops together, and allow a conference to be
held, as they were prepared to prove that the Arians were in
error. To their proposal the king replied, " If yours" be the
true doctrine, why do you not prevent the king of the Franks
from waging an unjust war against me, and from caballing
with my enemies against me? There is no true Christian
faith where there is rapacious covetousness for the posses-
sions of others, and thirst for blood. Let him show forth hi?
faith by his good works." — Milman*
*Id. par. 28. 6" Decline and Fall," chap, xxxviii, par. 6.
6 "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap. Li, par. 28.
THE "HOLT" WARS OF CLOVIS. 527
The bishop of Vienne dodged this pointed question, and
replied, "We are ignorant of the motives and intentions of
the king of the Franks ; but we are taught by the Scripture
that the kingdoms which abandon the divine law, are fre-
quently subverted ; and that enemies will arise on every side
against those who have made God their enemy. Eeturn
with thy people to the law of God, and he will give peace
and security to thy dominions."- - Gibbon.7 War followed,
and the Burgundian dominions were made subject to the
rule of Clovis, A. D. 500.
The Visigoths possessed all the southwestern portion of
Gaul. They too were Arians ; and the mutual conspiracy
of the Catholics in the Gothic dominions, and the crusade of
the Franks from the side of Clovis, soon brought on another
holy war. At the assembly of princes and warriors at
Paris, A. D. 508, Clovis complained, "It grieves me to see
that the Arians still possess the fairest portion of Gaul.
Let us march against them with the aid of God ; and, hav-
ing vanquished the heretics, we will possess and divide their
fertile province." Clotilda added her pious exhortation to
the effect "that doubtless the Lord would more readily lend
his aid if some gift were made ; " and in response, Clovis
seized his ba-ttle-ax and threw it as far as he could, and as it
went whirling through the air, he exclaimed, "There, on
that spot where my Francesca shall fall, will I erect a
church in honor of the holy apostles." - Gibbon?
War was declared ; and as Clovis marched on his way,
he passed through Tours, and turned aside to consult the
shrine of St. Martin of Tours, for an omen. "His messen-
gers were instructed to remark the words of the Psalm
which should happen to be chanted at the precise, moment
when they entered the church." And the oracular clergy
took care that the words which he should "happen " to hear
at that moment — uttered not in Latin, but in language
which Clovis understood — should be the following from
7"Decline and Fall," chap, xxxviii, par. 8. 8 Id., par. 11.
528 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
Psalm xviii : "Thou hast girded me, O Lord, with strength
unto the battle ; thou hast subdued unto me those who rose
up against me. Thou hast given me the necks of mine
enemies, that I might destroy them that hate me." The
oracle was satisfactory, and in the event was completely
successful. "The Visigothic kingdom was wasted and sub-
dued by the remorseless sword of the Franks."-- Gibbon.*
Nor was the religious zeal of Clovis confined to the over-
throw of the Arians. There were two bodies of the Franks,
the Salians arid the Ripuarians. Clovis was king of the
Salians, Sigebert of the Ripuarians. Clovis determined to
be king of all ; he therefore prompted the son of Sigebert to
assassinate his father, with the promise that the son should
peaceably succeed Sigebert on the throne ; but as soon as
the murder was committed, Clovis commanded the murderer
to be murdered, and then in a full parliament of the whole
people of the Franks, he solemnly vowed that he had had
nothing to do with the murder of either the father or the
son ; and upon this, as there was no heir, Clovis was raised
upon a shield, and proclaimed king of the RipUarian Franks ;
— all of which Gregory, bishop of Tours, commended as the
will of God, saying of Clovis that "God thus daily pros-
trated his enemies under his hands, and enlarged his king-
dom, because he walked before him with an upright heart,
and did that which was well pleasing in his sight." —
Milman.™
Thus was the bloody course of Clovis glorified, by the
Catholic writers, as the triumph of the orthodox doctrine
of the Trinity over Arianism. When such actions as these
were so lauded by the clergy as the pious acts of orthodox
Catholics', it is certain that the clergy themselves were no
better than were the bloody objects of their praise. Under
the influence of such ecclesiastics, the condition of the bar-
9 Id., par. 12, and Milman's " History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap,
ii, par. 29. 10 " History of Latin Christianity," Id., par. 29.
SUCH CONVERSION WAS WORSE CORRUPTION. 529
barians after their so-called conversion, could not possibly
be better, even if it were not worse than before. To be con-
verted to the principles and precepts of such clergy was only
the more deeply to be damned. In proof of this it is nec-
essary only to touch upon the condition of Catholic France
under Clovis and his successors.
Into the "converted" barbarians, the Catholic system in-
stilled all of its superstition, and its bigoted hatred of
heretics and unbelievers. It thus destroyed what of gener-
osity still remained in their minds, while it only intensified
their native ferocity ; and the shameful licentiousness of the
papal system likewise corrupted the purity, and the native
respect for women and marriage which had always been a
noble characteristic of the German nations. "It is difficult
to conceive a more dark and odious state of society than that
of France under her Merovingian kings, the descendants of
Clovis, as described by Gregory of Tours. . . . Throughout,
assassinations, parricides, and fratricides intermingle with
adulteries and rapes.
' ' The cruelty might seem the mere inevitable result of
this violent and unnatural fusion ; but the extent to which
this cruelty spreads throughout the whole society almost
surpasses belief. That king Chlotaire should burn alive his
rebellious son with his wife and daughter, is fearful enough ;
but we are astounded, even in these times, that a bishop of
Tours should burn a man alive to obtain the deeds of an
estate which he coveted. Fredegonde sends two murderers
to assassinate Childebert, and these assassins are clerks.
She causes the archbishop of Rouen to be murdered while he
is chanting the service in the church ; and in this crime a
bishop and an archdeacon are her accomplices. She is not
content with open violence ; she administers poison with the
subtlety of a Locusta or a modern Italian, apparently with
no sensual design, but from sheer barbarity."
"As to the intercourse of the sexes, wars of conquest,
where the females are at the mercy of the victors, especially
530 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
if female virtue is not in much respect, would severely try
the more rigid morals of the conqueror. The strength of
the Teutonic character, when it had once burst the bonds of
habitual or traditionary restraint, might seem to disdain
easy and effeminate vice, and to seek a kind of wild zest in
the indulgence of lust, by mingling it up with all other vio-
lent passions, rapacity and inhumanity. Marriage was a
bond contracted and broken on the slightest occasion.
Some of the Merovingian kings took as many wives, either
together or in succession, as suited either their passions or
their politics."
The papal religion "hardly interferes even to interdict
incest. King Chlotaire demanded for the fisc the third part
of the revenue of the churches ; some bishops yielded ; one,
Injuriosus, disdainfully refused, and Chlotaire withdrew his
demands. Yet Chlotaire, seemingly unrebuked, married
two sisters at once. Charibert likewise married two sisters :
he, however, found a churchman — but that was Saint
Germanus — bold enough to rebuke him. This rebuke the
king (the historian quietly writes), as he had already many
wives, bore with patience. Dagobert, son of Chlotaire,
king of Austrasia, repudiated his wife Gomatrude for barren-
ness, married a Saxon slave Mathildis, then another, Regna-
trude ; so that he had three wives at oilce, besides so many
concubines that the chronicler is ashamed to recount them.
Brunehaut and Fredegonde are not less famous for their
licentiousness than for their cruelty. Fredegonde is either
compelled, or scruples not of her own accord, to take a pub-
lic oath, with three bishops and four hundred nobles as her
vouchers, that her son was the son of her husband Chilperic.
— Milman.11 Thus did the papacy for the barbarians whom
she "converted;" and such as she could not thus cor-
rupt, she destroyed.
At the fall of the empire, the bishopric of Rome was the
head and center of a strong and compactly organized power.
And by deftly insinuating itself into the place of mediator
11 Id., par. 33, 34.
SHE DESTROYS THOSE SHE CANNOT CORRUPT. 531
between the barbarian invaders and the perishing imperial
authority, it had attained a position where it was recognized
by the invaders as the power which, though it claimed to be
not temporal but spiritual was none the less real, had suc-
ceeded to the place of the vanished imperial authority of
Rome. And in view of the history of the time, it is impos-
sible to escape the conviction that in the bishopric of Rome
there was at this time formed the determination to plant
itself in the temporal dominion of Rome and Italy. The
emperors had been absent from Rome so long that the
bishop of Rome had assumed their place there, and we have
seen how the church had usurped the place of the civil
authority. The bishop of Rome was the head of the
church ; and now, as the empire was perishing, he would
exalt his throne upon its ruins, and out of the anarchy of
the times would secure a place and a name among the pow-
ers and dominions of the earth.
The barbarians who took possession of Italy were Arians,
which in the sight of the bishop of Rome was worse than all
other crimes put together. In addition to this, the Herulian
monarch, Odoacer, an Arian, presumed to assert civil
authority over the papacy, which, on account of the riotous
proceedings in the election of the pope, was necessary, but
would not meekly be borne by the proud pontiffs. At the
election of the first pope after the fall of the empire, the
representative of Odoacer appeared and notified the assembly
that without his direction nothing ought to be done, that all
they had done was null and void, that the election must be-
gin anew, and "that it belonged to the civil magistrate to
prevent the disturbances that might arise on such occasions,
lest from the church they should pass to the State." And
as these elections were carried not only by violence, but by
bribery, in which the property of the church played an im-
portant part, Odoacer, by his lieutenant at this same assem-
bly, A. D. 483, "caused a law to be read, forbidding the
bishop who should now be chosen, as well as his successors,
532 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
to alienate any inheritance, possessions, or sacred utensils
that now belonged, or should for the future belong, to the
church ; declaring all such bargains void, anathematizing
both the seller and the buyer, and obliging the latter and
his heirs to restore to the church all lands and tenements
thus purchased, how long soever they might have possessed
them. " — Bower. 12
By the law of Oonstantine which bestowed upon the
church the privilege of receiving donations, legacies, etc.,
by will, lands were included ; and through nearly two hun-
dred years of the workings of this law, the church of Rome
had become enormously enriched in landed estates. And
more especially ' ' since the extinction of the Western empire
had emancipated the ecclesiastical potentate from secular
control, the first and most abiding object of his schemes and
prayers had been the acquisition of territorial wealth in the
neighborhood of his capital. " — Bryce. 13
The church of Rome had also other lands, scattered in
different parts of Italy, and even in Asia, for Celestine I
addressed to Theodosius II a request that he extend his
imperial protection over certain estates in Asia, which a
woman named Proba had bequeathed to the Church of Rome.
As the imperial power faded away in the West, the bishop
of Rome, in his growing power, came more and more to
assert his own power of protection over his lands in Italy.
And when the imperial power was entirely gone, it was
naturally held that this power fell absolutely to him. When,
therefore, Odoacer, both a barbarian invader and a heretic,
issued a decree forbidding the alienation of church lands and
possessions, this was represented as a presumptuous invasion
of the rights of the bishop of Rome, not only to do what he
would with his own, but above all as protector of the
property and estates of the church.
For this offense of Odoacer, there was no forgiveness by
the bishop of Rome. Nothing short of the utter uprooting
12 " History of the Popes," Felix II, par. 1.
13 " The Holy Roman Empire," chap, iv, par. 7.
DESTRUCTION OF TEE HERULIAN KINGDOM. 533
of the Herulian power could atone for it. The Catholic
ecclesiastics of Italy began to plot for his overthrow, and it
was so6n accomplished. There were at that time in the
dominions of the Eastern empire, unsettled and wandering
about with no certain dwelling-place, the people of the
Ostrogoths under King Theodoric. Although in the service
of the empire, they were dissatisfied with their lot ; and they
were so savage and so powerful that the emperor was in
constant dread of them. Why might not this force be em-
ployed to destroy the dominion of the Heruli, and deliver
Rome from the interferences and oppression of Odoacer?
The suggestion was made to Theodoric by the court, but as
lie was in the service of the empire, it was necessary that he
should have permission to undertake the expedition. He
accordingly addressed the emperor as follows : —
"Although your servant is maintained in affluence by your liberal-
ity, graciously listen to the wishes of my heart. Italy, the inheritance
of your predecessors, and Rome itself, the head and mistress of the
world, now fluctuates under the violence and oppression of Odoacer the
mercenary. Direct me with my national troops, to march against the
tyrant. If I fall, you will be relieved from an expensive and troublesome
friend : if, with the divine permission, I succeed, I shall govern in your
name, and to your glory, the Roman Senate, and the part of the republic
delivered from slavery by my victorious army." u
The proposition which had been suggested was gladly
accepted by the emperor Zeno, arid in the winter of 489, the
whole nation took up its march of seven hundred miles to Italy.
"The march of Theodoric must be considered as the emigra-
tion of an entire people : the wives and children of the
Goths, their aged parents, and most precious effects, were
carefully transported ; . . . and at length, surmounting
every obstacle by skillful conduct and persevering courage,
he descended from the Julian Alps, and displayed his invin-
cible banners on the confines of Italy." — Gibbon.™
Theodoric defeated Odoacer in three engagements, A. D.
489-490, and ' ' from the Alps to the extremity of Calabria,
"Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," chap, xxxix, par. 5. w/d., par. 6.
534 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
Theodoric reigned by right of conquest." Odoacer shut
himself up in Ravenna, where he sustained himself against a
close siege for three years. By the offices of the bishop of
Ravenna, and the clamors of the hungry people, Odoacer
was brought to sign a treaty of peace. He was soon after-
ward slain at a solemn banquet, and "at the same moment,
and without resistance," his people "were universally massa-
cred," March 5, A. D. 493.
Thus was_ destroyed the kingdom of Odoacer and the
Heruli. And that it was in no small degree the work of the
Catholic Church is certain ; for, "Throughout the conquest
and establishment of the Gothic kingdom, the increasing
power and importance of the Catholic ecclesiastics, forces
itself upon the attention. They are embassadors, mediators
in treaties ; [they] decide the wavering loyalty or instigate the
revolt of cities. " — Milman. 16 The bishop of Pa via himself
bore to Theodoric at Milan the surrender and offer of al-
legiance of that great city.
Another thing which makes this view most certainly true,
is the fact that no sooner was order restored in Italy and in
Rome, and the church once more felt itself secure, than a
council of eighty bishops, thirty-seven presbyters, and four
deacons, was called in Rome by the pope, A. D. 499, the
very first act of which was to repeal the law enacted by
Odoacer on the subject of the church possessions. Nor was
the law repealed in order to get rid of it ; for it was immedi-
ately re-enacted by the same council. This was plainly to
declare that the estates of the church were no longer subject
in any way to the authority of the civil power, but were to be
held under the jurisdiction of the church alone. In fact, it
was tantamount to a declaration of the independence of the
papacy and her possessions.
This transaction also conclusively proves that the resent-
ment of the bishopric of Rome, which had been aroused by
the law of Odoacer, was never allayed until Odoacer and
16 " History of Latin Christianty," book iii, chap, iii, par. 3.
THE OD OHIO'S RULE OF ITALY. 535
the law, so far as it represented the authority of the civil
power, were both out of the way. And this is the secret of
the destruction of the Herulian kingdom of Italy.
It is no argument against this to say that the Ostrogoths
were Arians too. Because (1) as we shall presently see,
Theodoric, though an Arian, did not interfere with church
affairs ; and (2) the Church of Rome, in destroying one oppo-
nent never hesitates at the prospect that it is to be done by
another ; nor that another will arise in the place of the one
destroyed. Upon the principle that it is better to have one
enemy than two, she will use one to destroy another, and
will never miss an opportunity to destroy one for fear that
another will arise in its place.
Theodoric ruled Italy thirty-three years, A. D. 493-526,
during which time Italy enjoyed such peace and quietness
and absolute security as had never been known there before,
and has never been known there since until 1870. The
people of his own nation numbered two hundred thousand
men, which with the proportionate number of women and
children, formed a population of nearly one million. His
troops, formerly so wild and given to plunder, were restored
to such discipline that in a battle in Dacia, in which they
were completely victorious, ' ' the rich spoils of the enemy
lay untouched at their feet," because their leader had given
no signal of pillage. When such discipline prevailed in the
excitement of a victory and in an enemy's country, it is easy
to understand the peaceful order that prevailed in their own
new-gotten land which the Herulians had held before them.
During the ages of violence and revolution which had
passed, large tracts of land in Italy had become utterly
desolate and uncultivated ; almost the whole of the rest was
under imperfect culture ; but now ' ' agriculture revived
under the shadow of peace, and the number of husbandmen
multiplied by the redemption of captives ; " and Italy, which
had so long been fed from other countries, now actually
began to export grain. Civil order was so thoroughly main-
41
536 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
tained that "the city gates were never shut either by day
or by night, and the common saying that a purse of gold
might be safely left in the fields, was expressive of the con-
scious security of the inhabitants. "-— Gibbon. 17 Merchants
and other lovers of the blessings of peace thronged from
all parts.
But not alone did civil peace reign. Above all, there
was perfect freedom in the exercise of religion. In fact,
the measure of civil liberty and peace always depends upon
that of religious liberty. Theodoric and his people were
Arians, yet at the close of a fifty years' rule of Italy, the
Ostrogoths could safely challenge their enemies to present a
single authentic case in which they had ever persecuted the
Catholics. Even the mother of Theodoric and some of his
favorite Goths had embraced the Catholic faith with perfect
freedom from any molestation whatever. The separation
between Church and State, between civil and religious
powers, was clear and distinct. Church property was pro-
tected in common with other property, while at the same
time it was taxed in common with all other property. The
clergy were protected in common with all other people, and
they were likewise, in common with all other people, cited
before the civil courts to answer for all civil offenses. In
all ecclesiastical matters they were left entirely to them-
selves. Even the papal elections Theodoric left entirely to
themselves, and though often solicited by both parties to
interfere, he refused to have anything at all to do with
them, except to keep the peace, which in fact was of itself
no small task. He declined even to confirm the papal
elections, an office which had been exercised by Odoacer.
jSTor was this merely a matter of toleration ; it was in
genuine recognition of the rights of conscience. In a letter
to the emperor Justin, A. D. 524, Theodoric announced the gen-
uine principle of the rights of conscience, and the relation-
17 " Decline and Fall," chap, xxxix, par. 14; and Milmam's "History of
Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 5,
PAPAL PROCEEDINGS IN ROME. 537
ship that should exist between religion and the State, in the
following words, worthy to be graven in letters of gold : —
"To pretend to a dominion over the conscience, is to usurp the pre-
rogative of God. By the nature of things, the power of sovereigns is
confined to political government. They have no right of punishment
but over those who disturb the public peace. The most dangerous
heresy is that of a sovereign who separates himself from part of his sub-
jects, because they believe not according to his belief." 18
Similar pleas had before been made by the parties op-
pressed, but never before had the principle been announced
by the party in power. The enunciation and defense of a
principle by the party who holds the power to violate it,
is the surest pledge that the principle is held in genuine
sincerity.
The description of the state of peace and quietness in
Italy above given, applies to Italy, ~but not to Rome / to the
dominions of Theodoric and the Ostrogoths, but not to the
city of the pope and the Catholics. In A. D. 499, there was
a papal election. As there were as usual rival candidates —
Symmachus and Laurentius — there was a civil war. " The
two factions encountered with the fiercest hostility ; the
clergy, the Senate, and the populace were divided ; " the
streets of the city ' ' ran with blood, as in the days of repub-
lican strife. " — Milman. 19
The contestants were so evenly matched, and the violent
strife continued so long, that the leading men of both
parties persuaded the candidates to go to Theodoric at
Ravenna, and submit to his judgment their claims. Theod-
oric's love of justice and of the rights of the people, read-
ily and simply enough decided that the candidate who had
the most votes should be counted elected ; and if the votes
were evenly divided, then the candidate who had been first
ordained. Symmachus secured the office. A council was
18 Milman's " History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 8 from
the end. 197d., par. U.
538 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
held by Symmachus, which met the first of March, 499, and
passed a decree "almost in the terms of the old Roman
law, severely condemning all ecclesiastical ambition, all
canvassing either to obtain subscriptions, or administration
of oaths, or promises, for the papacy " during the lifetime
of a pope. But such election methods as these were now so
prevalent that this law was of as little value in controlling
the methods of the aspiring candidates for the bishopric, as
in the days of the republic the same kind of laws were for
the candidates to the consulship.
Laurentius, though defeated at this time, did not discon-
tinue his efforts to obtain the office. For four years he
watched for opportunities, and carried on an intrigue to dis-
place Symmachus, and in 503 brought a series of heavy
charges against him. ' ' The accusation was brought before
the judgment-seat of Theodoric, supported by certain Roman
females of rank, who had been suborned, it was said, by the
enemies of Symmachus. Symmachus was summoned to
Ravenna and confined at Rimini," but escaped and returned
to Rome. Meantime, Laurentius had entered the city, and
when Symmachus returned, "the sanguinary tumults be-
tween the two parties broke out with greater fury ; " priests
were slain, monastaries set on fire, and nuns treated with
the utmost indignity.
The Senate petitioned Theodoric to send a visitor to
judge the cause of Symmachus in the crimes laid against
him. The king finding that that matter was only a church
quarrel, appointed one of their own number, the bishop of
Altimo, who so clearly favored Laurentius that his partisan-
ship only made the contention worse. Again Theodoric was
petitioned to interfere, but he declined to assume any juris-
diction, and told them to settle it among themselves ; but as
there was so much disturbance of the peace, and it was so
long continued, Theodoric commanded them to reach some
sort of settlement that would stop their fighting, and restore
public order. A council was therefore called. As Symma-
THE POPE PUT ABOVE TEE STATE. 539
chus was on his way to the council, ' ' he was attacked by
the adverse party ; showers of stones fell around him ;
many presbyters and others of his followers were severely
wounded ; the pontiff himself only escaped under the pro-
tection of the Gothic guard " (3£ilman?°), and took refuge in
the church of St. Peter. The danger to which he was
then exposed he made an excuse for not appearing at the
council.
The most of the council were favorable to Symmachus
and to the pretensions of the bishop of Rome at this time,
and therefore were glad of any excuse that would relieve
them from judging him. However, they went through the
form of summoning him three times ; all of which he de-
clined. Then the council sent deputies to state to Theodoric
the condition of affairs, ' ' saying to him that the authority of
the king might compel Symmachus to appear, but that the
council had not such authority." Theodoric replied that
"with respect to the cause of Symmachus, he had assembled
them to judge him, but yet left them at full liberty to judge
him or not, providing they could by any other means put a
stop to the present calamities, and restore the wished-for
tranquillity to the city of Rome. "
The majority of the council declared Symmachns "ab-
solved in the sight of men, whether guilty or innocent in the
sight of God," for the reason that " no assembly of bishops
has power to judge the pope ; he is accountable for his
actions to God alone." — Bower ^ They then commanded
all, under penalty of excommunication, to accept this judg-
ment, and submit to the authority of Symmachus, and
acknowledge him "for lawful bishop of the holy city of
Rome." Symmachus was not slow to assert all the merit
that the council had thus recognized in the bishop of Rome.
He wrote to the emperor of the East that ' ' a bishop is as
much above an emperor as heavenly things, which the
bishop administers and dispenses, are above all the trash of
20 Id., par. 14. 21 " History of the Popes," Symmachus, par. 9, 10,
540 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
the earth, which alone the greatest among the emperors have
the power to dispose of." —Bower.™ He declared that the
higher powers referred to in Romans xiii, 1, mean the
spiritual powers, and that to these it is that every soul must
be subject.
At another council held in Rome in 504, at the direction
of Symmachus, a decree was enacted "anathematizing and
excluding from the communion of the faithful, all who had
seized or in the future should seize, hold, or appropriate to
themselves, the goods or estates of the church ; and this de-
cree was declared to extend even to those who held such
estates by grants from the crown." — Bmuer™ This was
explicitly to put the authority of the church of Rome above
that of any State.
Justin was emperor of the East A. D. 518-527. He was
violently orthodox, and was supported by his nephew, the
more violently orthodox Justinian. It was the ambition of
both, together and in succession, to make the Catholic re-
ligion alone prevalent everywhere. They therefore entered
with genuine Catholic zeal upon the pious work of clearing
their dominions of heretics. The first edict, issued in 523,
commanded all Manichseans to leave the empire under pen-
alty of death ; and all other heretics were to be ranked
with pagans and Jews, and excluded from all public offices.
This edict was no sooner learned of in the West, than mut-
terings were heard in Rome, of hopes of liberty from the
" Gothic yoke." The next step was violence.
Under the just administration of Theodoric, and the
safety assured by the Gothic power, many Jews had estab-
lished themselves in Rome, Genoa, Milan, and other cities,
for the purposes of trade. They were permitted by express
laws to dwell there. As soon as the imperial edict was
known, which commanded all remaining heretics to be
ranked as pagans and Jews, as the Catholics did not dare
to attack the Gothic heretics, they, at Rome and Ravenna
22 Id., par. 16. *3Id., par. 18.
CONSPIRACIES AGAINST THE OSTROGOTHS. 541
especially, riotously attacked the Jews, abused them, robbed
them, and burnt their synagogues. A legal investigation
was attempted, but the leader* in the riots could not be dis-
covered. Then Theodoric levied a tax upon the whole com-
munity of the guilty cities, with which to settle the damages.
Some of the Catholics refused to pay the tax. They were
punished. This at once brought a cry from the Catholics
everywhere, that they were persecuted. Those who had
been punished were glorified as confessors of the faith, and
"three hundred pulpits deplored the persecution of the
church."-— Gibbon.zi
The edict of 523 was followed in 524 by another, this
time commanding the Arians of the East to deliver up to the
Catholic bishops all their churches, which the Catholic
bishops were commanded to consecrate anew.
Theodoric addressed an earnest letter to Justin, in which
he pleaded for toleration for the Arians from the Eastern
empire. This was the letter in which was stated the prin-
ciple of the rights of conscience, which we have already
quoted on page 537. To this noble plea, however, "Justin
coolly answered : —
"I pretend to no authority over men's consciences, but it is my pre-
rogative to intrust the public offices to those in whom I have confidence ;
and public order demanding uniformity of worship, I have full right to
command the churches to be open to those alone who shall conform to
the religion of the State."25
Accordingly, while pretending to no authority over
men's consciences, the Arians of his dominions were by
Justin " stripped of all offices of honor or emolument, were
not only expelled from the Cathoffc churches, but their own
were closed against them ; and they were exposed to all
insults, vexations, and persecutions of their adversaries,
who were not likely to enjoy their triumph with moderation,
**" Decline and Fall," chap, xxxlx, par. 17 ; Milman's "History of Latin
Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 23.
25 Milman's "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, iii, par. 30.
542 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAP ACT.
or to repress their conscientiously intolerant zeal." —
JUilman.™ Many of them conformed to the state religion ;
but those of firm faith sent to Theodoric earnest appeals for
protection.
Theodoric did all that he could, but without avail. He
was urged to retaliate by persecuting the Catholics in Italy,
but he steadfastly refused. He determined to send an em-
bassy to Justin, and most singularly sent the pope as his
embassador. "The pope, attended by five other bishops
and four senators, set forth on a mission of which it was the
ostensible object to obtain indulgence for heretics — heretics
under the ban of his church — heretics looked upon with
the most profound detestation." — MilmanJ1 This arrange-
ment gave the bishop of Rome the most perfect opportunity
he could have asked, to form a compact with the imperial
authority of the East, for the further destruction of the
Ostrogothic kingdom.
The pope, John I, ' ' was received in Constantinople with
the most flattering honors, as though he had been St.
Peter himself. The whole city, with the emperor at its
head, came forth to meet him with tapers and torches, as far
as ten miles beyond the gates. The emperor knelt at his
feet, and implored his benediction. On Easter day, March
30, 525, he performed the service in the great church,
Epiphanius the bishop ceding the first place to the holy
stranger." — Milman.™ Such an embassy could have no
other result than more than ever to endanger the kingdom
of Theodoric. Before John's return, the conspiracy became
more manifest ; some senators and leading men were ar-
rested. One of them, Boethius, though denying his guilt,
boldly confessed, "Had there been any hopes of liberty, I
should have freely indulged them ; had I known of a con-
spiracy against the king, I should have answered in the
words of a noble Roman to the frantic Caligula, You would
not have known it from me."29 Such a confession as that
™Id. ™Id. KId., par. 82. 89/d., par. 28.
544 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
of his country was often sacrificed to that of defender of the
faith." — Gibbon.*1 "The emperor Justinian unites in him-
self the most opposite vices, — insatiable rapacity and lavish
prodigality, intense pride and contemptible weakness, un-
measured ambition and dastardly cowardice. ... In the
Christian emperor, seem to meet the crimes of those who
won or secured their empire Jby assassination of all whom
they feared, the passion for public diversions without the
accomplishments of Nero or the brute strength of Commo-
dus, the dotage of Claudius."- — Milman.™
Pope Felix was succeeded by Boniface II, A. D. 530-532,
who was chosen amidst the now customary scenes of dis-
turbance and strife, which in this case were brought to an
end, and the election of Boniface secured, by the death of
his rival, who after his death was excommunicated by
Boniface. On account of the shameful briberies and other
methods of competition employed in the election of the
popes, the Roman Senate now enacted a law "declaring
null and execrable all promises, bargains, and contracts, by
whomsoever or for whomsoever made, with a view to engage
suffrages in the election of the pope ; and excluding forever
from having any share in the election, such as should be found
to have been directly or indirectly concerned either for them-
selves or others, in contracts or bargains of that nature."
— Bower.™ Laws of the same import had already been
enacted more than once, but they amounted to nothing ; be-
cause as in the days of Caesar, everybody was ready to bribe
or be bribed. Accordingly, at the very next election, in 532,
"Votes were publicly bought and sold ; and notwithstanding
the decree lately issued by the Senate, money was offered to
the senators themselves, nay,, the lands of the church were
mortgaged by some, and the sacred utensils pawned by others
or publicly sold for ready money. " — Itower.3* As the result
31 " Decline and Fall," chap, xlvii, par. 23,
33 "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap.'iv, par. 2.
83 "History of the Popes," Boniface II, par. 3. s* Id., John II, par. 1.
THE TRISAGION CONTROVERSY. 545
of seventy-five days of this kind of work, a certain John Mer-
curius was made pope, and took the title of John II, De-
cember 31, 532.
In the year 532, Justinian issued an edict declaring his
intention "to unite all men in one faith." Whether they
were Jews, Gentiles, or Christians, all who did not within
three months profess and embrace the Catholic faith, were
by the edict " declared infamous, and as such excluded from
all employments both civil and military ; rendered incapable
of leaving anything by will ; and all their estates confiscated,
whether real or personal." As a result of this cruel edict,
" Great numbers were driven from their habitations with
their wives and children, stripped and naked. Others be-
took themselves to flight, carrying with them what they
could conceal, for their support and maintenance ; but they
were plundered of what little they had, and many of them
inhumanly massacred." — Bower. ,35
There now occurred a transaction which meant much in the
supremacy of the papacy. It was brought about in this
way: Ever since the Council of Chalcedon had "settled"
the question of the two natures in Christ, there had been
more, and more violent, contentions over it than ever before ;
"for everywhere monks were at the head of the religious
revolution which threw off the yoke of the Council of Chal-
cedon." In Jerusalem a certain Theodosius was at the head
of the army of monks, who made him bishop, and in acts of
violence, pillage, and murder, he fairly outdid the perfectly
lawless bandits of the country. "The very scenes of the
Saviour's mercies ran with blood shed in his name by his
ferocious self-called disciples." —Milman.36
In Alexandria "the bishop was not only murdered in
the baptistery, but his body was treated with shameless
indignities, and other enormities were perpetrated which
might have appalled a cannibal." And the monkish horde
35 Id., par. 2.
36 "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, i, par. 5.
546 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
then elected as bishop one of their own number, Timothy
the Weasel, a disciple of Dioscorus. — Milman.51
Soon there was added to all this, another point which
increased the fearful warfare. In the Catholic churches it
was customary to sing what was called the Trisagion, or
Thrice-Holy. It was, originally, the "Holy, holy, holy is
the Lord of Hosts " of Isaiah vi, 3 ; but at the time of the
Council of Chalcedon, it had been changed, and was used
by the council thus : "Holy God, Holy Almighty, Holy Im-
mortal, have mercy on us." At Antioch, in 477, a third
monk, Peter the Fuller, "led a procession, chiefly of mo-
nastics, through the streets," loudly singing the Thrice-Holy,
with the addition, "Who wast crucified for us." It was
orthodox to sing it as the Council of Chalcedon had used
it, with the understanding that the three "Holies" referred
respectively to the three persons of the Trinity. It was
heresy to sing it with the later addition.
In A. D. 511, two hordes of monks on the two sides of
the question met in Constantinople. "The two black-
cowled armies watched each other for several months, work-
ing in secret on their respective partisans. At length they
came to a rupture. . . . The Monophysite monks in the
Church of the Archangel within the palace, broke out after
the ' Thrice-Holy ' with the burden added at Antioch by
Peter the Fuller, 'who wast crucified for us.1 The orthodox
monks, backed by the rabble of Constantinople, endeavored
to expel them from the church ; they were not content with
hurling curses against each other, sticks and stones began
their work. There was a wild, fierce fray ; the divine pres-
ence of the emperor lost its awe ; he could not maintain the
peace. The bishop Macedonius either took the lead, or was
compelled to lead the tumult. Men, women, and children
poured out from all quarters ; the monks with their archi-
37 Id. Bower calls him Timothy the Cat ; but whether " weasel " or
" cat," the distinction is not material, as either fitly describes his disposition,
though both would not exaggerate it.
JUSTINIAN JOINS IN THE CONTROVERSY. 54.7
mandrites at the head of the raging multitude, echoed back
their religious war-cry." — Milman.38
These are but samples of the repeated — it might almost
be said the continuous — occurrences in the cities of the
East. "Throughout Asiatic Christendom it was the same
wild struggle. Bishops deposed quietly ; or where resist-
ance was made, the two factions fighting in the streets, in
the churches : cities, even the holiest places, ran with
blood. . . . The hymn of the angels in heaven was the
battle cry on earth, the signal of human bloodshed." —
Milman.39
In A. D. 512 one of these Trisagion riots broke out in
Constantinople, because the emperor proposed to use the
added clause. "Many palaces of the nobles were set on
fire, the officers of the crown insulted, pillage, conflagration,
violence, raged through the city." In the house of the
favorite minister of the emperor there was found a monk
from the country. He was accused of having suggested the
use of the addition. His head was cut off, and raised high
on a pole, and the whole orthodox populace marched
through the streets singing the orthodox Trisagion^ and
shouting, " Be-hold the enemy of the Trinity." 40
In A. D. 519, another dispute was raised, growing out of
the addition to the Trisagion. That was, "Did one of the
Trinity suffer in the flesh ? or did one person of the Trinity
suffer in the flesh ? " The monks of Scythia affirmed that
one of the Trinity suffered in the flesh, and declared that to
say that one person of the Trinity suffered in the flesh, was
absolute heresy. The question was brought before Pope
Hormisdas, who decided that " one person of the Trinity
suffered in the flesh " was the orthodox view ; and de-
nounced the monks as proud, arrogant, obstinate, enemies
to the church, disturbers of the public peace, slanderers,
liars, and instruments employed by the enemy of truth
to banish all truth, to establish error in its room, and
38 Id., par. 31. 39 Id., par. 21, 22.
548 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
to sow among the wheat the poisonous seeds of diabol-
ical tares.
Now, in 533, this question was raised again, and Justin-
ian became involved in the dispute.
This time one set of monks argued that "if one of the
Trinity did not suffer on the cross, then one of the Trinity
was not born of the Virgin Mary, and therefore she ought no
longer to be called the Mother of God." Others argued : " If
one of the Trinity did not suffer on the cross, then Christ who
suffered was not one of the Trinity." Justinian entered the
lists against both, and declared that Mary was "truly the
Mother of God;" that Christ was "in the strictest sense
one of the Trinity ; " and that whosoever denied either the
one or the other, was a heretic. This frightened the monks,
because they knew Justinian's opinions on the subject of
heretics were exceedingly forcible. They therefore sent off
two of their number to lay the question before the pope.
As soon as Justinian learned this, he too decided to apply to
the pope. He therefore drew up a confession of faith that
"one of the Trinity suffered in the flesh," and sent it by two
bishops to the bishop of Rome. To make his side of the
question appear as favorable as possible to the pope, he sent
a rich present of chalices and other vessels of gold, enriched
with precious stones ; and the following flattering letter : —
"Justinian, pious, fortunate, renowned, triumphant; emperor, con-
sul, etc., to John, the most holy Archbishop of our city of Rome, and
patriarch : —
"Rendering honor to the apostolic chair, and to your Holiness, as
has been always and is our wish, and honoring your Blessedness as a
father, we have hastened to bring to the knowledge of your Holiness all
matters relating to the state of the churches. It having been at all times
our great desire to preserve the unity of your apostolic chair, and the
constitution of the holy churqhes of God which has obtained hitherto,
and still obtains.
" Therefore we have made no delay in subjecting and uniting to your
Holiness all the priests of the whole East.
" For this reason we have thought fit to bring to your notice the
present matters of disturbance ; though they are manifest and unques-
THE VANDAL KINGDOM UPROOTED. 549
tionable, and always firmly held and declared by the whole priesthood
according to the doctrine of your apostolic chair. For we cannot suffer
that anything which relates to the state of the church, however manifest
and unquestionable, should be moved, without the knowledge of your
Holiness, who are THE HEAD OP ALL THE HOLY CHURCHES ; for in all
things, we have already declared, we are anxious to increase the honor
and authority of your apostolic chair." 41
All things were now ready for the deliverance of the
Catholic Church from Arian dominion. Since the death of
Theodoric, divided councils had crept in amongst the Ostro-
goths, and the Catholic Church had been more and more
cementing to i|s interests the powers of the Eastern throne.
"Constant amicable intercourse was still taking place be-
tween the Catholic clergy of the East and the West ; between
Constantinople and Kome ; between Justinian and the rapid
succession of pontiffs who occupied the throne during the
ten years between the death of Theodoric and the invasion
of Italy." — Milman.*2
The crusade began with the invasion of the Arian king-
dom of the Vandals in Africa, of whom Gelimer was the
king, and was openly and avowedly in the interests of the
Catholic religion and church. For in a council of his minis-
ters, nobles, and bishops, Justinian was dissuaded from
undertaking the African war. He hesitated, and was about
to relinquish his design, when he was rallied by a fanatical
bishop, who exclaimed : "I have seen a vision ! It is the
will of heaven, O emperor, that you should not abandon your
holy enterprise for the deliverance of the African church.
The God of battle will march before your standard and dis
perse your enemies, who are the enemies of his Son."*3
This persuasion was sufficient for the "pious" emperor,
and in June 533, " the whole fleet of six hundred ships was
ranged in martial pomp before the gardens of the palace,"
laden and equipped with thirty-five thousand troops and
"Croly's "Apocalypse," chap, xl, "History," under verses 3-10.
42 " History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, iv, par. 6,
43 Gibbon's "Decline and Fall," chap, xli, par. 3,
42
550 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
sailors, and five thousand horses, all under the command of
Belisarius. He landed on the coast of Africa in September ;
Carthage was captured on the 18th of the same month ; Geli-
mer was disastrously defeated in November ; and the con-
quest of Africa, and the destruction of the Vandal kingdom,
was completed by the capture of Gelimer in the spring of
534." During the rest of the year, Belisarius " reduced the
islands of Corsica, Sardinia, Majorica, Minorica, and what-
ever else belonged to the Yandals, either on the continent
or in the islands." — Bower. ^
Belisarius dispatched to Justinian the new£ of his victory.
' l He received the messengers of victory at the time when he
was preparing to publish the Pandects of the Roman law ;
and the devout or jealous emperor celebrated the divine
goodness and confessed, in silence, the merit of his success-
ful general. Impatient to abolish the temporal and spiritual
tyranny of the Yandals, he proceeded, without delay, to the
full establishment of the Catholic Church. Her jurisdiction,
wealth, and immunities, perhaps the most essential part of
episcopal religion, were restored and amplified with a liberal
hand ; the Arian worship was suppressed, the Donatist meet-
ings were proscribed ; and the Synod of Carthage, by the
voice of two hundred and seventeen bishops, applauded the
just measure of pious retaliation." — Gibbon.^
As soon as this pious work had been fully accomplished
in Africa, the arms of Justinian were turned against Italy
and the Arian Ostrogoths. In 534 Amalasontha had been
supplanted in her rule over the Ostrogoths by her cousin
Theodotus. And "during the short and troubled reign of
Theodotus — 534 to 536 — Justinian received petitions from
all parts of Italy, and from all persons, lay as well as cler-
ical, with the air and tone of its sovereign." — Milman."
44 Id., par. 7-12.
45 " History of the Popes," Agapetus, par. 5, note A.
*6 " Decline and Fall," chap, xli, par. 11.
17 " History of Latin Christianity," book iii chap, iv, par. 7.
THE OSTROOOTHIC KINGDOM DESTROYED. 551
Belisarius subdued Sicily in 535, and invaded Italy and
captured Naples in 536. As it was now about the first of
December, the Gothic warriors decided to postpone, until
the following spring, their resistance to the invaders. A
garrison of four thousand soldiers 'was left in Rome, a feeble
number to defend such a city at such a time in any case, but
these troops proved to be even more feeble in faith than
they were in numbers. They threw over all care of the city,
and " furiously exclaimed that the apostolic throne should
no longer be profaned by the triumph or toleration of
Arianism ; that the tombs of the Caesars should no longer be
trampled by the savages of the North ; and, without reflect-
ing that Italy must sink into a province of Constantinople,
they fondly hailed the restoration of a Roman emperor
as a new era of freedom and prosperity. The deputies of
the pope and clergy, of the Senate and people, invited the
lieutenant of Justinian to accept their voluntary allegiance,
and to enter into the city whose gates would be thrown open
to his reception." - Gibbon.**
Belisarius at once marched to Rome, which he entered De-
cember 10, 536. But this was not the conquest of Italy or
even of Rome. ' ' From their rustic habitations, from their
different garrisons, the Goths assembled at Ravenna for the
defense of their country : and such were their numbers that
after an army had been detached for the relief of Dalmatia,
one hundred and fifty thousand fighting men marched under
the royal standard" in the spring, A. D. 537 ; and the Gothic
nation returned to the siege of Rome and the defense of
Italy against the invaders. "The whole nation of the
Ostrogoths had been assembled for the attack, and was al-
most entirely consumed in the siege of Rome," which con-
tinued above a year, 537-538. "One year and nine days
after the commencement of the siege, an army so lately
strong and triumphant, burnt their tents, and tumultuously
repassed the Milvian bridge," and Rome was delivered,
48 " Decline and Fall," chap, xli, par. 22.
552 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
March 538. The remains of the kingdom were soon after-
ward destroyed. "They had lost their king (an inconsid-
erable loss), their capital, their treasures, the provinces
from Sicily to the Alps, and the military force of two hun-
dred thousand barbarians, magnificently equipped with
horses and arms."- - Gibbon.** And thus was the kingdom
of the Ostrogoths destroyed before the vengeful arrogance
of the papacy.
This completely opened the way for the bishop of
Rome to assert his sole authority over the estates of
the church. The district immediately surrounding Rome
was called the Roman duchy, and it was so largely occupied
by the estates of the church that the bishop of Rome claimed
exclusive authority over it. ' ' The emperor, indeed, con-
tinued to control the elections and to enforce the payment
of tribute for the territory protected by the imperial arms ; but,
on the other hand, the pontiff exercised a definite authority
within the Roman duchy, and claimed to have a voice in
the appointment of the civil officers who administered
the local government." — Encyclopedia Britannica.™ Un-
der the protectorate of the armies of the East which soon
merged in the exarch of Ravenna, the papacy enlarged its
aspirations, confirmed its powers, and strengthened its situa-
tion both spiritually and temporally. Being by the decrees
of the councils, and the homage of the emperor, made the
head of all ecclesiastical and spiritual dominion on earth,
and being now in possession of territory, and exerting a
measure of civil authority therein, the opportunity that now
fell to the ambition of the bishopric of Rome was to assert,
to gain, and to exercise, supreme authority in all things tem-
poral as well as spiritual. And the sanction of this aspira-
49 Id., par. 23, 28, and chap, xliii, par. 4. Afterward, from 541 till 553,
there was carried on what had been called the " Gothic " War ; but those who
made the war were not Goths. They were " a new people," made up of Roman
captives, slaves, deserters, and whoever else might choose to join them, with but
a thousand Goths to begin with. See Gibbon, Id., chap, xliii, par. 4 and 6.
60 Article "Popedom," par. 25.
TEMPORAL AUTHORITY OF THE PAPACY. 553
tion was made to accrue from Justinian's letter, in which he
rendered such distinctive honor to the apostolic see. It is
true that Justinian wrote these words with no such far-reach-
ing meaning, but that made no difference ; the words were
written, and like all other words of similar import, they
could be, and were, made to bear whatever meaning the
bishop of Rome should choose to find in them.
Therefore, the year A. D. 538, which marks the conquest
of Italy, the deliverance of Rome, and the destruction of the
kingdom of the Ostrogoths, is the true date which marks the
establishment of the temporal authority of the papacy, and
the exercise of that authority as a world-power. All that
was ever done later in this connection was but to enlarge by
additional usurpations and donations, the territories which
the bishop of Rome at this point possessed, and over which
he asserted civil jurisdiction. This view is fully sustained
by the following excellent statement of the case : —
" The conquest of Italy by the Greeks was, to a great extent at least,
the work of the Catholic clergy. . . . The overthrow of the Gothic king-
dom was to Italy an unmitigated evil. A monarch like Witiges or
Totila would soon have repaired the mischiefs caused by the degenerate
successors of Theodoric, Athalaric, and Theodotus. In their overtliroio
began the fatal policy of the Roman see, . . . which never would permit a
powerful native kingdom to unite Italy, or a very large part of it, under
one dominion. Whatever it may have been to Christendom, the papacy
has been the eternal, implacable foe of Italian independence and Italian
unity ; and so (as far as independence and unity might have given dig-
nity, political weight, and prosperity) to the welfare of Italy. . . .
Rome, jealous of all temporal sovereignty but her own, for centuries
yielded up, or rather made Italy a battle field to the Transalpine and the
stranger, and at the same time so secularized her own spiritual suprem-
acy as to confound altogether the priest and the politician, to degrade
absolutely and almost irrevocably the kingdom of Christ into a kingdom
of this world." — Milman.61
Then "began that fatal policy of the Roman see," be-
cause she was then herself a world-power, possessing tem-
poralities over which she both claimed and exercised domin-
61 " History of Latin Christianity," book Hi, chap, iv, last two par.
554: THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
ion, and by virtue of which she could contend with other
dominions, and upon the same level. And that which made
the papacy so much the more domineering in this fatal
policy, was the fact of Justinian's having so fully committed
himself. When the mightiest emperor who had ever sat on
the Eastern throne had not only under his own hand ren-
dered such decided homage to the papacy, but had rooted
out the last power that stood in her way, this to her was
strongly justifiable ground for her assertion of dominion
over all other dominions, and her disputing dominion with
the powers of the earth.
It is evident that as the papacy had hitherto claimed,
and had actually acquired, absolute dominion over all things
spiritual, henceforth she would claim, and, if crafty policy
and unscrupulous procedure were of any avail, would actu-
ally acquire, absolute dominion over all things temporal as
well as spiritual. Indeed, as we have seen, this was already
claimed, and the history of Europe for more than a thou-
sand of the following years, abundantly proves that the
claim was finally and fully established. Henceforth kings
and emperors were but her tools, and often but her play-
things ; and kingdoms and empires her conquests, and often
only her traffic.
The history of this phase of the papacy is fully as inter-
esting, though the details are not so important, as that
which shows how her ecclesiastical supremacy was estab-
lished. Here, however, will be noticed but the one point,
how the papacy assumed the supremacy over kings and em-
perors, and acquired the prerogative of dispensing kingdoms
and empires.
The contest began even with Justinian, who had done so
much to exalt the dignity and clear the way of the papacy.
Justinian soon became proud of his theological abilities, and
presumed to dictate the faith of the papacy, rather than to
submit, as formerly, to her guidance. And from A. D. 542 to
GREGORY THE (JKEAT.
THE LOMBARDS INVADE ITALY. 555
the end of his long reign in 565, there was almost constant
war, with alternate advantage, between Justinian and the
popes. But as emperors live and die, while the papacy
only lives, the real victory remained with her.
In A. D. 568 the Lombards invaded Italy, and for nearly
twenty years wrought such devastation that even the pope
thought the world was coming to an. end. The imperial
power of the East was so weak that the defense of Italy fell
exclusively to the exarch of Ravenna and the pope. And
as "the death of Narses had left his successor, the exarch
of Ravenna, only the dignity of a sovereignty which he was
too weak to exercise for any useful purpose of government "
(Milman5z\ the pope alone became the chief defender of
Italy. In 580 Gregory I — the Great — became pope, and
concluded a treaty of peace with the Lombards, and ' ' the
pope and the king of the Lombards became the real powers
in the north and center of Italy. "-- Encyclopedia Britan-
nica.5s
The wife of the king of the Lombards was a Catholic,
and by the influence of Gregory, she "solemnly placed
the Lombard nation under the patronage of St. John the
Baptist. At Monza she built in his honor the first Lombard
church, and the royal palace near it." — Id. From this the
Lombards soon became Catholic ; but though this was so,
they would not suffer the priesthood to have any part in the
affairs of the kingdom. They "never admitted the bishops
of Italy to a seat in their legislative councils." — Gibbon.5*
And although under the Lombard dominion "the Italians
enjoyed a milder and more equitable government than any
of the other kingdoms which had been founded on the ruins
of the empire," this exclusion of the clergy from affairs of
the State was as much against them now, though Catholic,
5a "History of Latin Christianity," book iii, chap, vii, par. 1.
63 Article " Lombards," par 6.
54 " Decline and Fall," chap. xlv. par. 18.
556 THE SUPREMACY OF TEE PAPACY.
as their Arianism had been against them before ; and the
popes ever anxiously hoped to have them driven entirely
from Italy.
In 728 the edict of the Eastern emperor abolishing the
images, was published in Italy. The pope defended the
images, of course, and "the Italians swore to live and die
in defense of the pope and the holy images." — Gibbon.™
An alliance was formed between the Lombards and the
papacy for the defense of the images. The alliance, how-
ever, did not last long. Both powers being determined to
possess as much of Italy as possible, there was constant
irritation, which finally culminated in open hostilities, and
the Lombards invaded the papal territory in A. D. 739.
Charles Martel, the mayor of the palace of the Frankish
kingdom, had gained a world-wide glory by his late victory
over the Mohammedans at Tours. Of all the barbarians,
the Franks were the first who had become Catholic, and ever
since, they had been dutiful sons of the church. The pope,
Gregory III, now determined to appeal to Charles for help
against this assertion of Lombard dominion. He sent to
Charles the keys of the " sepulcher of St. Peter ;" some
filings from the chains with which " Peter had been bound ; "
and, more important than all, as the legitimate inheritor of
the authority of the ancient Roman republic, he presumed to
bestow upon Charles Martel the title of Roman consul.
" Throughout these transactions the pope appears actually,
if not openly, an independent power, leaguing with the
allies or the enemies of the empire, as might suit the
exigencies of the time." And now, " the pope, as an inde-
pendent potentate, is forming an alliance with a Transalpine
sovereign for the liberation of Italy." —MilmanJ*
The Lombards, too, sent to Charles with counter nego-
tiations. This the pope knew, and wrote to Charles that in
55 Id., chap, xlix, par. 9.
56 " History of Latin Christianity," book iv, chap, ix, par. 14, 26.
THE POPE APPEALS TO FRANCE. 557
Italy the Lombards were treating him with contempt, and
were saying, "Let him come, this Charles, with his army
of Franks ; if he can, let him rescue you out of our
hands ; " and then Gregory laments and pleads with Charles
thus : —
"O unspeakable grief, that such sons so insulted should make no
effort to defend their holy mother the church ! Not that St. Peter is
unable to protect his successors, and to exact vengeance upon their op-
pressors, but the apostle is putting the faith of his followers to trial.
Believe not the Lombard kings, that their only object is to punish their
refractory subjects, the dukes of Spoleto and Benevento, whose only
crime is that they will not join in the invasion and plunder of the
Roman see. Send, O my Christian son, some faithful officer, who may
report to you truly the condition of affairs here ; who may behold with
his own eyes the persecutions we are enduring, the humiliation of the
church, the desolation of our property, the sorrow of the pilgrims who
frequent our shrine. Close not your ears against our supplication, lest
St. Peter close against you the gates of heaven. I conjure you by the
living and the true God, and by the keys of St. Peter, not to prefer the
alliance of the Lombards to the love of the great apostle, but hasten,
hasten to our succor, that we may say with the prophet, ' The Lord has
heard us in the day of tribulation, the God of Jacob has protected us.''57
The embassadors and the letters of the pope "were re-
ceived by Charles with decent reverence ; but the greatness
of his occupations and the shortness of his life, prevented
his interference in the affairs of Italy, except by friendly
and ineffectual mediation."-- Gibbon.™ But affairs soon
took such a turn in France that the long-cherished desire of
the papacy was rewarded with abundant fruition. Charles
Martel was simply duke or mayor of the palace, under the
sluggard kings of France. He died October 21, 741.
Gregory III died November 27, of the same year, and was
succeeded by Zacharias. No immediate help coming from
France, Zacharias made overtures to the Lombards, arid a
67 Milraan's " History of Latin Christianity," book iv, chap. Ix, par. 24,
68 " Decline and Fall," chap, xlix, par. 12.
558 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
treaty of peace for twenty years was concluded between the
kingdom of Lombardy and ' ' the dukedom of Rome. "
Charles Martel left two sons, Carloman and Pepin ; but
Carloman being the elder, was his successor in office. He
had been in place but a little while, before he resigned it to
his brother, and became a monk, A. D. 747. The events in
Italy, and the prestige which the pope had gained by them,
exerted a powerful influence in France, and as the pope had
already desired a league with Charles Martel, who although
not possessing the title, held all the authority, of a king,
Pepin, his successor, conceived the idea that perhaps he
could secure the papal sanction to his assuming the title of
king with the authority which he already possessed. Pepin
therefore sent two ecclesiastics to consult the pope as to
whether he might not be king of France, and Zacharias re-
turned answer "that the nation might lawfully unite, in the
same person, the title and authority of king ; and that the
unfortunate Childeric, a victim of the public safety, should
be degraded, shaved, and confined in a monastery for the
remainder of his days. An answer so agreeable to their
wishes was accepted by the Franks as the opinion of a casu-
ist, the sentence of a judge, or the oracle of a prophet ; . . .
and Pepin was exalted on a buckler by the suffrage of a free
people, accustomed to obey his laws, and to march under his
standard ; " and March 7, 752, was proclaimed king of the
Franks. — Gibbon.™
Zacharias died March 14 the same year, and was suc-
ceeded by Stephen II, who died the fourth day afterward,
and before his consecration, and Stephen III became pope,
March 26. Astolph was now king of the Lombards. He
had openly declared himself the enemy of the pope, and was
determined to make not only the territories of the exarchate,
but those of the pope, his own. "In terms of contumely and
menace, he demanded the instant submission of Rome, and
59Id., par. 13.
THE POPE ANOINTS PEPIN KINO. 559
the payment of a heavy personal tribute, a poll-tax on each
citizen." The pope sent embassadors, but they were treated
with contempt, and Astolph approached Koine to enforce
his demand. "The pope appealed to heaven, by tying a
copy of the treaty, violated by Astolph, to the holy cross."
— Milman.™
He wrote to Pepin, but got no answer ; in his distress
he wrote even to Constantinople, but much less from there
was there any answer. Then he determined to go per-
sonally to Pepin, and ask his help. There was present at
the court of the pope an embassador from the court of
France, under whose protection Stephen placed himself, and
traveled openly through the dominions of Astolph. No-
vember 15, 752 he entered the French dominions. He was
met on the frontier by one of the clergy and a nobleman,
with orders to conduct him to the court of the king. A
hundred miles from the palace he was met by Prince
Charles, afterward the mighty Charlemagne, with other no-
bles who escorted him on his way. Three miles from the
palace, the king himself, with his wife and family, and an
array of nobles, met Stephen. " As the pope approached,
the king dismounted from his horse, and prostrated himself
on the ground before him. He then walked by the side of
the pope's palfry. The pope and the ecclesiastics broke out
at once into hymns of thanksgiving, and so chanting as they
went, reached the royal residence. Stephen lost no time in
adverting to the object of his visit. He implored the im-
mediate interposition of Pepin to enforce the restoration of
St. Peter. . . . Pepin swore at once to fulfill all the requests
of the pope ; but, as the winter rendered all military
operations impracticable, invited him to Paris, where
he took up his residence in the Abbey of St. Denys."-
Milman.61
60 " History of Latin Christianity," book Iv, chap, xi, par. 24.
61 Id., par. 25.
560 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
Pepin had already been anointed by a bishop in France,
but this was not enough ; the pope must anoint him too, and
then upon this claim that the king of the Franks held his
kingdom by the grace of the bishop of Rome. In the mon-
astery of St. Denys, Stephen III placed the diadem on the
head of Pepin, anointed him with the holy oil, confirmed
the sovereignty in his house forever, and pronounced an
eternal curse upon all who should attempt to name a king of
France from any other than the race of Pepin. The pope
was attacked with a dangerous sickness which kept him at
the capital of France until the middle of 753.
At some point in this series of transactions, we know not
exactly where, the pope as the head of the restored republic
of Rome, renewed to Pepin the Roman title and dignity of
patrician, which, as well as that of consul, had been con-
ferred upon Charles Martel. The insignia of this new office
were the keys of the shrine of St. Peter, " as a pledge and
symbol of sovereignty;" and a "holy" banner which it
was their ' ' right and duty to unfurl " in the defense of the
church and city of Rome.
Meantime Astolpli had persuaded Carloman to leave his
monastery, and go to the court of Pepin to counteract the
influence of the pope, and if possible to win Pepin to the
cause of the Lombards. But the unfortunate Carloman was
at once imprisoned "for life," and his life was ended in a
few days. In September and October 753, Pepin and the
pope marched to Italy against Astolph, who took refuge in
Pavia. They advanced to the walls of that city ; and
Astolph was glad to purchase an ignominious peace, by
pledging himself, on oath, to restore the territory of Rome.
Pepin returned to his capital ; and Stephen retired to
Rome. But Pepin was no sooner well out of reach, than
Astolph was under arms again, and on his way to Rome.
He marched to the very gates of the city, and demanded the
surrender of the pope. "He demanded that the Romans
PEPIN'S GIFT TO THE PAPACY. 561
should give up the pope into his hands, and on these terms
only would he spare the city. Astolph declared he would
not leave the pope a foot' of land.''- — MUnian.^
Stephen hurried away messengers with a letter to Pepin
in which the pope reminded him that St. Peter had prom-
ised him eternal life in return for a vow which he had made
to make a donation to St. Peter. He told Pepin that he
risked eternal damnation in not hastening to fulfill his vow ;
and that as Peter had Pepin's handwriting to the vow, if he
did not fulfill it, the apostle would present it against him in
the day of judgment. Pepin did not respond, and a second
letter was dispatched in which the pope ""conjured him, by
God and his holy mother, by the angels in heaven, by the
apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and by the last day," to
hasten to the rescue of , his holy mother the church, and
promised him if he would do so, "victory over all the bar-
barian nations, and eternal life." But yet Pepin did not
respond, and as Astolph was pressing closer and harder, the
pope determined to have St. Peter himself address the
dilatory king. .Accordingly, he sent now the following
letter : —
"I, Peter the apostle, protest, admonish, and conjure you, the most
Christian kings, Pepin, Charles, and Carloman, with all the hierarchy,
bishops, abbots, priests, and all monks ; all judges, dukes, counts, and
the whole people of the Franks. The M'otfrer of God likewise adjures
you, and admonishes and commands you, she as well as the thrones and
dominions, and all the hosts of heaven, to save the beloved city of Rome
from the detested Lombards. If ye hasten, I, Peter the apostle, promise
you my protection in this life and in the next, will prepare for you the
most glorious mansions in heaven, will bestow on you the everlasting
joys of paradise. Make common cause with my people of Rome, and I
will grant whatever ye may pray for. I conjure you not to yield up this
city to be lacerated and tormented by the Lombards, lest your own souls
be lacerated and tormented in hell, with the devil and his pestilential
angels. Of all nations under heaven, the Franks are highest in the
esteem of St. Peter ; to me you owe all your victories. Obey, and obey
speedily, and, by my suffrage, our Lord Jesus Christ will give you in this
""/</., par. 28.
562 TUB SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
life length of days, security, victory ; in the life to come, will multiply
his blessings upon you, among his saints and angels."63
This aroused Pepin to the most diligent activity. As-
tolph heard he was coming, and hastened back to his capital ;
but scarcely had he reached it before Pepin was besieging
him there. Astolph yielded at once, and gave up to Pepin
the whole disputed territory. Representatives of the em-
peror of the East were there to demand that it be restored to
him; but " Pepin declared that, his sole object in the war
was to show his veneration for St. Peter ; " and as the spoils
of conquest, he bestowed the whole of it upon the pope —
A. D. 755. "The representatives of the pope, who, how-
ever, always speak of the republic of Rome, passed through
the land, receiving the homage of the authorities, and the
keys of the cities. The district comprehended Ravenna,
Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Cesena, Sinigaglia, lesi, Forlimpopoli,
Forli with the Castle Sussibio, Montefeltro, Acerra, Monte
di Lucano, Serra, San Marino, Bobbio, Urbino, Cagli, Lu-
ciolo, Gubbio, Comachio, arid Narni, which was severed
from the dukedom of Spoleto. '"
Astolph was soon afterward killed while hunting. The
succession was disputed between Desiderius and Rachis.
Desiderius secured the throne by courting the influence of
the pope, and in return the pope compelled him to agree to
surrender to the papacy five cities, and the whole duchy of
Ferrara besides. The agreement was afterward fulfilled,
and these territories were added to the kingdom of the
pope.
Stephen III died April 26, 757, and was succeeded by
his brother Paul. Paul glorified Pepin as a new Moses, who
had freed Israel from the bondage of Egypt. As Moses had
confounded idolatry, so had Pepin confounded heresy ; and
he rapturously exclaimed, "Thou, after God, art our defender
and aider. If all the hairs of our heads were tongues, we
could not give you thanks equal to your deserts,"
63 /<*., par. 31.
THE POPE MAKES CHARLEMAGNE EMPEROR. 563
All the donations which Pepin had bestowed upon the
papacy were received and held by the popes, under the pious
fiction that they were for such holy uses as keeping up the
lights in the churches, and maintaining the poor. But in fact
they were held as the dominions of the new sovereign State
descended from the Roman republic, the actual authority of
which had now become merged in the pope, and by right of
which the pope had already made Charles a Roman consul,
and Pepin a patrician. All these territories the pope ruled
as sovereign. He ' ' took possession as lord and master ; he
received the homage of the authorities and the keys of the
cities. The local or municipal institutions remained ; but the
revenue, which had before been received by the Byzantine
crown, became the revenue of the church : of that revenue the
pope was the guardian, distributor, possessor." — Milma/ii.tA
In A. D. 768, Pepin died, and was succeeded by his two
sons, Charles and Carloman. In T71 Carloman died, leaving
Charles sole king, who by his remarkable ability became
Charles the Great, — Charlemagne, — and reigned forty-six
years, — forty-three from the death of Carloman, — thirty-
three of which were spent in almost ceaseless wars.
Charlemagne was a no less devout Catholic than was
Clovis before him. His wars against the pagan Saxons were
almost wholly wars of religion ; and his stern declaration
that "these Saxons must be Christianized or wiped out,"
expresses the temper both of his religion and of his warfare.
He completed the conquest of Lombardy, and placed upon
his own head the iron crown of the kingdom, and confirmed
to the papacy the donation of territory which Pepin had
made. He extinguished the exarchate of Ravenna, and its
territory ' ' by his grant was vested, either as a kind of feud
or in absolute perpetuity, in the pope." — Milman.65
It seems almost certain that Charlemagne really aspired
to consolidate the territories of the West into a grand new
Roman empire. Saxony, Bohemia, Bavaria, Pannonia, the
par. 41. ^/c/., chap, xii, par. 16.
562 TUE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
life length of days, security, victory ; in the life to come, will multiply
his blessings upon you, among his saints and angels."63
This aroused Pepin to the most diligent activity. As-
tolph heard he was coming, and hastened back to his capital ;
but scarcely had he reached it before Pepin was besieging
him there. Astolph yielded at once, and gave up to Pepin
the whole disputed territory. Representatives of the em-
peror of the East were there to demand that it be restored to
him; but " Pepin declared that, his sole object in the war
was to show his veneration for St. Peter ; " and as the spoils
of conquest, he bestowed the whole of it upon the pope —
A. D. 755. "The representatives of the pope, who, how-
ever, always speak of the republic of Rome, passed through
the land, receiving the homage of the authorities, and the
keys of the cities. The district comprehended Ravenna,
Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Cesena, Sinigaglia, lesi, Forlimpopoli,
Forli with the Castle Sussibio, Montefeltro, Acerra, Monte
di Lucano, Serra, San Marino, Bobbio, Urbino, Cagli, Lu-
ciolo, Gubbio, Comachio, and j^arni, which was severed
from the dukedom of Spoleto. "
Astolph was soon afterward killed while hunting. The
succession was disputed between Desiderius and Rachis.
Desiderius secured the throne by courting the influence of
the pope, and in return the pope compelled him to agree to
surrender to the papacy five cities, and the whole duchy of
Ferrara besides. The agreement was afterward fulfilled,
and these territories were added to the kingdom of the
pope.
Stephen III died April 26, 757, and was succeeded by
his brother Paul. Paul glorified Pepin as a new Moses, who
had freed Israel from the bondage of Egypt. As Moses had
confounded idolatry, so had Pepin confounded heresy ; and
he rapturously exclaimed, "Thou, after God, art our defender
and aider. If all the hairs of our heads were tongues, we
could not give you thanks equal to your deserts."
63 Id., par. 31.
THE POPE MAKES CHARLEMAGNE EMPEROR. 563
All the donations which Pepin had bestowed upon the
papacy were received and held by the popes, under the pious
fiction that they were for such holy uses as keeping up the
lights in the churches, and maintaining the poor. But in fact
they were held as the dominions of the new sovereign State
descended from the Roman republic, the actual authority of
which had now become merged in the pope, and by right of
which the pope had already made Charles a Roman consul,
and Pepin a patrician. All these territories the pope ruled
as sovereign. He ' ' took possession as lord and master ; he
received the homage of the authorities and the keys of the
cities. The local or municipal institutions remained ; but the
revenue, which had before been received by the Byzantine
crown, became the revenue of the church : of that revenue the
pope was the guardian, distributor, possessor." —Jfilman.6*
In A. D. 768, Pepin died, and was succeeded by his two
sons, Charles and Carloman. In 771 Carloman died, leaving
Charles sole king, wrho by his remarkable ability became
Charles the Great, — Charlemagne,— and reigned forty-six
years, — forty-three from the death of Carloman, — thirty-
three of which were spent in almost ceaseless wars.
Charlemagne was a no less devout Catholic than was
Clovis before him. His wars against the pagan Saxons were
almost wholly wars of religion ; and his stern declaration
that "these Saxons must be Christianized or wiped out,"
expresses the temper both of his religion and of his warfare.
He completed the conquest of Lombardy, and placed upon
his own head the iron crown of the kingdom, and confirmed
to the papacy the donation of territory which Pepin had
made. He extinguished the exarchate of Ravenna, and its
territory "by his grant was vested, either as a kind of feud
or in absolute perpetuity, in the pope." — Milman.65
It seems almost certain that Charlemagne really aspired
to consolidate the territories of the West into a grand new
Roman empire. Saxony, Bohemia, Bavaria, Pannonia, the
64 Id., par. 41. ^ Id., chap, xii, par. 16.
566 TEE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
poured out their demoniacal wrath upon the innocent
Albigenses, the devoted Waldenses, and the millions of
other Christians who by sword, by captivity, by dungeon,
by rack, by torture, and by flame, yielded their lives rather
than submit to this horrible despotism over the bodies and
souls, the actions and the thoughts, of men, choosing rather
to die the free men of Christ, than to live the slaves of that
filthy strumpet who has "deluged Europe and Asia with
blood" (Gibbon6*) '&&& whom the holy seer of Patmos saw
"drunken with the blood of the saints, and the blood of the
martyrs of Jesus." Rev. xvii, 1-6.
And even the Inquisition in its practical workings, is but
the logic of the theocratical theory upon which the papacy is
founded. God is the moral governor. His government is
moral only, whose code is the moral law. His government
and his law have to do with the thoughts, the intents, and
the secrets of men's hearts. This must be ever the govern-
ment of God, and nothing short of it can be the govern-
ment of God. The papacy then being the head of what
pretends to be a government of God, and ruling there in the
place of God, her government must rule in the realm of
morals, and must take cognizance of the counsels of the
heart. But being composed of men, how can she discover
what are the thoughts of men's hearts whether they be good
or evil, that she may pronounce judgment upon them? By
long and careful experiment, and by intense ingenuity,
means were discovered by which the most secret thoughts
of men's hearts might be wrung from them, and that was by
the confessional first, and especially for those who submit to
her authority ; and by the thumbscrew, the rack, and her other
horrible tortures second, and for those who would not sub-
mit— in one word it was by the Inquisition that it was
accomplished.
There remained but one thing more to make the enor-
mity complete, and that was not only to sanction but to deify
68 " Decline and Fall," chap, xlv, par. 22.
THE GERM OF THE ENTIRE PAPACY. 56 7
the whole deceitful, licentious, and bloody record, with the
assertion of infallibility. As all the world knows, this too
has been done. And even this is but the logic of the theo-
cratical theory upon wliich the foundation of the paj>acy was
laid in the days of Constantino. For, the papacy being pro-
fessedly the government of God, he who sits at the head of
it, sits there as the representative of God. He represents
the divine authority ; and when he speaks or acts officially,
his speech or act is that of God. But to make a man thus
the representative of God, is only to clothe human passions
with divine power and authority. And being human, he is
bound always to act unlike God ; and being clothed with
irresponsible power, he will often act like the devil. Conse-
quently, in order to make all his actions consistent with his
profession, he is compelled to cover them all with the divine
attributes, and make everything that he does in his official
capacity the act of God. This is precisely the logic and the
profession of papal infallibility. It is not claimed that all
the pope speaks is infallible ; it is only what he speaks offi-
cially— \vhat he speaks ex cathedra, that is, from the throne.
The decree of infallibility is as follows : —
"We teach and define that it is a dogma divinely revealed, that the
Roman pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra, that is, when in discharge
of the office of pastor and doctor of all Christians, by virtue of his
supreme apostolic authority, he defines a doctrine regarding faith or
morals to be held by the universal church, by the divine assistance
promised to him in blessed Peter, is possessed of that infallibility with
which the divine Redeemer willed that his church should be endowed for
defining doctrines regarding faith or morals ; and that therefore such
definitions of the Roman pontiff are irreformable of themselves, and not
from the consent of the church.
" But if any one — which may God avert — presume to contradict this
our definition, let him be anathema.
"Given at Rome in public session solemnly held in the Vatican Ba-
silica in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy, on
the eighteenth day of July, in the twenty-fifth year of our pontificate."69
69Schaff's " History of the Vatican Council," Decrees, chap. iv. The "ponti-
ficate " is that of Pius IX.
568 THE SUPREMACY OF THE PAPACY.
Under this theory, he sits upon that throne as the head
of the government of God, and he sits there as God indeed.
For the same pope that published this dogma of infallibility,
published a book of his speeches, in the preface to which, in
the official and approved edition, he is declared to be "The
living Christ," "The voice of God;" "He is nature that
protests; he is God that condemns."70 Thus, in the pa-
pacy there is fulfilled to the letter, in completest meaning,
the prophecy — 2 Thess. ii, 1-9 — of " the falling away " and
the revealing of "that man of sin," "the son of perdition,
who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called
God, or that is worshiped ; so that he as God sitteth in the
temple of God, showing himself that he is God."
Therefore, sitting in the place of God, ruling from that
place as God, that which he speaks from the throne is the
word of God, and must be infallible. This is the inevit-
able logic of the false theocratical theory. And if it be
denied that the theory is false, there is logically no escape
from accepting the whole papal system.
Thus so certainly and so infallibly is it true that the false
and grossly conceived view of the Old-Testament theocracy,
contains within it the germ, of THE ENTIRE PAPACY. n
70 Speeches of Pope Pius IX, pp. 9, 17; Gladstone's Review, p. 6.
71 Neander's " History of the Christian Religion and Church," Vol. ii, Section
Second, part i, div. ii, par. 29.
CHAPTER XXIII.
PROTESTANTISM — TRUE AND FALSE.
THEN came the Eeformation, protesting against the papal
system, and asserting again the rights of the individual
conscience, declaring for a separation between Church and
State, and that to Caesar is to be rendered only that which
is Caesar's, while men are left free to render to God, accord-
ing to the dictates of their own conscience, that which is
God's.
To Luther more than to any other one, there fell the
blessed task of opening up the contest with the papacy, and
of announcing the principles of Protestantism. It is not
without cause that Luther stands at the head of „ all men in
the great Reformation and in the history of Protestantism :
for he alone of all the leaders in the Reformation times held
himself and his cause aloof from the powers of this world,
and declined all connection of the State with the work of
the gospel, even to support it. After he had burnt the
pope's bull, Aleander, the pope's^nuncio, at the coronation
of Charles Y at Cologne, addressed the elector, Frederick
of Saxony, whose subject Luther was, in these words : —
"Seethe immense perils to which this man exposes the Christian
commonwealth. If a remedy is not speedily applied, the empire is
destroyed. What ruined the Greeks, if it was not their abandonment of
the pope ? You cannot remain united to Luther without separating
from Jesus Christ. In the name of his Holiness, I ask of you two
things : first, to burn the writings of Luther ; secondly, to punish him
according to his demerits, or at least to give him up a prisoner to the
[569]
570 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
pope. The emperor, and all the princes of the empire, have declared
their readiness to accede to our demands ; you alone still hesitate." l
The elector answered just then, that this was a matter of
too much importance to be decided upon the spur of the
moment, and at a later time he would give a definite an-
swer. At this time Luther wrote to Spalatiu, the elector's
chaplain, these words : —
"If the gospel was of a nature to be propagated or maintained by
the power of the world, God would not have intrusted it to fishermen.
To defend the gospel appertains not to the princes and pontiffs of this
world. They have enough to do to shelter themselves from the judg-
ments of the Lord and his Anointed. If I speak, I do it in order that
they may obtain the knowledge of the divine word, and be saved by it."2
As Luther was on his way home from the Diet of Worms,
where he made his memorable defense, Frederick had him
captured and carried away to the Wartburg, where he was
kept in confinement to protect him from the wrath of the
papacy, which, through the imperial power, was expressed
in the following words : —
" We, Charles the Fifth, to all the electors, princes, prelates, and
others, whom it may concern: —
"The Almighty having intrusted to us, for the defense of his holy
faith, more kingdoms and power than he gave to any of our predeces-
sors, we mean to exert ourselves to the utmost to prevent any heresy from
arising to pollute our holy empire.
" The Augustine monk, Martin Luther, though exhorted by us, has
rushed, like a madman, against the holy church, and sought to destroy
it by means of books filled with blasphemy. He has, in a shameful
manner, insulted the imperishable law of holy wedlock. He has striven
to excite the laity to wash their hands in the blood of priests ; and, over-
turning all obedience, has never ceased to stir up revolt, division, war,
murder, theft, and fire, and to labor completely to ruin the faith of
Christians. ... In a word, to pass over all his other iniquities in silence,
this creature, who is not a man, but Satan himself under the form of a
man, covered with the cowl of a monk, has collected into one stinking
1 D'Aubigne's " History of the Reformation," book vi, chap, xi, par. 9.
2Jd., par. 13,
THE PAPAL POWER AND LUTHER'S PROTECTION. 571
pool all the worst heresies of past times, and has added several new ones
of his own. . . .
"We have therefore sent this Luther from before our face, that all
pious and sensible men may regard him as a fool, or a man possessed of
the devil ; and we expect that, after the expiry of his safe-conduct,
effectual means will be taken to arrest his furious rage.
"Wherefore, under pain of incurring the punishment due to the
crime of treason, we forbid you to lodge the said Luther so soon as the
fatal term shall be expired, to conceal him, give him meat or drink, and
lend him by word or deed, publicly or secretly, any kind of assistance.
We enjoin you, moreover, to seize him, or cause him to be seized, wher-
ever you find him, and bring him to us without any delay, or to keep
him in all safety until you hear from us how you are to act with regard
to him, and till you receive the recompense due to your exertions in so
holy a work.
"As to his adherents, you will seize them, suppress them, and con-
fiscate their goods.
"As to his writings, if the best food becomes the terror of all man-
kind as soon as a drop of poison is mixed with it, how much more ought
these books, which contain a deadly poison to the soul, to be not only
rejected, but also annihilated ! You will therefore burn them, or in
some other way destroy them entirely.
"As to authors, poets, printers, painters, sellers or buyers of pla-
cards, writings, or paintings against the pope or the church, you will lay
hold of their persons and their goods, and treat them according to your
good pleasure.
"And if any one, whatever be his dignity, shall dare to act in con-
tradiction to the decree of our imperial majesty, we ordain that he shall
be placed under the ban of the empire.
"Let every one conform hereto." 3
Luther remained in the Wartburg until March 3, 1522,
when without permission from anybody, he left and returned
to Wittemberg. Knowing that his leaving the Wartburg with-
out saying anything to the elector, would be ungrateful, and
knowing also that his returning at all was virtually disclaim-
ing the elector's protection, he addressed to him, the third
day of his journey, the following letter : —
"Grace and peace from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus
Christ.
3 Id., book vii, chap, xi, par. 13.
44
572 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
"Most serene elector, gracious lord: What has happened at Wit-
temberg, to the great shame of the gospel, has filled me with such grief,
that if I were not certain of the truth of our cause, I would have despaired
of it.
"Your Highness knows — or if not, please to be informed — I re-
ceived the gospel not from men, but from heaven, by our Lord Jesus
Christ. If I have asked for conferences, it was not because I had doubts
of the truth, but from humility, and for the purpose of winning ."others.
But since my humility is turned against the gospel, my conscience now
impels me to act in a different manner. I have yielded enough to your
Highness in exiling myself during this year. The devil knows it was not
from fear I did it. I would have entered Worms, though there had been
as many devils in the town as there were tiles on the roofs. Now Duke
George, with whom your Highness tries so much to frighten me, is far
less to be feared than a single devil. Had that which has taken place at
Wittemberg taken place at Leipsic (the duke's residence), I would in-
stantly have mounted my horse and gone thither, even though (let your
Highness pardon the expression) for nine days it should have done nothing
but rain Duke Georges, and every one of them been nine times more furious
than he is. What is he thinking of in attacking me ? Does he take
Christ, my Lord, for a man of straw ? The Lord be pleased to avert the
dreadful judgment which is impending over him.
"It is necessary for your Highness to know that I am on my way to
Wittemberg, under a more powerful protection than that of an elector.
I have no thought of soliciting the assistance of your Highness ; so far
from desiring your protection, I would rather give you mine. If I knew
that your Highness could or would protect me, I would not come to Wit-
temberg. No sword can give any aid to this cause. God alone must do
all without human aid or co-operation. He who has most faith is the best
protector. Now, I observe that your Highness is still very weak in the
faith.
" But since your Highness desires to know what to do, I^will answer
with all humility. Your electoral Highness has already done too much,
and ought to do nothing at all. God does not wish, and cannot tolerate,
either your cares and labors, or mine. Let your Highness, therefore, act
accordingly.
"In regard to what concerns myself, your Highness must act as elec-
tor. You must allow the orders of his Imperial Majesty to be executed
in your towns and rural districts. You must not throw any difficulty in
the way, should it be wished to apprehend or slay me ; for none must
oppose the powers that be, save He who established them.
" Let your Highness, then, leave the gates open, and respect safe-
conducts, should my enemies themselves, or their envoys, enter the
THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTESTANTISM. 573
States of your Highness in search of me. In this way you will avoid all
embarrassment and danger.
"I have written this letter in haste, that you may not be disconcerted
on learning my arrival. He with whom I have to deal is a different per-
son from Duke George. He knows me well, and I know something of
Him.
" Your electoral Highness's most humble servant,
" MARTIN LUTHER.*
" Borna, the Conductor Hotel, Ash -Wednesday, 1522."
During his absence, fanatical spirits had arisen, and
extreme and somewhat violent steps had been taken, and
amongst the first words which he spoke upon his arrival in
Wittemberg were these : — •
"It is by the word that we must fight ; by the word overturn and
destroy what has been established by violence. I am unwilling to
employ force against the superstitious or the unbelieving. Let him who
believes approach ; let him who believes not stand aloof. None ought
to be constrained. Liberty is of the essence of faith."5
In 1524 the Swabian peasants revolted, and in January,
1525, Luther addressed to them the following words : —
"The pope and the emperor have united against me ; but the more
the pope and the emperor have stormed, the greater the progress which
the gospel has made. . . . Why so ? Because I have never drawn the
sword, nor called for vengeance ; because I have not had recourse either
to tumult or revolt. I have committed all to God, and awaited his strong
hand. It is neither with the sword nor the musket that Christians fight,
but with suffering and the cross. Christ, their captain, did not handle
the sword ; he hung upon the tree."6
And when, June 25, A. D. 1530, the memorable confes-
sion of Protestanism was made at Augsburg, that confession,
framed under the direction of Luther, though absent, accord-
ingly announced for all future time the principles of Prot-
estantism upon the subject of Church and State. Upon this
question that document declared as follows : —
tld., book ix, chap, viil, par. 14. 6 Id., par. 22.
6 Id., book x, chaj). x, par. 19.
PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
' ' ARTICLE XXVIII.
" OF ECCLESIASTICAL POWER.
" There have been great controversies touching the power of the
bishops, in which some have in an unseemly manner mingled together the
ecclesiastical power, and the power of the sword. And out of this con-
fusion there have sprung very great wars and tumults, while the pontiffs,
trusting in the power of the keys, have not only instituted new kinds
of service, and burdened men's consciences by reserving of cases, and
by violent excommunications ; but have also endeavored to transfer
worldly kingdoms from one to another, and to despoil emperors of their
power and authority. These faults godly and learned men in the church
have long since reprehended ; and for that cause ours were compelled,
for the comforting of men^ consciences, to show the difference between
the ecclesiastical power and the power of the sword. And they have
taught that both of them, because of God's command, are dutifully to be
reverenced and honored, as the chief blessings of God upon earth.
"Now, their judgment is this : that the power of the keys, or the
power of the bishops, according to the gospel, is a power or command
from God, of preaching the gospel, of remitting or retaining sins, and of
administering the sacraments. For Christ sends his apostles forth with
this charge : ' As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you. Receive
ye the Holy Ghost : Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto
them ; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained.' John xx,
21-23. ' Go, and preach the gospel to every creature,' etc. Mark xvi, 15.
"This power is exercised only by teaching or preaching the gospel,
and administering the sacraments, either to many, or to single individ-
uals, in accordance with their call. For thereby not corporeal, but
eternal things are granted ; as, an eternal righteousness, the Holy Ghost,
life everlasting. These things cannot be obtained but by the ministry of
the word and of the sacraments ; as Paul says, ' The gospel is the power
of God unto salvation to every one that believeth.' Rom. i, 16. See-
ing, then, that the ecclesiastical power bestows things eternal, and is ex-
ercised only by the ministry of the word, it does not hinder the civil
government any more than the art of singing hinders civil government.
For the civil administration is occupied about other matters, than is the
gospel. The magistracy does not defend the souls, but the bodies, and
bodily things, against manifest injuries ; and coerces men by the sword
and corporal punishments, that it may uphold civil justice and peace.
"Wherefore the ecclesiastical and the civil power are not to be con-
founded. The ecclesiastical power has its own command, to preach the
gospel and to administer the sacraments. Let it not by force enter into
the office of another ; let it not transfer worldly kingdoms ; let it not
PROTESTANTISM IS CHRISTIANITY.
abrogate the magistrates' laws ; let it not withdraw from them lawful
obedience ; let it not hinder judgments touching any civil ordinances or
contracts; let it not prescribe laws to the magistrate touching the form of
the State; as Christ says, 'My kingdom is not of this world.' John
xviii, 36. Again : 'Who made me a judge or a divider over you?'
Luke xii, 14. And Paul says, 'Our conversation is in heaven.' Phil,
iii, 20. ' The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty
through God, to the pulling down of strongholds ; casting down imagi-
nations, ' etc. 2 Cor. x, 4, 5.
" In this way ours distinguish between the duties of each power, one
from the other, and admonish all men to honor both powers, and to ac-
knowledge both to be the gifts and blessings of God.
"If the bishops have any power of the sword, they have it not as
bishops by the command of the gospel, but by human law given
unto them by kings and emperors, for the civil government of their
goods. This, however, is another function than the ministry of the
gospel.
" When, therefore, the question is concerning the jurisdiction of
bishops, civil government must be distinguished from ecclesiastical juris-
diction. Again, according to the gospel, or, as they term it, by divine
right, bishops, as bishops, that is, those who have the administration of
the word and sacraments committed to them, have no other jurisdiction at
all, but only to remit sin, also to inquire into doctrine, and to reject
doctrine inconsistent with the gospel, and to exclude from the com-
munion of the church wicked men, whose wickedness is manifest,
without human force, but by the word. And herein of necessity the
churches ought by divine right to render obedience unto them ; accord-
ing to the saying of Christ, ' He that heareth you, heareth me.' Luke
x, 16. But when they teach or determine anything contrary to the gos-
pel, then the churches have a command of God which forbids obedience
to them: 'Beware of false prophets.' Matt, vii, 15. 'Though an
angel from heaven preach any other gospel, let him be accursed. ' Gal.
i, 8. 'We can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth.' 2 Cor.
xiii, 8. Also, 'This power the Lord hath given me to edification, and
not to destruction.' 2 Cor. xiii, 10."
This confession is a sound exposition of the doctrine of
Christ concerning the temporal and the spiritual powers. It
clearly and correctly defines the jurisdiction of the State to
be only in things civil ; that the sword which is wielded by
the powers that be, is to preserve civil justice and peace ;
and that the authority of the State is to be exercised only
5T6 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
over the bodies of men and the temporal concerns of life,
that is, of the affairs of this world. This shuts away the
State from all connection or interference with things spir--
itual or religious. It separates entirely religion and the
State.
While doing this for the State, it also clearly defines the
place of the church. While the State is to stand entirely
aloof from spiritual and religious things and concern itself
only with the civil and temporal affairs of men, the church
on its part is to stand aloof from the affairs of the State, and
is not to interfere in the civil and temporal concerns of men.
The power of the church is not to be mingled with the power
of the State. The power of the church is never to invade
the realm, or seek to guide the jurisdiction, of the State.
The duty of the clergy is to minister the gospel of Christ and
not the laws of men. In dealing with its membership in the
exercise of discipline, the church authorities are to act with-
out human power, and solely by the word of God. The
ministry of the gospel is with reference only to eternal things,
and is not to trouble itself with political administration.
This is Protestantism. This is Christianity. Wherever
these principles have been followed, there is Protestantism
exemplified in the Church and the State. Wherever these
principles have not been followed, there is the principle of
the papacy, it matters not what the profession may have
been.
THE LUTHERANS IN GERMANY.
In his later years, having refused to walk in the advanc-
ing light, and so having less of the word of God and there-
fore less faith, even Luther swerved from the genuine Chris-
tian and Protestant principle, denied any right of toleration
to the Zwinglians, and advocated the banishment of " false
teachers" and the utter rooting out of the Jews from
"Christian" lands.7 At Luther's death many Protestants
set themselves to maintain the doctrines stated by him, and
7 Schaff's " History of the Christian Church," Vol. xiv, \ 11, par. 22, 23.
ZWINGLE AS A REFORMER. 57?
steadily refused to take a single advance step. These thus
became Lutherans rather than Protestants, and thus was
formed the Lutheran Church. And though this church to
this day holds the Augsburg Confession as one of its chief
symbols ; and though about the end of the seventeenth cent-
ury "the Lutheran churches adopted the leading maxim of
the Arminians, that Christians were accountable to God
alone for their religious sentiments, and that no individual
could be justly punished by the magistrate for his erroneous
opinions, while he conducted himself like a virtuous and
obedient subject, and made no attempts to disturb the peace
and order of civil society" (Mosheim*} ; yet ever since the
year 1817, the Lutheran Church has been a part of the Estab-
lished Church of Prussia. And in the face of the declara-
tions of the Augsburg Confession, the emperor of Germany
to-day, as king of Prussia, is the supreme pontiff of the
Lutheran Church in Prussia. In the Scandinavian countries
also, the Lutheran Church is the State Church.
THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND.
Zwingle, w~ho gave the cast to the Reformation in Switz-
erland, sanctioned, if he did not really create there, the
union of Church and State. His view was that the State is
Christian. "The Reformer deserting the paths of the apos-
tles, allowed himself to be led astray by the perverse ex-
ample of popery." He himself " resolved to be at one and
the same time the man of the State and of the Church, . . .
at once the head of the State and general of the army — this
double, this triple, part of the Reformer was the ruin of the
Reformation and of himself." For when war came on in
Switzerland, Zwingle girded on his sword, and went with
the troops to battle. ' ' Zwingle played two parts at once —
he was a reformer and a magistrate. But these are two char-
acters that ought no more to be united than those of a min-
ister and of a soldier. We will not altogether blame the
8 " Ecclesiastical History," Century xvii, sec. ii, part il, chap. 1, par. 16.
578 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
soldiers and the magistrates : in forming leagues and draw-
ing the sword, even for the sake of religion, they act accord-
ing to their point of view, although it is not the same as
ours ; but we must decidedly blame the Christian minister
who becomes a diplomatist or a general."
He who took the sword, perished by the sword. In the
first battle that was fought — October 11, A. D. 1531 —
twenty-five of the Swiss reform preachers were slain, the
chief of whom was Zwingle, who fell stricken with many
blows. "If the German Reformer had been able to ap-
proach Zwingle at this solemn moment and pronounce
those oft-repeated words, ' Christians fight not with sword
and arquebuse, but with sufferings and with the cross,'
Zwingle would have stretched out his dying hand and said,
' Amen. ' r -
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND.
Although the Reformation was begun in England by
Tyndale about the same time that it was commenced by
Luther in Germany, it attracted Nno public notice until
1521, when Henry VIII, as the doughty champion of the
papacy, promptly took up the enforcement of the pope's
bull ; and Luther's writings were publicly burnt in London,
May 21. Cardinal Wolsey was master of ceremonies.
" Before, a priest of a stately figure carried a rod, sur-
mounted by a crucifix ; behind him another, no less stately,
carried the archiepiscopal cross of York ; a nobleman, walk-
ing at his side, carried his cardinal's hat. He was attended
by nobles, prelates, embassadors of the pope and the
emperor, and these were followed by a long train of mules,
carrying trunks with the richest and most splendid coverings.
At London, amidst this magnificent procession, the writings
of the poor monk of Wittemberg were carried to the flames.
Tor these quotations, under "Zwingle," see D'Aubigne's "History of the
Reformation," book xvi, chap, iv, par. 1; chap, i, par. 7* chap, iv, par. 2: and
chap, viii, par. 6 from the end.
HENRY VTII.
HENRY VIII AGAINST LUTHER.
On arriving at the cathedral, the proud priest made even his
cardinal's hat be placed upon the altar. The virtuous bishop
of Rochester took his station at the foot of the cross, and
there, in animated tone, inveighed against heresy. The
impious writings of the heresiarch were then brought forward,
and devoutly burned in presence of an immense crowd.
Such was the first news which England received of the
Reformation. " — D^Aubignt. 10
But Henry was not content with this ; nor even with
opposing the Reformation in his own dominions. He wrote
to the Archduke Palatine of Germany, in the following
words : —
"This fire, which has been kindled by Luther, and fanned by the
arts of the devil, is raging everywhere. If Luther does not repent,
deliver him and his audacious treatises to the flames. I offer you my
royal co-operation, and even, if necessary, my life."11
Nor did he stop here. He entered the lists as a theolo-
gian, and wrote against Luther a book entitled the "De-
fense of the Seven Sacraments Against Martin Luther, by
the Most Invincible King of England, France, and Ireland,
Henry, Eighth of the Name." In the book he set him-
self forth as a sacrifice for the preservation of the church,
and also proclaimed the papal principles, in the following
words : —
" I will throw myself before the church, I will receive in my breast the
poisoned darts of the enemy who is assailing her. To this the present
state of affairs calls me. Every servant of Jesus Christ, whatever be his
age, rank, or sex, must bestir himself against the common enemy of
Christendom.
" Let us arm ourselves with double armor — with heavenly weapons,
that by the arms of truth we may vanquish him who combats with the arms
of error. But let us also arm ourselves with terrestrial armor, in order
that, if he proves obstinate in his wickedness, the hand of the execu-
tioner may constrain him to silence ; and he may thus, for once at least,
be useful to the world by his exemplary punishment." 12
10 Id., book ix, chap, x, par. 9. n Id., book xviii, chap, v, par. 5,
12 Id., book ix, chap. x. par. 12.
580 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
He denounced Luther as "an infernal wolf, a venomous
viper, a limb of the devil," and other such handsome
things. By his partisans and flatterers, Henry's book was
extolled to the skies. It was declared "the most learned
work that ever the sun saw," and, appropriately enough
indeed, it was compared with the works of St. Augustine.
Henry himself they pronounced a Constantine, a Charle-
magne, and even a second Solomon. Henry was no less
pleased in fact with his performance, than the others pre-
tended to be. He had his embassador at Rome deliver to
the pope in person a copy of the book ; and the embassador,
in presenting it to the pope, who received him in full con-
sistory, said : "The king, my master, assures you that, after
refuting the errors of Luther with his pen, he is ready to
combat his adherents with the sword."13
The grateful pope, as was to be expected, struck even
yet a higher note of praise to Henry. Leo X replied that
the book of the king of England could only have been com-
posed with the aid of the Holy Spirit, and in return gave
the embassador both his foot and his cheek to be kissed,
saying, "I will do for your master's book as much as the
church has done for St. Jerome and St. Augustine." To
his cardinals Leo said, " "We must honor those noble cham-
pions who show themselves prepared to cut off with the
sword the rotten members of Jesus Christ. What title shall
we give to the virtuous king of England ? " One suggested,
"Protector of the Roman Church," another^ "Apostolic
King ; " as the final result, a bull was issued by the pope,
proclaiming Henry VIII "Defender of the Faith," and grant-
ing ten years' indulgence to all who would read the king's
book.
The bull was promptly sent by a messenger to Henry,
who of course M*as overjoyed when he received it. A
moment after Henry received the bull, the king's fool
entered the room. Henry's joy was so marked that the fool
asked him the cause of it. The king replied, "The pope
13 Id., par. 17.
LUTHER AGAINST THE PAPACY. 581
has just made me 'Defender of the Faith." The fool
being the only wise man in the whole transaction, replied,
"Ho! ho! good Harry, let you and me defend one an-
other ; but take my word for it, let the faith alone to defend
itself." Henry decided that the new dignity thus bestowed
upon him should be publicly proclaimed. " Seated upon an
elevated throne, with the cardinal at his right hand, he
caused the pope's letter to be read in public. The trumpets
sounded ; Wolsey said mass ; the king and his court took
their seats around a sumptuous table, and the heralds-at-
anns proclaimed, " Ilenricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae ef
Franciae, Defensor Fidei et Dominus Jliberniae ! " —
"Henry, by the grace of God king of England and France,
defender of the faith, and lord of Ireland." "
Thus was acquired by the sovereign of England, the
title and dignity of "Defender of the Faith," which has been
worn by all the successors of Henry, and is held to-day by
Queen Yictoria.
Luther was not the man to keep silence, not even when
kings spoke. lie had faced the emperor ; he had defied the
pope ; and now he both contemns and defies Henry, and all
the rest of the papal brood together. Besides meeting and
overthrowing the king's arguments in detail, his ringing
words of defiance of the papacy, and his faith in the word of
God only and its power, were a call to all Europe to take
refuge under the standard of the Reformation, and are
worthy forever to be held in remembrance. The opening
and the closing of his reply to Henry is as follows : —
" I will not deal mildly with the king of England ; it is in vain (I
know it is) to humble myself, to yield, beseech, and try the ways of
peace. I will at length show myself more terrible than the ferocious
beasts who are constantly butting me with their horns. I will let them
feel mine ; I will preach and irritate Satan until he wears himself out,
and falls down exhausted. 'If this heretic retracts not,' says the new
Thomas, Henry VIII, 'he must be burnt.' Such are the weapons now
employed against me ; first, the fury of stupid asses and Thomastical
swine, and then the fire. \7ery well ! Let these swine come for-
14 /rf., book xviii, chap, v, par. 10-12.
582 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
ward, if they dare, and burn me ! Here I am, waiting for them. My
wish is, that my ashes, thrown, after my death, into a thousand seas, may
arise, pursue, and engulf this abominable crew. Living, I will be the
enemy of the papacy ; burnt, I will be its destruction. Go, swine of
St. Thomas ; do what seemeth to you good. You shall ever find Luther
as a bear in your way, and a lion in your path. He will thunder upon
you from all quarters, and leave you no peace until he has brayed your
brains of iron, and ground to powder your foreheads of brass. For me,
I cease not to cry, 'The gospel ! the gospel ! Christ ! Christ !' while my
opponents cease not to reply, ' Customs ! customs ! ordinances ! ordi-
nances ! Fathers ! Fathers ! ' ' Let your faith,' says St. Paul, ' stand not in
tlie wisdom of men, but in the power of God.' And the apostle, by this
thunderbolt from heaven, overthrows and scatters, like the dust before
the wind, all the silly crotchets of this Henry. To all the sayings of Fa-
thers, men, angels, devils, I oppose not the antiquity of custom, not the
multitude, but the word of the Eternal Majesty, the gospel, which they
themselves are constrained to approve. By it I hold ; on it I rest ; in it
I glory, triumph, and exult over papists, Thomists, Henrys, and all the
hellish sty. The King of heaven is with me, and therefore I fear noth-
ing, even should a thousand Augustines, a thousand Cyprians, and a
thousand churches, of which Henry is defender, rise up against me. It
is a small matter for me to despise and lash an earthly king, who himself
has not feared, in his writing, to blaspheme the King of heaven, and pro-
fane his holiness by the most audacious falsehood.
Papists ! Will you not desist from your vain pursuits ? Do as you
please, the result, however, must be, that before the gospel which I,
Martin Luther, have preached, popes, bishops, priests, monks, princes,
devils, death, sin, and whatever is not Jesus Christ or in Jesus Christ,
shall fall and perish."15
Soon, however, Henry wanted a divorce from his wife,
Catherine, that he might marry Anne Boleyn. The pope,
Clement VII, proposed to grant him his wish, and actually
signed a "decretal by which he himself annulled the mar-
riage between Henry and Catherine." He also " signed a
valid engagement by which he declared beforehand that all
retractation of these acts should be null android" — ZPAu-
~bign6.v> Both these documents were committed to the
legate, Compeggio, whom he was sending to England pro-
fessedly to conduct the proceedings and accomplish the fact
15 Id., book ix, chap, x, par. 20-24.
16 Id., book xix, last chap., last par. but one.
HENRY DIVORCES THE POPE. 583
of the divorce ; but at the same time gave him positive com-
mand that he must n^ver let the decretal go out of his hands.
Compeggio departed for England ; the political winds sud-
denly veered, messengers were sent with all speed after him,
directing him to delay both his journey, and all the proceed-
ings as much as possible ; and especially commanding him
not to use the decretal, nor take any other step favorable to
the divorce, without a new and express order from the pope
himself. The outcome of it all was that the pope, finding it
impracticable under the circumstances to offend the emperor,
who was Catherine's nephew, played so long his lingering
game with Henry, with the hope of holding both sover-
eigns, that Henry grew impatient, and divorced both Cather-
ine and the pope. This being accomplished, he proceeded
at once, A. D. 1533, to put Anne Boleyn in the place of
Catherine, as queen ; and himself in the place of the pope,
as head of the church in England. It was in the fullest
sense of the word that Henry put himself in the place of the
pope in the realm of England.
In 1534- the " Act of Supremacy" was passed by Par-
liament, by which "authority in. all matters ecclesiastical
was vested solely in the crown. The courts spiritual became
as thoroughly the king's courts as the temporal courts at
AVestminster. The statute ordered that the king ' shall be
taken, accepted, and reputed the only supreme head on earth
of the Church of England, and shall have and enjoy, an-
nexed and united to the imperial crown of this realm, as
well the title and state thereof as all the honors, jurisdic-
tions, authorities, immunities, profits, and commodities to
the said • dignity belonging, and with full power to visit,
repress, redress, reform, and amend all such errors, her-
esies, abuses, contempts, and enormities which by any man-
ner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction might or may
lawfully be reformed.'" — Green.11
The very pattern of the Inquisition was established in
England. At the close of 1534 a statute was made which
17 " Larger History of the English People," book v, chap, iv, par. 16.
45
584 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
declared to be treason "the denial of any of the king's
titles," and as the king in 1535 assumed, the title, " On earth
supreme head of the Church of England," anj denial of his
headship of the church was therefore treason ; and Thomas
Cromwell pushed this principle to the utmost limit. "Spies
were scattered broadcast over the land, secret denunciations
poured into the open ear of the minister. The air was thick
with tales of plots and conspiracies. . . . The confessional
had no secrets from Cromwell. Men's talk with their closest
friends found its way to his ear. Words idly spoken, the
murmurs of a petulant abbot, the ravings of a moonstruck
nun, were, as the nobles cried passionately at his fall, tor-
tured into treason. The only chance of safety lay in silence.
But even the refuge of silence was closed by a law more
infamous than any that has ever blotted the statute-book of
England. Not only was thought made treason, but men
were forced to reveal their thoughts on pain of their very
silence being punished with the penalties of treason. All
trust in the older bulwarks of liberty was destroyed by a
policy as daring as it was unscrupulous. The noblest institu-
tions were degraded into instruments of terror." - Green.1*
That which was now the Church of England was simply
that which before was the Catholic Church in England.
"In form nothing had been changed. The outer Constitu-
tion of the church remained entirely unaltered." In faith,
likewise, nothing had been changed in fact, except in the
mere change of the personages who assumed the prerogative
of dispensers of it. Henry, as both king and pope, was
now the supreme head of the church. "From the primate
to the meanest deacon, every minister of it derived from him
his sole right to exercise spiritual powers. The voice of its
preachers was the echo of his will. He alone could define
orthodoxy or declare heresy. The forms of its worship and
belief were changed and rechanged at the royal caprice."
For as early as 1532, Henry had laid down the proposition
that " the king's majesty hath as well the care of the souls
18 Id., par. 21, 3£.
RELIGIOUS RIGHTS IN ENGLAND. 585
of his subjects as their bodies ; and may by the law of God
by his Parliament make laws touching and concerning as
well the one as the other." - Green.™
Such was the "Reformation" accomplished by "Henry,
Eighth of the Name," so far as in him and his intention lay.
But to be divorced from the pope of Rome was a great thing
for England. And as Henry had set the example of revolt
from papal rule when exercised from the papal throne, the
English people were not slow in following the example thus
set, and revolting from the same rule when exercised from
the English throne. It began even in Henry's reign, in the
face of -all the terrors of a rule "which may be best de-
scribed by saying that it was despotism itself personified. "-
Macanday™ During the regency of Edward YI and under
the guidance of Cranmer and Ridley, advance steps were
taken even by the Church of England itself — the use of
images, of the crucifix, of incense, tapers, and holy water ;
the sacrifice of the mass, the worship of saints, auricular
confession, the service in Latin, and the celibacy of the
clergy, were abolished. During the Catholic reaction under
Mary, the spirit of revolt was confirmed ; and under Eliza-
beth, when the polity of the Church of England became
fixed, and thenceforward, it constantly, and at times almost
universally, prevailed.
In short, the example set by Henry has been so well and
so persistently followed through the ages that have since
passed, that, although the Church of England still subsists,
and, although the sovereign of England still remains the head
of the Church of England and Defender of the Faith, both the
office and the title are of so flexible a character that they
easily adapt themselves to the headship and defense of the
faith of Episcopalianism in England and of Presbyterianism
in Scotland. And yet even more and far better than this,
the present sovereign of England, Queen Victoria, has dis-
tinctly renounced the claim of right to rule in matters of
19 Id., book vi, chap, i, parr 5, 1, and book v, chap, iv, par. 13.
20 Essays, "Hallam," par. 27.
586 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
faith. In 1859 Her Majesty issued a royal proclamation to
her subjects in India, in which she said these words : —
"Firmly relying, ourselves, on the truth of Christianity, and ac-
knowledging with gratitude the solace of religion, we disclaim alike the
right and the desire to impose our convictions on any of our subjects.
We declare it to be our royal will and pleasure that none be in any wise
favored, none molested or disquieted, by reason of their religious faith
or observances, but that all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial pro-
tection of the law ; and we do strictly charge and enjoin all those who
may be in authority under us that they abstain from all interference
with the religious belief or worship of any of our subjects, on pain of
our highest displeasure.
" And it is our further will that, so far as may be, our subjects, of
whatever race or creed, be freely and impartially admitted to offices in
our service, the duties of which they maybe qualified by their education,
ability, and integrity to discharge."
CALVINISM IN GENEVA.
The views of Calvin on the subject of Church and State,
were as thoroughly theocratic as the papal system itself.
Augustine was his master and model throughout. When at
the age of twenty-eight, at the urgent call of Farel, Calvin
settled in Geneva, he drew up a condensed statement of
Christian doctrine, in fact a synopsis of his "Institutes,"
consisting of twenty-one articles which all the citizens were
called up in bunches of ten each, " To profess and swear to,
as the confession of their faith." This method of making a
Calvinistic city was gone through with, Calvin himself said,
'•with much satisfaction." This oath and confession of
faith were made as citizens, not particularly as church mem-
bers. They were not asked whether they were converted ;
they were not required to be church members ; but simply
as men and citizens, were required to take the oath and
accept this as the confession of their faith.
In fact, the oath of allegiance as a citizen, and the con-
fession of fa;th as a Christian, were identical. This was at
once to make the Church and the State one and the same thing
JOHN CALVIN.
THE CALVINISTIC THEOCRACY. 587
with the Church above the State. Yea, more than this, it was
wholly to swallow up the civil in the ecclesiastical power ;
for the preachers were supreme. It was but another
man-made theocracy, after the model of the papacy. In-
deed, according to Calvin's "Institutes," the very reason of
existence of the State, is only as the support and the servant
of the church ; and accordingly, when the magistrate inflicts
punishment, he is to be regarded as executing the judgment
of God. " What we see on the banks of the Leman is a
theocracy ; Jehovah was its head, the Bible was the supreme
code, and the government exercised a presiding and paternal
guardianship over all interests and causes, civil and spirit-
ual."— Wylie*1
Serious difficulty, however, arose, when it came to en-
forcing the strictness of scriptural morality, and the Calvin-
istic restrictions regarding the dress and manner of life of
the citizens which the two preachers had adopted.22 All who
had been made Christian citizens by the machine method
before mentioned, resented it, and desired that the strictness
of discipline should be modified. This the preachers looked
upon as an attempt of the civil power to dictate in spiritual
matters, and they refused to yield in the least degree. The
people insisted, and the preachers stood firm. The dissen-
sion soon grew so violent that the preachers refused to adminis-
ter the sacraments to the people ; then the people rose up
and banished them from the city, A. D. 1539.
Calvin went to Strasburg, where he remained two years,
during which time much disorder prevailed in Geneva, and
the friends of Calvin insisted all the time that if only he
were recalled, order could be restored. In 1541 the decree
of banishment was revoked, and at "the earnest entreaties
21 " History of Protestantism," book xiv, chap, x, last par. but one.
22 Id. Everybody had to be at home by nine o'clock at night ; and hotel
keepers were required to see that this rule was observed by their guests. Rules
were made "restraining excess in dress, and profusion at meals; " and every-
body was required to attend both preaching and other religious serrices.
588 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
of the Genevese, Calvin returned." He was no less de-
termined than before to have his own way, and to make his
will absolute ; and the circumstances under which he re-
turned, paved the way for him to execute his will as he was
not suffered to do before. "He entered upon his work
with a firm determination to carry out those reforms which
he had originally purposed, and to set up in all its integrity
that form of church policy which he had carefully matured
during his residence at Strasburg." The town was divided
into parishes, with an elder or some one appointed by the
council of elders, in charge of each parish, to see that disci-
pline was observed.
" His system of church polity was essentially theocratic ;
it assumed that every member of the State was also under
the discipline of the church ; and he asserted that the right
of exercising this discipline was vested exclusively in the
consistory, or l)ody of preachers and elders. His attempts to
carry out these views brought him into collision both with
the authorities and with the populace, the latter being en-
raged at the restraints imposed upon the disorderly by the
exercise of church discipline, and the former being inclined
to retain in their own hands a portion of that power in
things spiritual, which Calvin was bent on placing exclu-
sively in the hands of the church rulers. His dauntless
courage, his perseverance, and his earnestness at length pre-
vailed, and he had the satisfaction, before he died, of seeing
his favorite system of church polity firmly established, not
only at Geneva, but in other parts of Switzerland, and of
knowing that it had been adopted substantially by the Re-
formers in France and Scotland. ]Sor was it only in relig-
ious matters that Calvin busied himself ; ^nothing was indif-
ferent to him that concerned the welfare and good order of
the State or the advantage of its citizens. His work, as has
been justly said, 'embraced everything;' he was consulted
on every affair, great and small, that came before the coun-
cil,— on questions of law, policy, economy, trade, and
CALVIN'S DESPOTISM. 589
manufactures, no less than 011 questions of doctrine and
church polity ."- — Encyclopedia Britannica.**
It is plain that when every member of the State was subject
to the discipline of the Church, and when this discipline was
exercised exclusively by the body of preachers and elders
with Calvin at the head of that body, his power was practi-
cally unlimited. And by this it is further evident that the
system there made and established by Calvin, was but the
papal system over again, with Calvin as pope.21 And the
use which he made of the power with which he was thus
clothed, shows that he was as ready to exert the authority,
as he was to sit in the place, of a pope.
'The people having just thrown off the yoke of the pope of
Rome, were not all ready to bear with meekness the yoke of
the pope of Geneva. One of the first to speak out, was Gruet,
who attacked him "vigorously on his supremacy, called him
" bishop of Asculurn," and '' the new pope." Among other
points of dissent, Gruet denied the immortality of the soul.
He may have been an infidel, but it is not certain ; at any
rate, he was brought before the council, by which he was
condemned and punished with death. Another who dis-
sented was Castalio, master of the public schools of Geneva.
He attacked Calvin's doctrine of unconditional predestina-
tion. He was deposed from his office and banished. An-
other was Jerome Bolsec, a monk who had been converted
to Protestantism. He, too, attacked the doctrine of absolute
decrees. He was thrown into prison, and after a two days'
debate with Calvin before the council, was banished.
Out of this grew still another. Jacques de Bourgogne,
a lineal descendant of the dukes of Burgundy, and an inti-
mate friend and patron of Calvin, had settled at Geneva
solely to have the pleasure of his company. Bourgogne had
23 Article "Calvin." It was written by W. Lindsay Alexander, D. D., one
of the Bible revisers, and is clearly favorable to him.
24 Hallam describes him as " a sort of prophet-king," in " Constitutional
History," chap, iv, par. 13, note.
590 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
employed Bolsec as his physician, and when Bolsec became
involved in his difficulty with Calvin, Bourgogne came to
his support, and tried to prevent his ruin. This so incensed
Calvin that he turned his attention to the nobleman, who
was obliged to leave Geneva, lest a worse thing should
befall him.
Another, and the most notable of all the victims of
Calvin's theocracy, was Servetus, who had opposed the
Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, and also infant baptism ;
and had published a book entitled " Christianity Restored,"
in which he declared his sentiments. At the instance and
by the aid of Calvin, he had been prosecuted by the papal
Inquisition, and condemned to death for blasphemy and
heresy, but he escaped from their prison in Dauphine, in
France, and in making his way to Italy, passed through
Geneva, and there remained a short time. He was just
about to start for Zurich, when at the instigation of Calvin,
he "was seized, and out of the book before mentioned, was
accused of blasphemy. The result, as everybody knows,
was that he was burned to death. The followers of Serve-
tus were banished from Geneva.
Calvin's system of government was not confined to
Geneva, however, nor did his idea die with him. It occu-
pies almost as large a place in the subsequent history as
does the papacy itself, of which throughout it is so close a
counterpart. He himself tried during the reign of Edward
YI to have it adopted in England. " He urged Cranmer to
call together pious and rational men, educated in the school
of God, to meet and agree upon one uniform confession of
doctrine according to the rule of Scripture," declaring:
"As for me, if I can be made use of, I will sail through
ten seas to bring it about. ^-- Bancroft.^
25 " History of the United States," chap. " Prelates and Puritans," par. 11. It
is not without reason that, by one of his admirers, Calvin has been compared with
Innocent III. — Wylle's " History of Protestantism," book xiv, end of chap, xx.lv.
&ELIGIOUS DESPOTISM IN SCOTLAND. 591
All his personal effort in this direction failed, however.
He died May 27, A. D. 1564.
CALVINISM IN SCOTLAND.
It was stated above that before his death Calvin had the
satisfaction, of knowing that his system of church polity had
been adopted in Scotland. No doubt this furnished him
much satisfaction indeed. But if he could only have lived
to see the time when that system was being worked in Scot-
land according to its perfect ideal, we may well believe
that he would have fairly wept in the fullness of his un-
speakable joy.
From A. D. 1638 to 1662, under the Covenanters, the
Calvinistic system was supreme in Scotland; and "the
arrogance of the ministers' pretensions and the readiness
with which these pretensions were granted ; the appalling
conceptions of the Deity which were inculcated, 'and the
absence of all contrary expression of opinion ; the intrusions
on the domain of the magistrate ; the vexatious interference
in every detail of family and commercial life, and the
patience with which it was borne, are to an English reader
alike amazing. 'We acknowledge,' said they, 'that accord-
ing to the latitude of the word of God (which is our theame),
we are allowed to treate in an ecclesiastical way of greatest
and smallest, from the king's throne that should be estab-
lished in righteousness, to the merchant's balance that
should be used in faithfulness.' The liberality of the inter-
pretation given to this can only be judged of after minute
reading." — Encyclopedia Britannica™
In fact it was "one of the most detestable tyrannies ever
seen on the earth. When the Scotch Kirk was at the height
of its power, we may search history in vain for any institu-
tion which can compete with it, except the Spanish Inquisi-
tion. Between these two, there is a close arid intimate
26 Article " Presbyterianism," par. 32.
592 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
analogy. Both were intolerant, both were cruel, both made
war upon the finest parts of human nature, and both de-
stroyed every vestige of religious freedom."- — Buckle.*1
PURITANISM AND THE NEW ENGLAND THEOCRACY.
After Scotland, it was in Puritan New England that the
Calvinistic system of government most nearly reached its
ideal.
The rise of the Puritans was on this wise : To escape the
persecutions by Mary, in her attempt to restore Catholicism
as the religion of England, many members of the Church of
England fled to Germany. The worship of these while in
exile was conducted by some with the rites of the Church
of England as established under Edward VI, while others
adopted the Swiss or Calvinistic form of worship. This
caused a division, and much contention between them. " The
chief scene of these disturbances was Frankfort." John Knox
took the leadership of those who were inclined to Calvinism,
while Cox, who afterward became bishop of Ely, was the chief
of those who defended the forms of the Church of England.
Those who maintained the English form of worship were
called Conformists, and those who advocated Calvinistic
forms, were called 2f on- Conformists. The contentions
finally grew so bitter that the Conformists drove the Non-
Conformists out of the city.
At the accession of Elizabeth, November, 1558, the exiles
returned to England carrying their differences with them.
There the Non-Conformists acquired the nick-name of "Puri-
tans." "A Puritan, therefore, was a man of severe morals,
a Calvinist in doctrine, and a Non-Conformist to the cere-
monies and discipline of the Church [of England], though
27 " History of Civilization," Vol. il, chap, v, last par. To this "famous
chapter " the reader is confidently referred as the best and most fruitful result of
that " minute reading " which is above said to be requisite to enable a person to
judge concerning the system.
THE RISE OF THE PURITANS. 593
they did not totally separate from it." - Neal™ Yet more
than this : they were not only not separate from the Church
of England, but it was not the purpose of the Puritans to
separate from either the church, or the government, of En-
gland. It was their set purpose to remain in, and a part of,
both, to "reform" both, and create and establish instead a
Puritan Church of England, and a Puritan government of
England.
The controversy, as already stated, turned upon the
forms of worship — whether the clergy shouftl wear vest-
ments, whether the church should be governed by bishops,
about cathedral churches, and the archdeacons, deans,
canons, and other officials of the same ; about festivals and
holy-days ; the sign of the cross, god-fathers, god-mothers,
etc. The Conformists held firmly to the form of worship as
established under Edward VI ; the Puritans insisted on go-
ing the full length in renouncing all the remaining forms
and ceremonies. The queen was not in favor of adopting
even the system established under Edward, but inclined yet
more toward the papal system. Under the circumstances,
she rather connived at the efforts of the Puritan party until
she had made herself secure on the throne. In addition to
this, many seeing the queen herself neglecting the forms
enjoined by statute, did the same thing. The result was
that the Puritan principles so grew in favor that in the con-
vocation of 1502, when a motion was made to abolish most
of the usages in dispute, it was lost by only a single vote, the
vote standing fifty-eight for the motion and fifty-nine
against it.29
As Elizabeth saw that the Puritan party was rapidly
growing, she thought to check it by enforcing uniformity
according to the established usage. In this she was zeal-
ously supported, if not rather led, by the archbishop of
Canterbury. This attempt at coercion — 1567 — caused the
28 "History of the Puritans," preface, par. 6.
'"J Hallam's "Constitutional History," chap, iv, par. 5.
594 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Puritans to add to their objections to caps, surplices, tippets,
etc., a strong dislike for the whole system of episcopacy,
and a stronger determination to substitute for it the Presby-
terian form of ecclesiastical polity. And as "it is manifest
that the obstinacy of bold and sincere men is not to be
quelled by any punishments that do not exterminate them,
and that they were not likely to entertain a less conceit of
their own reason when they found no arguments so much
relied on to refute it as that of force" (IZallam30), the inev-
itable consequence was that the efforts to enforce uniformity
only caused non-conformity to grow more determined and
more prevalent.
The Puritans had now grown into a powerful party,
and, owing to the difficulties of her position, Elizabeth,
whose interest in any matter of religion — unless that perhaps
of the papal — was more political than anything else, might
have been even yet brought to assent to some of their
demands if the Puritans could have been content with any-
thing like moderation. But they now made such extrav-
agant demands, and asserted such extreme doctrines, that
it became at once apparent that they would be content with
nothing less than the utter subversion of the State, and the
establishment in England of the system by which Calvin had
ruled Geneva.
About 1570 this movement took definite shape ; and
among the leaders in the movement, ' ' Thomas Cartwright
was the chief. He had studied at Geneva ; he returned with
a fanatical faith in Calvinism, and in the system of church
government which Calvin had devised ; and as Margaret
professor of divinity at Cambridge, he used to the full the
opportunities which his chair gave him of propagating his
opinions. No leader of a religious party ever deserved less
of after sympathy. Cartwright was unquestionably learned
and devout, but his bigotry was that of a mediaeval in-
quistor. The relics of the old ritual, the cross in baptism,
30 /d., par. 3 from the end.
PURITAN DESIGNS UPON ENGLAND. 595
the surplice, the giving of a ring in marriage, were to him
not merely distasteful, as they were to the Puritans at large ;
they were idolatrous, and the mark of the beast.
" His declamation against ceremonies and superstition,
however, had little weight with Elizabeth or her primates ;
what scared them was his most reckless advocacy of a
scheme of ecclesiastical government which placed the State
beneath the feet of the Church. The absolute rule of bish-
ops, indeed, Cartwright denounced as begotten of the devil,
but the absolute rule of presbyters he held to be established
by the word of God. For the church modeled after the
fashion of Geneva he claimed an authority which surpassed
the wildest dreams of the masters of the Vatican. All
spiritual authority and jurisdiction, the decreeing of doc-
trine, the ordering of ceremonies, lay wholly in the hands
of the ministers of the church. To them belonged the
supervision of public morals. In an ordered arrangement of
classes and synods, these presbyters were to govern their
flocks, to regulate their own order, to decide in matters of
faith, to administer 'discipline.' Their weapon was excom-
munication, and they were responsible for its use to none
but Christ."— Green.31
The actual relation which the State was to bear toward
the Church, the magistrates toward the ecclesiastics, was set
forth as follows, in a "Second Admonition to Parliament,"
-1572 — by "the legislator" of the proposed Puritan re-
public : —
"It must be remembered that civil magistrates must govern' the
church according to the rules of God prescribed in his word, and that as
they are nurses, so they be servants uuto the church ; and as they rule
in the church, so they must remember to submit themselves unto the
church, to submit their scepters, to throw down their crowns before
the church, yea, as the prophet speaketh, to lick the dust off the feet of
the church." — Cartwright.^
31 " Larger History of England," book vi, chap, v, par. 31.
32 Quoted by Hallam, "Constitutional History," chap, iv, par. 13.
596 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
"The province of the civil ruler in such a system of re-
ligion as this, was simply to carry out the decisions of the
presbyters, ' to see their decrees executed, and to punish
the contemners of them.' Nor was this work of the civil
power likely to be light work. The spirit of Calvinistic
Presbyterianism excluded all toleration of practice or belief.
Not only was the rule of ministers to be established as the legal
form of church government, but all other forms, Episcopa-
lian or Separatist, were to be ruthlessly put down. For heresy
there was the punishment of death. Never had the doctrine
of persecution been urged with such a blind and reckless
ferocity. ' I deny, ' wrote Cartwright, ' that upon repent-
ance there ought to follow any pardon of death. . . . Here-
tics ought to be put to death now. If this be bloody and ex-
treme, I am content to be so counted with the Holy Ghost ! '
"The violence of language such as this was as unlikely
as the dogmatism of his theological teaching, to commend
Cartwright's opinions to the mass of Englishmen. Popular
as the Presbyterian system became in Scotland, it never
took any popular hold on England. It remained to the last
a clerical, rather than a national, creed ; and even in the
moment of its seeming triumph under the commonwealth,
it was rejected by every part of England save London and
Lancashire.33 But the bold challenge which Cartwright's
33 It was for good cause that it was so rejected ; for even before the death
of Charles I, the Presbyterian Parliament had dealt " the fiercest blow at religious
freedom which it had ever received." "An 'Ordinance for the Suppression of
Blasphemies and Heresies,' which Vane and Cromwell had long held at bay, was
passed by triumphant majorities. Any man, ran this terrible statute, denying
the doctrine of the Trinity or of the divinity of Christ, or that the books of
Scripture are the 'word of God,' or the resurrection of the body, or a future day
of judgment, and refusing on trial to abjure his heresy, ' shall suffer the pain of
death.' Any man declaring (among a long list of other errors) 'that man by
nature hath free will to turn to God,' that there is a purgatory, that images are
lawful, that infant baptism is unlawful ; any one denying the obligation of
observing the Lord's day, or asserting ' that the church government by presby.
tery is anti-Christian or unlawful,' shall, on refusal to renounce his errors, ' be
commanded to prison.'" — Green's " Larger History of England," book vii, chap,
f, par. U.
ELIZABETH PERSECUTES TUB PURITANS. 597
party delivered to the government in 1572, in an 'Admoni-
tion to the Parliament,' which denounced the government
of bishops as contrary to the word of God, and demanded
the establishment in its place of government by presbyters,
raised a panic among English statesmen and prelates,
which cut off all hopes of a quiet treatment of the merely
ceremonial questions which really troubled the consciences
of the more advanced Protestants. The natural progress of
opinion abruptly ceased, and the moderate thinkers who had
pressed for a change in ritual which would have satisfied the
zeal of the Reformers, withdrew from union with a party
which revived the worst pretensions of the papacy." —
Green.341
From this time forward, Elizabeth, her most active agency
still being the archbishop of Canterbury and his subjects,
exerted all her power to crush the Puritans. And though
the persecution was cruel, they bore it all with patience ;
first, because every effort that was made to crush them only
multiplied their fame and influence a hundred-fold, and,
second, because they lived in strong hope that better days,
if not their actual triumph, would come when Elizabeth was
gone. And as Elizabeth steadily refused to marry, and
thus cut off every possibility of heirship to the throne
through her, the hopes of the Puritans strengthened as her
age increased ; because James of Scotland was next in the
line of succession, and was not Presbyterianism established
in Scotland ? And had not James in 1590, with his Scottish
bonnet off and his hands raised to heaven declared : —
" I praise God that I was born in the time of the light of the gospel,
and in such a place as to be king of such a church, the sincerest
[purest] kirk in the world. The church of Geneva keep Pasche and
Yule [Easter and Christmas] ; what have they for them ? They have
no institution. As for our neighbor Kirk of England, their services are
an evil-said mass in English ; they want nothing of the mass but the lift-
ings. I charge you, my good ministers, doctors, elders, nobles, gentle-
men, and barons, to stand to your purity, and to exhort the people to do
45 ** Id., book vi, chap, v, par. 81.
598 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
the same ; and I, forsooth, as long as I brook my life, shall maintain
the same" ?35
And had lie not in 1591, written a letter to Elizabeth re-
questing her to ' ' show favor to Mr. Cartwright and his
brethren, because of their great learning and faithful travels
in the gospel r ? Was not James therefore a good Presby-
terian ? And would he not surely put the Puritans in their
long-coveted position in England ?
Elizabeth died March 2-t, 1603, and was at once suc-
ceeded by James. Before he left Scotland for London to be
crowned king of England, he gave public thanks to God in
the church of Edinburgh, that he was leaving "both kirk
and kingdom in that state which he intended not to alter any
ways, his subjects living in peace."- — Neal.™
This, however, as well as the speech before quoted, was
but a piece of that "kingcraft" upon which James prided
himself. He had been brought up under Calvinistic disci-
pline in Scotland, and had enough of it ; and as a matter of
fact, he was only too glad of the opportunity to break loose
from all Presbyterian and Puritan influence ; and this oppor-
tunity he used to the full when he reached London. He called
a conference of the two church parties, at which he openly
took his stand for Episcopacy and the Church of England as
it was, and renounced all connection with the Puritans, or
favor for them. He told the Puritans in the conference,
"If this be all your party have to say, I will make them
conform, or I will harrie them out of the land, or else worse
— hang them, that's all." Not long afterward, he declared
in his council of State, that "his mother and he from their
cradles had been haunted with a Puritan devil, which he
feared would not leave him to his grave ; and that he would
hazard his crown but he would suppress those malicious
spirits." -Bancroft.'1''' Accordingly he issued a proclama-
tion commanding all Puritans to conform or suffer the full
35"Neal's History of tbe Puritans," part ii, chap, i, par. 2. M Id.
37 "History of the United States," chap. " The Pilgrims," par. 8.
ORIGIN OF THE CONGREGATIONALISTS. 599
extremity of the laws, and the archbishop of Canterbury
followed it up " with unrelenting rigor."
Meanwhile, some of the Puritans seeing that the pros-
pect from new Presbytery, was but the same as from old
priest, only writ large, drew off from the Puritan party, as
well as from the Church of England, and advocated a com-
plete separation from both systems as to church govern-
ment. They held that each church or assembly of worship-
ers is entirely independent of all others, and self-governing ;
that all points of doctrine or discipline are to be submitted
to the congregation for discussion and final decision ; and
that each congregation should elect its own pastor, etc.
For this reason they were called Independents or Congregctr
tionalists, and were nicknamed Separatists.
Upon these the wrath of both Puritans and Conformists
was poured with about equal virulence. As early as 1567,
one of these Congregations was formed in London ; but it
was forcibly broken up, thirty-one of its members being
imprisoned for nearly a year. Persecution, however, only
caused their numbers to grow, and by 15T6 they formed a
distinct sect under the leadership of Robert Brown, from
whom they were again nicknamed Brownists. . -And still
they were subject to the enmity of both old ecclesiastical
parties. Their meetings were broken up by mobs, and "the
result to individuals is described as follows, by one who
wrote at the time an account of a "tumult in Fleet street,
raised by the disorderly preachment, pratings, and prat-
tlings of a swarm of Separatists : —
"At length they catcht one of them alone, but they kickt him so
vehemently as if they meant to beat him into a jelly. It is ambiguous
whether they have kil'd him or no, but for a certainty they did knock
him about as if they meant to pull him to pieces. I confesse it had
been no matter if they had beaten tlje whole tribe in the like manner."38
Ill 1592 Bacon wrote concerning them: "As for those
which we call Brownists, being, when they were at the
"Beginnings of New England," p. 67.
600 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
most, a very small number of very silly and base people,
here and there in corners dispersed, they are now, thanks to
God, by the good remedies that have been used, suppressed
and worn out ; so that there is scarce any news of them."39
Yet in 1593 there were twenty thousand of them ; and in
the same year, at the order of Archbishop Whitgift, three of
their leading men were hanged, two of whom had already
been in prison seven years. The crime of which they were
convicted and for which they were executed, was "separa-
tion from the Church of England."
The attitude and the words of King James, were simply
a proclamation of the continuance of the war which Eliza-
beth had already waged against the Puritans and Congrega-
tionalists, and caused the Separatist principles and numbers
more to grow. The chief of the Separatists was now William
Brewster, a prominent man of Scrooby. Assisted by John
Robinson, he organized a congregation in 1606, which held
its meetings in his own drawing-room at Scrooby Manor.
They were so persecuted and abused by all classes, as well
as by the officers of the law, that in 1608 they fled
to Holland, stopping first at Amsterdam, and afterward
going to Leyden in 1609. From there a company of these
PILGRIMS sailed, and landed at Plymouth, New England,
in 1620.
The success of this venture suggested to the Puritans a
new scheme. Was not here an opportunity to establish a
complete and unabridged Puritan government ? And was
not the way fully opened, and the opportunity easy to be
improved ? Enough ! They would do it. The scheme was
talked about, pamphlets were written, a company was
formed, a grant of land was obtained, and John Endicott,
with a company of sixty, was sent over in 1628. They
joined a fishing settlement at the place afterward called
Salem on Massachusetts Bay.
39 Bancroft's "History of the United States," chap. "Prelates and Puri-
tans," par. 3 from the end.
PURITAN GOVERNMENT IN NEW ENGLAND. 601
In 1629 a royal charter was obtained, creating "The
Government and Colony of Massachusetts Bay in New En-
gland ; " and four hundred and six people, led by Francis
Higginson, were sent over, and Endicott became governor
of the whole colony.
A Puritan or Calvinistic government was at once estab-
lished and put into working order. A church was immedi-
ately organized according to the Congregational form, with
Higginson and Samuel Skelton as the ministers. All, how-
ever, were not inclined to Puritanism. Two persons of the
former company at Salem, John and Samuel Browne, took
the lead in worshiping according to their own wish, conduct-
ing their service after the Episcopal order, using the book of
common prayer. Their worship was forbidden. The
Brownes replied, " You are Separatists, and you will shortly
be Anabaptists." The Puritans answered, "We separate,
not from the Church of England, but from its corruptions.
We came away from the common prayer and ceremonies, in
our native land, where we suffered much for non-conformity ;
in this place of liberty we cannot, we will not, use them.
Their imposition would be a sinful violation of the worship
of God."40 In return the Brownes were rebuked as Separa-
tists ; their defense was pronounced sedition ; their worship
was declared mutiny ; and they were sent back to England
as "factious and evil-conditioned men," Endicott declaring
that "New England was no place for such as they."
Higginson died in the winter of 1629-30. In 1630
there came over another company led by John Winthrop
and Thomas Dudley, who were the governor and deputy-
governor to succeed Endicott. "Their embarkation in 1630
was the signal of a general movement on the part of the
English Puritans. Before Christmas of that year seven-
teen ships had come to New England, bringing more than
one thousand passengers." -—Flake. " Dudley's views of
40 Bancroft's "History of the United States," chap. "New England's Planta-
tion," last par. but one. 41 " Beginnings of New England," pp. 103, 104.
602 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
toleration and liberty of conscience are expressed in the
following lines, which he wrote : —
"Let men of God in courts and churches watch '
O'er such as do a toleration hatch,
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice
To poison all with heresy and vice."42
And Winthrop's estimate of the 'preachers is seen in his
declaration that " I honored a faithful minister in my heart,
and could have kissed his feet." 43 It was therefore not at all
strange that under the government of Winthrop and Dudley
in 1631, the following law should be enacted : —
" To the end this body of the commons may be preserved of honest
and good men, it is ordered and agreed that, for the time to come, no
man shall be admitted to the freedom of this body politic but such as
are members of some of the churches within the limits of the same."
"Thus the polity became a theocracy ; God himself was
to govern his people ; and the ' saints by calling,' . . . were,
by the fundamental law of the colony, constituted the oracle
of the divine will. . . . Other States have confined political
rights to the opulent, to free-holders, to the first-born ; the
Calvinists of Massachusetts, refusing any share of civil power
to the clergy, established the reign of the visible church, a
commonwealth of the chosen people in covenant with God."
— Bancroft.^ This was the Calvinistic system precisely.
The preachers were not to hold office in itself, but they were
to be the rulers of all who did. For, as no man could be a
citizen unless he was a member of the church ; and as none
could become members of the churches or even " propounded
to the congregation, except they be first allowed by the elders f
this was to make the preachers supreme. This is exactly the
position they occupied. They were consulted in everything,
and everything must be subject to their dictation.
42 Id., p. 103. *3 Adams's "Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 32.
44 " History of the United States," chap. " Self-Government in Massachu-
setts," par. 25.
NEW ENGLAND PURITAN PRINCIPLES. G03
Other companies of immigrants continued to come, and
the colony rapidly grew. In 1634 there were nearly four
thousand in the colony.
In 1631 Roger Williams landed in Boston, and as the
death of Higginson had left a vacancy in the church at
Salem, the church called Williams to fill his place ; but as
Winthrop and his "assistants" objected, Williams went to
Plymouth Colony.
The leading minister in Massachusetts Colony at this
time was John Cotton. He distinctly taught the blessedness
of persecution in itself, and in its benefit to the State, in the
following words : —
"But the good brought to princes and subjects by the due punish-
ment of apostate seducers and idolaters and blasphemers, is manifold.
" First, it putteth away evill from among the people, and cutteth off a
gangreene, which would spread to further ungodlinesse. . = .
" Secondly, it driveth away wolves from worrying and scattering the
sheep of Christ. For false teachers be wolves, . „ . and the very name
of wolves holdeth forth what benefit will redound to the sheep, by either
killing them or driving them away.
" Thirdly, such executions upon such evil doers causeth all the country
to heare and feare and doe no more such wickednesse. . „ . Yea, as
these punishments are preventions of like wickednesse in some, so are
they wholesome medicines, to heale such as are curable of these
eviles. . . .
"Fourthly, the punishments executed upon false prophets and seduc-
ing teachers, doe bring downe showers of God's blessings upon the
civill state. . . .
" Fifthly, it is an honour to God's justice that such judgments are
executed."45 . . .
And Samuel Shepard, a minister of Charlestown,
preached an election sermon entitled "Eye Salve," in
which he set forth the following views : —
"Men's lusts are sweet to them, and they would not be disturbed or
disquieted in their sin. Hence there be so many such as cry up tollera-
tion boundless and libertinism so as (if it were in their power) to order a
45 "The Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 35,36.
604 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
total and perpetual confinement o.f the sword of the civil magistrate
unto its scabbard (a motion that is evidently distructive to this people,
and to the publick liberty, peace, and prosperity of any instituted
churches under heaven).
"Let the magistrate's coercive power in matters of religion, there-
fore, be still asserted, seeing he is one who is bound to God more than
any other man to cherish his true religion ; . . . and how wofull would
the state of things soon be among us, if men might have liberty without
controll to profess, or preach, or print, or publish what they list,%tending
to the seduction of others."46
In accordance with these principles, every inhabitant of
the colony was obliged to attend the services of the Estab-
lished Church on Sunday under penalty of fine or imprison-
ment. The fine was not to exceed five shillings, equal to
about five dollars of the present day, for every absence.
About 1633 Roger Williams was called a second time to
the ministry of the Salem church. This time he was al-
lowed to take the place ; but it was not long before he was
again in trouble with the theocrats. He denounced their
laws making church membership a qualification for office,
and all their laws enforcing religious observances.
He declared that the worst law in the English code was
that by which they themselves when in England had been
compelled to attend the parish church ; and he reproved
their inconsistency in counting that persecution in England,
and then doing the same things themselves in New England.
They maintained, as argued by Cotton, that "persecution
is not wrong in itself. It is wicked for falsehood to perse-
cute truth, but it is the sacred duty of truth to persecute
falsehood." And, as stated by Winthrop, that "we have
come to New England in order to make a society after our
own model ; all who agree with us may come and join that
society ; those who disagree may go elsewhere ; there is
room enough on the American continent."*7
Roger Williams told them that to compel men to unite
with those of a different faith is an open violation of natural
« Id., pp. 36, 37.
17 " Beginnings of New England," p. 178.
ROGER WILLIAMS AGAINST PURITANISM. 605
right ; and that to drag to public worship the irreligious and
the unwilling, is only to require hypocrisy. "Persons may
with less sin be forced to marry whom they cannot love,
than to worship where they cannot believe."48 Accordingly
he insisted that "no one should be bound to worship or to
maintain a worship against his own consent."
At this the theocrats inquired with pious amaze, "What,
is not the laborer worthy of his hire 2 " To which Roger
replied in words which they could not fail fully to under-
stand, " Yes, from them that hire him"
The view that the magistrates must be chosen exclusively
from membership in the churches, he exploded with the
argument that with equal propriety they should select a
doctor of physic or the pilot of a ship, because of his stand-
ing in the church.
Against the statements of Cotton and Shepard and the
claims of the theocrats altogether, as to the right of the magis-
trate to forestall corrupting influences upon the minds of
the people, and to punish error and heresy, he set the evi-
dent and everlasting truth that "magistrates are but the
agents of the people or its trustees, on whom no spiritual
power in matters of worship can ever be conferred, since
conscience belongs to the individual, and is not the property
of the body politic ; . . . the civil magistrate may not inter-
meddle even to stop a church from apostasy and heresy ;
this power extends only to the bodies and goods and out-
ward estate of men."49
The theocrats raised the alarm that these principles sub-
verted all good government. To which he replied : "There
goes many a ship to sea, with many hundred souls in one
ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is a true picture
of a commonwealth or a human combination or society. It
hath fallen out sometimes that both Papists and Protestants,
Jews and Turks, may be embarked in one ship ; upon which
48Backus's "Church History of New England," pp. 62, 63.
49 Bancroft's "History of the United States," chap. "The Providence
Plantations," par. 3-6.
606 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
supposal I affirm that all the liberty of conscience that ever
I pleaded for turns upon these two hinges, that none of the
Papists, Protestants, Jews, or Turks be forced to come to
the ship's prayers or worship, nor compelled from their
particular prayers or worship, if they practice any."50 "The
removal of the yoke of soul-oppression, as it will prove an
act of mercy and righteousness to the enslaved nations, so it
is of binding force to engage the whole and every interest
and conscience to preserve the common liberty and peace."51
He also denied the right of the compulsory imposition of
an oath. The magistrates had decided to require an oath of
allegiance to Massachusetts, instead of to the king of En-
gland. Williams would not take the oath, and his influence
was so great that so many others refused also that the gov-
ernment wras compelled to drop the project. This caused
them to raise a charge against him as the ally of a civil
faction. The church at Salem stood by him, and in the face
of the enmity of the theocrats elected him their teacher.
This was no sooner done than the preachers met together
and declared that any one who should obstinately assert
that "the civil magistrate might not intermeddle even to
stop a church from apostasy and heresy," was worthy of
banishment. A committee of their order was appointed to
go to Salem and deal with Williams and the church " in a
church way."
Meantime the people of Salem were punished for choos-
ing him for their teacher, by the withholding of a tract of
land to which they had laid claim. Williams was ready to
meet the committee at every point in expressing and defin-
ing his doctrines, and in refuting all their claims. After the
committee had returned, the church by Williams wrote let-
ters to all the churches of which any of the magistrates were
members, ' ' that they should admonish the magistrates of
60Blakely's "American State Papers," page 68, note.
81 Bancroft's "History of the United States," chap. "The Providence
Plantations," par. 6.
BANISHMENT OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 607
their injustice." By the next general court the whole of
Salem was disfranchised until they should apologize for
these letters. The town and the church yielded. Roger
Williams stood alone. He was able and willing to do it,
and at once declared his " own voluntary withdrawing from
all these churches which were resolved to continue in perse-
cuting the witnesses of the Lord," and "hoped the Lord
Jesus was sounding forth in him the blast which should in
his own holy season cast down the strength and confidence
of those inventions of men." In October, 1635, he was
summoned before the chief representatives of the State.
He went and ' ' maintained the rocky strength " of his posi-
tion, and declared himself "ready to be bound and ban-
ished, and even to die in New England," rather than to re-
nounce his convictions.
By the earnest persuasions of Cotton, the general court
of 1635, by a small majority, sentenced him to exile, and at
the same time .attempted to justify the sentence by the
flimsy plea that it was not a resjtrainment on freedom of con-
science, but because the application of the new doctrine to
their institutions seemed "to subvert the fundamental state
and government of the country." In January, 1636, a war-
rant was sent to him to come to Boston and take ship for
England. He refused to go. Officers were sent in a boat
to bring him, but he was gone. " Three days before, he had
left Salem, in winter snow and inclefnent weather, of which
he remembered the severity even in his late old age. ' For
fourteen weeks he was sorely tost in a bitter season, not
knowing what bread or bed did mean.' Often in the
stormy night he had neither fire, nor food, nor company ;
often he wandered without a guide, and had no house but a
hollow tree. But he was not without friends. The respect for
the rights of others which had led him to defend the freedom
of conscience, had made him the champion of the In-
dians. He had learned their language during his residence
at Plymouth ; he had often been the guest of the neighbor-
608 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
ing sachems ; and now, when he carne in winter to the cabin
of the chief of Pokanoket, he was welcomed by Massassoit ;
and ' the barbarous heart of Canonicus, the chief of the Nar-
ragansetts, loved him as his son to the last gasp.' 'The
ravens,' he relates, 'fed me in the wilderness.' "52
The act of 1631 making membership in the church a test
of citizenship had involved the theocrats in another dilemma.
There was a considerable number of people who were not
members of the churches, and because of unfitness could
not be admitted. Even more than this, they did not want to
be admitted. But as membership in the church was neces-
sary to citizenship, and as they wanted to be, and deemed it
their right to be, citizens, they took to organizing churches
of their own. But the theocrats were not willing that
power should slip through their fingers in any such way as
this ; they found not only a way to escape from the dilemma,
but with that to make their power more absolute. In 1635
the following law was enacted : —
"Forasmuch as it hath bene fsund by sad experience, that much
trouble and disturbance hath happened both to the Church & civill State
by the officers & members of some churches, wch have bene gathered . . .
in an vudue manner, ... it is ... ordered that . . . this court doeth
not, nor will hereafter approue of any such companyes of men as shall
henceforth ioyne in any pretended way of church fellowshipp, without
they shall first acquainte the magistrates, & the elders of the greatr pte
of the churches in this jurisdicon, with their intencons, and have their
approbacon herein. And ffurther, it is ordered, that noe pson, being a
member of any churche which shall hereafter be gathered without the
approbacon of the magistrates, & the greater pte of the said churches
shall be admitted to theffreedome of this comonwealthe."53
In May, 1636, Henry Yane was elected governor. Some
time before this Anne Hutchinson, with her family, had
come over from Lincolnshire, being followed later by her
brother-in-law, John Wheelwright. She was an excellent
woman, and made many friends, and at her house held re-
52 Jd., par. 7-11.
63 "Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 29.
JOHN WHEELWRIGHT AND HIS PREACHING. 609
ligious meetings for women. The object of these meetings
was to talk over the sermons for mutual edification ; but as
was natural, they drifted into the discussion of the ministers
rather than their sermons. In one of these meetings Mrs.
Hutchinson happened to remark that of the ministers " none
did preach the covenant of free grace but Master Cotton,"
and that they " had not the seal of the Spirit, and so were
not able ministers of the New Testament." This remark
soon got into circulation among the preachers, and of course
was not at all palatable.
As Cotton was named as the one exemplary minister, in
October the ministers went in a body to his house to call him
to account. Cotton proposed that the other ministers and
Mrs. Hutchinson should have a friendly interview at his
house, in order to come to an understanding. She, suspect-
ing a trap, was rather wary at first, and declined to commit
herself to any definite statement upon the point at issue, but
being urged by the "Kev." Hugh Peters to deal fairly and
honestly with them, she allowed herself at last to be per-
suaded to say that the report was in substance true, and that
she did in truth see a wide difference between Cotton's
preaching and theirs; "that they could not preach a cove-
nant of grace so clearly as he, because they had not the seal
of the Spirit."
Instead of the preachers' being reconciled to Mrs Hutch-
inson's view, or to Cotton, their enmity was deepened.
The matter spread more and more, and the colony was di-
vided into two parties ; and at the head of the Hutchinson
party was Yane, the governor.
In January 1637, on a fast-day, .John Wheelwright
preached in Boston to the effect that "it maketh no matter
how seemingly holy men be according to the law, if ...
they are such as trust to their own righteousness they shall
die, saith the Lord. Do ye not after their works ; for they
say and do not. They make broad their phylacteries, and
enlarge the borders of their garments ; and love the upper-
610 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
most rooms at feasts, and the chief seats in the synagogues ;
and greetings in the market place, and to be called of men,
Rabbi, Rabbi. But believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and
ye shall be saved, for being justified by faith we have peace
with God through our Lord Jesus Christ. And the way we
must take if so be we will not have the Lord- Jesus Christ
taken from us is this : we must all prepare a spiritual combat,
we must put on the whole armor of. God, and must have our
loins girt up and be ready to fight ; . . . because of fear, in
the night, if we will not fight, the Lord Jesus Christ may
come to be surprised.''54
This brought matters to a crisis. In March the legislature
met, and a court was appointed, composed of Henry Vane,
twelve magistrates, twelve preachers, and thirty-three depu-
ties. Wheelwright was arraigned before the court. His
sermon was brought forth, and an attempt was made to
have him admit that when he spoke in the sermon of those
under a covenant of works, he meant his brother ministers
in the colony. Of course it was easy for him to throw the
matter on them. He demanded that they controvert his
doctrine. He said he was ready to prove by the Scriptures
that the doctrine was true. As to who was meant in the
sermon, he told them that "if he were shown any that
walked in such a way as he had described to be a covenant
of works, them did he mean." The rest of the ministers
were asked by the court if they "did walk in such a way."
"They all acknowledged that they did," except Cotton, who
declared that "Brother Wheelwright's doctrine was accord-
ing to God in the parts controverted, and wholly and alto-
gether."
By hard work the opposition succeeded in having Wheel-
wright convicted of sedition ; but they were not able to
secure sentence at once, and had him remanded to the next
session. As soon as the decision was known, more than
sixty of the leading citizens of Boston signed a petition to
64 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 55.
WHEELWRIGHT 18 BANISHED. 611
the court in behalf of Wheelwright, in which they referred
to the persecution as a restriction of the right of free speech,
and among other things said : —
"Paul was counted a pestilent fellow, or a mover of sedition, and
a ringleader of a sect, . . . and Christ himselfe, as well as Paul, was
charged to bee a teacher of new doctrine. . . . Now wee beseech you,
consider whether that old serpent work not after his old method, even
in our daies. . . . Thirdly, if you look at the effects of his doctrine
upon the hearers, it hath not stirred up sedition in us, not so much as
by accident ; wee have not drawn the sword, as sometimes Peter did,
rashly, neither hare wee rescued our innocent brother, as sometimes the
Israelites did Jonathan ; and yet they did not seditiously. The covenant
of free grace held forth by our brother hath taught us rather to become
humble suppliants to your worships, and if wee should not prevaile, wee
would rather with patience give our cheekes to the smiters."55
It is not necessary to follow particulars farther ; the
question was made the issue at the next election. Wheel-
wright's enemies carried the day, electing Winthrop gov-
ernor. At the next session held in November, he was
summoned to appear, and was ordered to submit, or pre-
pare for sentence. He maintained that as he had preached
only the truth of Christ, he was guilty of neither sedition
nor contempt. The court replied that they had not cen-
sured his doctrine, but had left that as it was ; but the cen-
sure was upon the application by which " he laid the magis-
trates and ministers and most of the people in this church
under a covenant of works." He was sentenced to be dis-
franchised and banished, and he was given fourteen days to
leave Massachusetts. Like Roger Williams, he was com-
pelled to go forth alone in the bitterness of the New
England winter.
Wheelwright was no sooner out of the way than they pro-
ceeded to try his friends who had presented the petition, and
these men who had not only in the petition disclaimed any
thought of sedition, but had said that if their petition was
not heard, they "would rather with patience give their
65 /d., p. 57.
612 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
cheekes to the smiters," were held to be public enemies.
"Such scruples, however, never hampered the theocracy.
Their justice was trammeled neither by judges, by juries,
nor by laws." — Adams.56
This accomplished, they next proceeded to execute ven-
geance on Anne Hutchinson, the chief traitor, and the cause
of all their dissension. In November, 1637, "she was
brought to trial before that ghastliest den of human iniquity,
an ecclesiastical criminal court. The ministers were her ac-
cusers, who came burning with hate to testify to the words
she had spoken to them at their own request, in the belief
that the confidence she reposed was to be held sacred. She
had no jury to whose manhood she could appeal, and John
Winthrop, to his lasting shame, was to prosecute her from
the judgment seat. She was soon to become a mother, and
her health was feeble ; but she was made to stand till she
was exhausted ; and yet abandoned and forlorn, before
those merciless judges, through two long, weary days of
hunger and of cold, the intrepid woman defended her cause
with a skill and courage which even now, after two hundred
and fifty years, kindles the heart with admiration.
"The case for the government was opened by John Win-
throp, the presiding justice, the attorney-general, the fore-
man of the jury, and the chief magistrate of Massachusetts
Bay. lie upbraided the prisoner with her many evil courses,
with having spoken things prejudicial to the honor of the
ministers, with holding an assembly in her house, and with
divulging the opinions held by those who had been censured
by that court." — Adams.5'1 The proceedings then continued
after the following order : —
Governor Winthrop. — ' ' We have thought good to send
for you, . . . that if you be in an erroneous way, we may
reduce you that so you may become a profitable member
here among us ; otherwise if you be obstinate, . . . that
then the court may take such course that you may trouble
56 Id., p. 65. blld., pp. 65, 66.
THE PURITAN INQUISITION. 613
us no further. Therefore I would entreat you . . . whether
you do not justify Mr. Wheelwright's sermon and the
petition ? "
Mrs. Ilutchinson. — "I am called here to answer before
you, but I hear no things laid to my charge."
Gov. — "I have told you some already, and more I can
tell you."
Mrs. II. — " Name one, sir."
Gov. — "Have I not named some already? "
Mrs. II. — " What have I said or done ? " . . .
Gov. — " You have joined with them in faction."
Mrs. II. — " In what faction have I joined them ? "
Gov. — "In presenting the petition." . . .
Mrs. H. — " But I had not my hand to the petition."
Gov. — " You have counseled them."
Mrs. II. — "Wherein ? "
Gov. — "Why, in entertaining them."
Mrs. If. — " What breach of law is that, sir? "
Gov. — ' ' Why, dishonoring of parents. " . , .
Mrs. II. — "I may put honor upon them as the children
of God, and as they do honor the Lord."
Gov. — "We do not mean to discourse with those of
your sex, but only this : you do adhere unto them, and do
endeavor to set forward this faction, and so you do dis-
honor us"
Mrs. II. — "I do acknowledge no such thing, neither do
I think that I ever put any dishonor upon you."
Dep.-Gov. — "I would go a little higher with Mrs. Hutch-
inson. Now .... if she in particular hath disparaged all
our ministers in the land that they have preached a covenant
of works, and only Mr. Cotton a covenant of grace, why
this is not to be suffered. '' . . .
Mrs. II. — "I pray, sir, prove it, that I said they
preached nothing but a covenant of works." . . .
Dep.-Gov. — "If they do not preach a covenant of grace,
clearly, then, they preach a covenant of works,"
47
614 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Mrs, H. — "No, sir; one may preach a covenant of
grace more clearly than another, so I said."
Rev. Hugh Peters. — "That which concerns us to speak
unto, as yet we are sparing in, unless the court command us
to speak, then we shall answer to Mrs. Hutchinson, notwith-
standing our brethren are very unwilling to answer. Myself
and others had heard that the prisoner said we taught a cove-
nant of works ; we sent for her, and though she was ' very
tender ' at first, yet upon being begged to speak plainly, she
explained that there ' M-as a broad difference ' between our
Brother Mr. Cotton and ourselves. I desired to know
the difference. She answered ' that he preaches the cove-
nant of grace and you the covenant of works,' and that you
are not able ministers of the New Testament, and know no
more than the apostles did before the resurrection."
Mrs. II. — "If our pastor would show his writings, you
should see what I said, and that things are not so as is re-
ported."
Mr. Wilson. — " Sister Hutchinson, for the writings you
speak of, I have them not." . . .
Peters was followed by five other preachers, who first
with hypocritical meekness expressed themselves as loth to
speak in this assembly concerning that gentlewoman, yet to
ease their consciences in the relatio'n wherein they stood
to the commonwealth and unto God, they felt constrained
to state that the prisoner had said they were not able minis-
ters of the New Testament, and that the whole of what Hugh
Peters had testified was true. The court then adjourned till
the next day.
When the court opened the next day, Mrs. Hutchin-
son began her defense by calling as her witnesses Messrs.
Leverett, Coggeshall, and Cotton. And the inquisitorial mill
again began to grind.
Gov. Wintlirop. — "Mr. Coggeshall was not present."
Coggeshall. — ' ' Yes, but I was ; only I desired to be silent
till I should be called."
.PURITAN COVENANT OF GRACE. 615
Gov. — "Will you . . . say that she did not say so ? "
Mr. C. — " Yes, I dare say that she did not say all that
which they lay against her."
Mr. Peters. — " How dare you look into the court to say
such a word? "
Mr. C. — "Mr. Peters takes upon him to forbid me. I
shall be silent." . . .
Gov. — "Well, Mr. Leverett, what were the words? I
pray speak."
Mr. Leverett. — "To my best remembrance, . . . Mr.
Peters did with much vehemency and entreaty urge her to
tell what difference there was between Mr. Cotton and them,
and upon his urging of her she said : ' The fear of man is
a snare, but they that trust upon the Lord shall be safe.'
And . . . that they did not preach a covenant of grace
so clearly as Mr. Cotton did, and she gave this reason
of it, because that as the apostles were for a time with-
out the Spirit, so until they had received the witness of
the Spirit they could not preach a covenant of grace so
clearly."
Cotton was next called, and took his place as witness.
Mr. Cotton. — "I must say that I did not find her saying
they were under a covenant of works, nor that she said they
did preach a covenant of works."
Gov. — "You say you do not remember ; but can you say
she did not speak so ? "
Mr. C. — "I do remember that she looked at them as
the apostles before the ascension." . . .
Dep.-Gov. — "They affirm that Mrs. Hutchinson did say
they were not able ministers of the New Testament."
Mr. C. — "I do not remember it."58
Mrs. Hutchinson believed also in the abiding presence
of the Holy Spirit, and in the promise of Christ that the
Spirit will guide the Christian, especially in the understand-
ing of the Scriptures. She therefore taught that "the Holy
58 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 66-70.
616 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Ghost dwells in a justified person," and that it is the duty
of Christians to "follow the bidding of the Holy Spirit."
For this she was regarded by the formalistic Puritans as
little less than a raving fanatic, and her teachings as tending
to anarchy. And as "there was nothing which the ortho-
dox Puritan so steadfastly abhorred as the anarchical pre-
tense of living by the aid of a supernatural light," she was
denounced as "weakening the hands and hearts of the
people toward the ministers," and as being "like Roger
Williams, or worse."59
Now at her trial, knowing that although the court was
worsted in its case as to the main point, and that she had no
hope of escape without an attack upon this phase of her
belief, she chose rather to introduce the matter herself than
to allow the court to force her upon ground of their own
choosing. She therefore stated that she knew by the Spirit
of God that her teachings were the truth, and closed a short
speech as follows : —
Mrs. II. — "Now if you condemn me for speaking what
in my conscience I know to be truth, I must commit myself
unto the Lord."
Mr. Nowell. — "How do you know that that was the
Spirit?"
Mrs. II. — " How did Abraham know that it was God ? "
Dep.-Gov. — "By an immediate voice."
Mrs. II. — " So to me by an immediate revelation."
She next stated to the court her conviction that the Lord
had showed to her that she would be delivered out of the
hands of the court, and referred to some passages in the
book of Daniel. In the condition in which the poor woman
was, it is not to be wondered at that under the continued
and cruel goading of the court, she should speak the follow-
ing words : —
Mrs. II. — " You have power over my body, but the
Lord Jesus hath power over my body and soul ; and assure
59 « Beginnings of New England," p. 49 ; and Bancroft's " History of the
United States," chap. " The Colonization of New Hampshire," par. 8.
MRS. HUTCHINSON IS CONDEMNED. 61 T
yourselves thus much, you do as much as in you lies to put
the Lord Jesus Christ from you, and if you go ' on in this
course you begin, you will bring a curse upon you and your
posterity, and the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.'1
Gov. — "Daniel was delivered by miracle. Do you
think to be delivered so too ? "
Mrs. If. — " I do here speak it before the court. I look
that the Lord should deliver me by his providence." . . .
Dep.-Gov. — "I desire Mr. Cotton to tell us whether
you do approve of Mrs. Hutchinson's revelations as she
hath laid them down."
Mr. C. — "I know not whether I understand her; but
this I say, If she doth expect a deliverance in a way of
providence, then I cannot deny it."
Gov. — . . . "I see a marvelous providence of God to
bring things to this pass. . . . God by a providence hath
answered our desires, and made her to lay open herself
and the ground of all these disturbances to be by revela-
tions." .'. .
Court. — "We all consent with you."
Gov. — "Ey, it is the most desperate enthusiasm in the
world." . . .
Mr. Endicott. — "I speak in reference to Mr. Cotton.
. . . Whether do you witness for her or against her ? "
Mr. C. — "This is that I said, sir, and my answer is
plain, that if she doth look for deliverance from the hand of
God by his providence, and the revelation be ... accord-
ing to a word [of Scripture], that I cannot deny."
Mr. Endicott. — " You give me satisfaction."
Dep.-Gov. — "No, no ; he gives me none at all."
Mr. C. — "I pray, sir, give me leave to express myself.
In that sense that she speaks I dare not bear witness
against it."
Mr. Nowell. — "I think it is a devilish delusion."
Gov. — " Of all the revelations that ever I read of, I
never read the like ground laid as is for this. The enthu-
siasts and Anabaptists had never the like." . . .
618 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Mr. Peters. — "I can say the same ; . . . and I think
that is very disputable which our Brother Cotton hath
spoken." . . .
Gov. — "I am persuaded that the revelation she brings
forth is delusion. "
All the court (except two or three ministers). — " We all
believe it, we all believe it." . . .
Coddington. — "I beseech you do not speak so to
force things along, for I do not for my own part see any
equity in the court in all your proceedings. Here is no law
of God that she hath broken, nor any law of the country that
she hath broke, and therefore deserves no censure ; and if
she say that the elders preach as the apostles did, why they
preached a covenant of grace, and what wrong is that to
them? . . . Therefore I pray consider what you do, for here
is no law of God or man broken."
Mr. Peters. — "I confess I thought Mr. Cotton would
never have took her part."
Gov. — " The court hath already declared themselves sat-
isfied . . . concerning the troublesomeness of her spirit and
the danger of her course amongst us, which is not to be suf-
fered. Therefore if it be the mind of the court that Mrs.
Hutchinsou . . . shall be banished out of our liberties, and
imprisoned till she be sent away, let them hold up their
hands."
All but three consented.
Gov. — "Those contrary minded hold up yours."
Messrs. Coddington and Colburn only.
Gov. — "Mrs. Hutchinson, the sentence of the court you
hear is that you are banished from out of our jurisdiction as
being a woman not fit for our society, and are to be im-
prisoned till the court shall send you away."
Mrs. Hutchinson. — "I desire to know wherefore I am
banished."
Gov. — " Say no more : the court knows wherefore, and
is satisfied."60
00 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 72-75.
THE INQUISITION CONTINUES. 619
Here the proceedings in the court ended. She was com-
mitted to Joseph Welde of Roxbury, whose brother, one of
the preachers, had pronounced her a Jezebel. There the
preachers continued their tormenting questioning and cross-
questioning, until the poor woman was driven so near to
distraction that they with "sad hearts" could frame a
charge against her of being possessed with Satan. They
therefore wrote to the church at Boston offering to make
proof of the same, upon which she was summoned to appear
to answer before the church.
When she came, one of the ruling elders read a list of
twenty-nine "errors," of all of which they accused her. She
admitted that she had maintained all of them, and then
asked a pointed question herself.
Mrs. II. — " By what rule did such an elder come
to me pretending to desire light, and indeed to entrappe
me?"
The elder. — "I came not to entrappe you, but in com-
passion to your soul."
The inquisition continued from eight o'clock in the
morning until eight o'clock at night, when sentence of
admonition was pronounced. The case was then adjourned
for a week, when she was caused once more to appear upon
her trial, and was charged, amongst other things, with having
denied " inherent righteousness." Of course she was con-
victed upon all the charges, ' ' so that the church with one
consent cast her out. . . . After she was excommunicated,
her spirit, which seemed before to be somewhat dejected,
revived again, and she gloried in her sufferings."
" And all this time she had been alone ; her friends were
far away. That no circumstance of horror might be lost,
she and one of her most devoted followers, Mary Dyer,
were nearing their confinements during this time of misery.
Both cases ended in misfortunes over whose sickening details
Thomas Welde and his reverend brethren gloated with a
savage joy, declaring that ' God himselfe was pleased to step
in with his casting vote ... as clearly as if he had pointed
620 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
with his finger.' Let posterity draw a veil over the shock-
ing scene. " — Adains, 61
Happily she escaped with her life. A few days after
her condemnation, the governor sent her a warrant banishing
her from the territory of Massachusetts. At the solicitation
of Roger Williams, she and her friends went to Narragan-
sett Bay. Miantonomoh made them a present of the island
of Rhode Island, where they settled.
In 1636 about a hundred people, under the leadership of
Thomas Hooker, a minister second only to Cotton in the
estimate of the colonists, removed from Massachusetts Col-
ony to the valley of the Connecticut, and established there
the towns of Springfield, "Windsor, Hartford, and Wethers-
field ; and January 14, 1639, Springfield preferring to re-
main in the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, the three remaining
towns established a form of government under eleven "fun-
damental orders," the preamble of which is as follows : —
"Forasmuch as it hath pleased the Almighty God by the wise dispo-
sition of his divine providence so to order and dispose of things that we,
the inhabitants and residents of "Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield
are now cohabiting and dwelling in and upon the river of Connecticut
and the lands thereunto adjoining ; and well knowing where a people
are gathered together, the word of God requires that to maintain the
peace and union of such a people there should be an orderly and decent
government established according to God, to order and dispose of the
affairs of the people at all seasons as occasion shall require ; do there-
fore associate and conjoin ourselves to be as one public state or com-
monwealth ; and do for ourselves and our successors and such as shall
be adjoined to us at any time hereafter, enter into combination and con-
federation together, to maintain and pursue the liberty and purity of the
gospel of our Lord Jesus which we now profess, as also the disci-
pline of the churches which according to the truth of the said gospel is
now practiced amongst us ; as also in our civil affairs to be guided and
governed according to such laws, rules, orders, and decrees as shall be
made, ordered, and decreed." 62
Order number four was to the effect that the governor
should "be always a member of some approved congrega-
61 Id. 6a Charters and Constitutions, Connecticut.
PLANTING OF CONNECTICUT AND NEW HAVEN. 621
tion, and formerly of the magistracy within this jurisdiction."
The oath of office for the governor was as follows : —
"I, — — , being now chosen to be governor within this jurisdic-
tion, for the year ensuing, and until a new be chosen, do swear by the
great and dreadful name of the overliving God, to promote the public
good and peace of the same, according to the best of my skill ; as also
will maintain all lawful privileges of this commonwealth ; as also that
all wholesome laws that are or shall be made by lawful authority here
established, be duly executed ; and will further the execution of justice
according to the rule of God's word ; so help me God in the name of the
Lord Jesus Christ." 63
The oath of the magistrate was substantially the same.
Unlike Massachusetts, church membership was not required
in order to be a voter. Persons became citizens by vote of
the major part of the town where they lived, or the major
part of such as should be then present and taking the l ' oath
of fidelity."
In 1637 a colony of Puritan immigrants with John
Davenport as their pastor, arrived in Boston, and remained
until the spring of 1638, then founded the town and colony
of New Haven. In 1639 a colony from New Haven settled
the town of Milford, and another company from England
settled the town of Guilford. In the same year a form of
government was established, and "by the influence of
Davenport it was resolved that the Scriptures are the perfect
rule of the common wealth ; that the purity and peace of the
ordinances to themselves and their posterity were the great
end of civil order ; and that church members only should be
free burgesses." — Bancroft.^ A committee of twelve was
appointed to nominate seven men to become magistrates.
In August the seven met together to put into working order
the forms of the new government. " Abrogating every pre-
vious executive trust, they admitted to the court all church
63 id.
64 " History of the United States," end of chap. "The Colonization of
Connecticut."
622 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
members ; the character of- civil magistrates was next ex-
pounded ' from the sacred oracles ; ' and the election fol-
lowed. Then Davenport, in the words of Moses to Israel
in the wilderness, gave a charge to the governor to judge
righteously ; 'The cause that is too hard for you,' such was
part of the minister's text, ' bring it to me, and I will hear
it.' Annual elections were ordered ; and God's word estab-
lished as the only rule in public affairs." The other towns
followed 'this example, and thus "the power of the clergy
reached its extreme point in New Haven, for each of the
towns was governed by seven ecclesiastical officers known
as 'pillars of the church.' These magistrates served as
judges, and trial by jury was dispensed with, because no
authority could be found for it in the laws of Moses." —
In 1643 the four colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth,
Connecticut, and new Haven formed a league called the
United Colonies of New England, the purpose of which
was defined as follows : —
" Whereas wee all came into these parts of America with one and
the same end and ayme ; namely, to advaunce the kingdome of our Lord
Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospell in puritie with
peace ; And, whereas, in our settleinge (by a wise Providence of God)
wee are further dispersed vpon the sea coasts and riuers than was at
first intended, so that wee cannot according to our desire with conven-
ience communicate in one gouernment and jurisdiccon, . . . wee there-
fore doe couceiue it our bounden dutye without delay to enter into a
present consotiation amongst our selucs for mutuall help and strength
in all our future concernements : That as in nation and religion so in
other respects wee bee and continue one according to the tenor and true
meaneing of the ensuing articles : Wherefore it is fully agreed and con-
cluded by and between the parties of jurisdiccons aboue named, and they
jointly and seuerally doe by these presents agree and conclude that they
all bee and henceforth bee called by the name of The United Colonies of
New England.
" 1. The said United Colonies for themselves and their posterities do
joyntly and seuerally hereby enter into a firme and perpetuall league of
65 " Beginnings of New England," p. 136.
THE THEOCRACY IS COMPLETED.
friendship and amytie for offence and defence, mutnall advise, and suc-
cour vpon all just occasions both for preserueing and propagateing the
truth and liberties of the gospell and for their owne mutuall safety and
wellfare. . . .
"6. It is also agreed that for the managing and concluding of all af-
faires proper and concerning the whole Confederacon two commissioners
shall be chosen by and out of eich of these foure jurisdiccons ; namely,
two for the Massachusetts, two for Plymouth, two for Connectacutt, and
two for New Haven, being all in. church fellowship with us which shall
bring full power from their seueral generall courts respectively to heare
examine, weigh, and determine all affaires," etc. 6G
The population of the four colonies was about twenty-'
four thousand, Massachusetts having about fifteen thousand,
and the other three colonies about three thousand each.
The Federal Commissioners formed an advisory board rather
than a legislative body. The formation of this league
strengthened the theocracy.
By the strictness of the rules which had been framed by
the preachers to regulate the admission of members to the
churches, there were so few that joined the churches, that
the membership, which was supposed to include at least the
great majority of the people, in fact embraced not more than
one third of them. And now as a demand began to be made
for freedom of worship according to other than Congrega-
tional forms, the Congregational clergy saw that something
must be done more firmly to confirm their power.
Accordingly at Cambridge, August, 1648, after two years'
reflection, there was framed a "Platform of Church Disci-
pline Gathered out of the Word of God." It was in fact the
establishment of the Congregational Church upon the basis of
the confederacy of the four colonies ; for throughout, although
it professed to maintain the principles of the independence of
each congregation, it provided " councils composed of elders,
and other messengers of churches to advise, to admonish,
and to withhold fellowship from a church," but not to ex-
ercise special acts of discipline, or jurisdiction, in any par-
66 "National Reform Manual," 1890, pp. 223, 224.
624 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
ticular church. And further it provided that if any church
should separate itself from the communion of the churches,
the magistrates might compel them to conform. "The
Westminster Confession was promulgated as the creed ; the
powers of the clergy were minutely defined, and the duty of
the laity stated to be ' obeying their elders and submitting
themselves unto them in the Lord.' The magistrate was en-
joined to punish 'idolatry, blasphemy, heresy,' and to coerce
any church becoming ' schismatical.' ' —Adams."
In October, 1649, the platform was referred to the gen-
eral court for consideration and adopted, and was further
submitted by them to the churches for their approval. In
October, 1651, it was confirmed by each of the legislatures.
Thus was the theocracy of Massachusetts completed and
clothed with all the power of the commonwealth. And as
its power was increased, so were its bitter fruits vastly in-
creased. In 1649 Governor Winthrop died, and was suc-
ceeded by John Endicott ; and in 1652 John Cotton died,
and was succeeded by John lSrorton, and these two men, John
Endicott and John Norton, have been not inaptly described
as "two as arrant fanatics as ever drew breath." And with
the accession of these two men to the headship of the com-
plete and fully furnished theocracy, the New England reign
of terror may be said to have begun.
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE BAPTISTS.
Of all the pests which so far the New England Puritans
dreaded and hated, the Baptists or, as they were nicknamed,
"the Anabaptists," were the greatest. It was not one of the
least of the offenses of Roger Williams that he was a Baptist.
Not long after Roger Williams's banishment, that Thomas
Shepard of Charlestown in the sermon before referred to
entitled "Eye Salve," had told the governor and the magis-
trates that ' ' Anabaptists have ever been looked at by the
godly leaders of this people as a scab ; " and the president
67 "Emancipation of Massachussets," p. 98.
LAWS AGAINST TUB BAPTISTS. 625
of Harvard College said that ' ' such a rough thing as a New
England Anabaptist is not to be handled over tenderly."
According to these principles, therefore, the general court
of Massachusetts in 1644 —
" Ordered and agreed that if any person or persons, within this juris-
diction, shall either openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants,
or go about secretly to seduce others from the approbation or use
thereof, or shall purposely depart the congregation at the ministration
of the ordinance, or shall deny the ordinance of magistracy, or their
lawful right and authority to make war, or to punish the outward
breaches of the first table, and shall appear to the court willfully and
obstinately to continue therein, after due time and means of conviction,
every such person or persons shall be sentenced to banishment."68
The next year, however, a strong petition was presented
for the repeal of the law because of the offense that had
been "taken thereat by the godly in England, 'but many
of the elders entreated that the law might continue still in
force." The law remained, but the representative of the
colony who went to England in 1646 explained to Parlia-
68 Id., p. 105. Under the year 1649, Hildreth gives the copy of a law em-
bodying the provisions cited above, with other important points. It seems to be
the same law, but if it really belongs under 1649, it must be a re-enactment with
additions. It runs thus: "' Although no human power be lord over the faith
and consciences of men, yet because such as bring in damnable heresies, tending
to the subversion of the Christian faith and destruction of the souls of men,
ought duly to be restrained from such notorious impieties,' therefore ' any Chris-
tian within this jurisdiction who shall go about to subvert or destroy the Chris-
tian faith or religion by broaching and maintaining any damnable heresies, as
denying the immortality of the soul, or resurrection of the body, or any sin to be
repented of in the regenerate, or any evil done by the outward man to be ac-
counted sin, or denying that Christ gave himself a ransom for our sins, or shall
affirm that we are not justified by his death and righteousness, but by the per-
fection of our own works, or shall deny the morality of the fourth commandment,
or shall openly condemn or oppose the baptizing of infants, or shall purposely
depart the congregation at the administration of that ordinance, or shall deny
the ordinance of magistracy, or their lawful authority to make war, or to punish
the outward breaches of the first table, or shall endeavor to seduce others to any
of the eiTors and heresies above mentioned ; ' — any such were liable to banish-
ment." — " History of the United States," Vol. i, chap, xii, par. 1, 2.
626 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE ^AND FALSE.
nient that "'tis true we have a severe law, but wee never
did or will execute the rigor of it upon any. . . . But the
reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the
law is because wee would have it ... to beare witnesse
against their judgment, . . . which we conceive ... to
bee erroneous." In pursuance of this law and in the same
year, a Baptist by the name of Painter, for refusing to let
his child be sprinkled, "was brought before the court,
where he declared their baptism to be antichristian." He
was sentenced to be whipped, which he bore without
flinching.
And now in 1651 three Baptist ministers, John Clarke,
Obadiah Holmes, arid John Crandall, went from the Provi-
dence plantation to Lynn, Massachusetts, to visit an aged
Baptist. They arrived on Saturday, July 19, and the next
day they worshiped together in his private house. While
Mr. Clarke was preaching, two constables entered the house
with a warrant to arrest "certain erroneous persons being
strangers." The three ministers were carried off at once to
the tavern, and were notified that they must attend worship
at the parish church in the afternoon. They protested, say-
ing that if they were forced into the meeting-house, they
should be obliged to dissent from the service. The con-
stable told them that was nothing to him. He was ordered
to bring them to church, and to church they must go. As
they entered the meeting-house, the congregation was at
prayers, and the three prisoners took off their hats ; but as
soon as the prayer was over, they put on their hats again,
and began reading in their seats. The officers were ordered
to take off their hats again.
When the service \vas over, Elder Clarke asked permis-
sion to speak. His request was granted on condition that he
would not speak about what he had just heard preached.
He began to explain why he had put on his hat, saying that
he " could not judge that they were gathered according to
the visible order of the Lord." He was allowed to proceed
THE BAPTIST PRINCIPLES. 627
no further, and the three were shut up for the night. The
following Tuesday they were taken to Boston and put in
prison. July 31, they were tried before the court of assist-
ants, and were fined, Clarke twenty pounds, Holmes thirty,
and John Crandall five, " or each to be well whipped." At
the beginning of the trial Elder Clarke had asked that they
be shown the law under which they were being tried, and
now he made the same request again, but Endicott broke in,
"You have deserved death. I will not have sucli trash
brought into our jurisdiction. You go up and down, and
secretly insinuate things into those that are weak, but you
cannot maintain it before our ministers ; you may try a dis-
pute with them."
As they were sent away from the court to prison,
Elder Holmes says, "As I went from the bar, I exprest
myself in these words : ' I blesse God I am counted worthy
to suffer for the name of Jesus ; ' whereupon John Wilson
(their pastor, as they call him) strook me before the judge-
ment-seat, and cursed me, saying, ' The curse of God . . .
goe with thee ; ' so we were carried to the prison."
The Baptists were ready to defend their doctrines as well as
to attack the popish ceremonies of the Puritans ; therefore
Elder Clarke, as soon as they had arrived at the prison,
wrote a letter to the court, and proposed to debate the
Baptist principles with any of their ministers. He was
asked in reply what the Baptist principles were that he
would debate. Clarke drew up four propositions, the first
stating their faith in Christ ; second, that baptism, or dip-
ping in water, is one of the commandments of the Lord
Jesus Christ, and that a visible believer or disciple of Christ
Jesus (that is, one who manifests repentance toward and
faith in Jesus Christ) is the only person to be baptized or
dipped in water, etc. ; third, that every such believer in
Christ may in point of liberty, and ought in point of duty,
to improve that talent which the Lord had given him, and in
the congregation may ask for information to himself ; or if
628 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
he can, may speak by way of prophecy, for edification, and
upon all occasions and in all places as far as the jurisdiction
of his Lord extends, may and ought to walk as a child of
light ; and, fourth, "I testify that no such believer or serv-
ant of Christ Jesus hath any liberty, much less authority,
from his Lord, to smite his fellow-servant, nor with outward
force, or arm of flesh to constrain, or restrain, his con-
science, nor his outward man for conscience' sake, or
worship of his God, where injury is not offered to any
person, name, or estate of others, every man being such as
shall appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, and must
give an account of himself to God ; and, therefore, ought to
be fully persuaded in his own mind for what he undertakes,
because he that doubteth is damned if he eat, and so also
if he act, because he doth not eat or act in faith, and what
is not of faith is sin."
There was at first some talk, or rather a bluff, that
Cotton would debate with him ; but after consulting to-
gether, Cotton declined, and as Elder Clarke's fine had been
paid by his friends, he was released, and ordered to go out
of the colony as soon as possible. They all three refused to
pay the fine that was imposed. Crandall was admitted to
bail, but they resolved to hold Elder Holmes, and make
him an example. What happened to him he himself tells
in a letter to his brethren in London, as follows : —
"I desired to speak a few words : but Mr. Nowel answered, 'It is
not now a time to speak/ whereupon I took leave, and said, 'Men,
brethren, fathers, and countrymen, I beseech you to give me leave to
speak a few words, and the rather because here are many spectators to
see me punished, and I am to seal with my blood, if God give strength,
that which I hold and practice in reference to the word of God and the
testimony of Jesus. That which I have to say, in brief, is this : although
I am no disputant, yet seeing I am to seal with my blood what I hold,
I am ready to defend by the word, and to dispute that point with any
that shall come forth to withstand it.' Mr. Nowel answered, now was
no time to dispute ; then said I, ' I desire to give an account of the faith
and order which I hold,' and this I desired three times ; but in comes
THE WHIPPING OF ELDER HOLMES. 629
Mr. Flint, and saith to the executioner, 'Fellow, do thine office, for this
fellow would but make a long speech to delude the people,' so I, being
resolved to speak, told the people, ' That which I am to suffer for is the
word of God, and testimony of Jesus Christ.' 'No,' saith Mr. Nowel,
' it is for your error, and going about to seduce the people ; ' to which I
replied, 'Not for error, for in all the time of my imprisonment, wherein
I was left alone, my brethren being gone, which of all your ministers
came to convince me of error ? And, when upon the governor's words,
a motion was made for a public dispute, and often renewed upon fair
terms, and desired by hundreds, what was the reason it was not
granted?' Mr. Nowel told me, it was his fault who went away and
would not dispute ; but this the writings will clear at large. Still Mr. Flint
calls to the man to do his office ; so before, and in the time of his pull-
ing off my clothes, I continued speaking, telling them that I had so
learned that for all Boston I would not give my body into their
hands thus to be bruised upon another account, yet upon this I would
not give an hundredth part of a wampum peague to free it out of their
hands ; and that I made as much conscience of unbuttoning one button,
as I did of paying the thirty pounds in reference thereunto. I told
them, moreover, that the Lord having manifested his love towards me»
in giving me repentance towards God, and faith in Christ, and so to be
baptized in water by a messenger of Jesus, in the name of the Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit, wherein I have fellowship with him in his death,
burial, and resurrection, I am now come to be baptized in afflictions by
your hands, that so I may have further fellowship with my Lord, and
am not ashamed of his sufferings, for by his stripes am I healed. And
as the man began to lay the strokes upon my back, I said to the people,
'Though my flesh should fail, and my spirit should fail, yet God would
not fail ; ' so it pleased the Lord to come in, and to fill my heart and
tongue as a vessel full, and with an audible voice I break forth, praying
the Lord not to lay this sin to their charge, and telling the people that
now I found he did not fail me, and therefore now I should trust him
forever who failed me not ; for in truth, as the strokes fell upon me, I
had such a spiritual manifestation of God's presence, as I never had
before, and the outward pain was so removed from me, that I could well
bear it, yea, and in a manner felt it not, although it was grievous, as the
spectators said, the man striking with all his strength, spitting in his
hand three times, with a three-corded whip, giving me therewith thirty
strokes. When he had loosed me from the post, having joyfulness in
my heart, and cheerfulness in my countenance, as the spectators ob-
served, I told the magistrates, 'You have struck me with roses;' and
said, moreover, 'Although the Lord hath made it easy to me, yet I pray
God it may not be laid to your charge."'
48
630 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
When the whipping was over, two men, John Hazel and
John Spur, went up to the suffering man, and shook hands
with him, Hazel not speaking anything at all, and Spur
simply saying, " Blessed be the Lord ; " yet both were fined
forty shillings, with the choice of paying the fine or being
whipped. They both refused to pay the fine, but a friend
paid Spur's, and after imprisonment for a week, another
paid Hazel's. The whipping of Holmes was thirty lashes
with a three-thonged whip of knotted cord wielded with both
hands, and was so severe that when taken back to prison,
his lacerated body could not bear to touch the bed. For
many days he was compelled to rest propped up on his
hands and knees. In prison an old acquaintance came
"with much tenderness like the good Samaritan," to comfort
him and dress his wounds, and even against him informa-
tion was given, and inquiry made as to who was the surgeon.
When Elder Holmes's letter reached his friends in London,
they published it, upon which Sir Richard Saltonstall wrote
to the Boston preachers the following letter : —
"Reverend and dear friends, whom I unfeignedly love and respect :
It doth, not a little grieve my spirit to hear what sad things are re-
ported daily of your tyranny and persecution in New England ; that you
fine, whip, and imprison men for their consciences. • First, you compel
such to come into your assemblies as you know will not join with you in
worship, and when they show their dislike thereof, or witness against
it, then you stir up your magistrates to punish them for such (as you
conceive) their public affronts. Truly, friends, this practice of com-
pelling any in matters of worship to do that whereof they are not fully
persuaded, is to make them sin, for so the apostle tells us (Rom. xiv, 23) ;
and many are made hypocrites thereby, conforming in their outward
man for fear of punishment. We pray for you and wish your prosperity
every way ; hoped the Lord would have given you so much light and
love there, that you might have been eyes to God's people here, and not
to practice those courses in a' wilderness, which you went so far to pre-
vent. These rigid ways have laid you very low in the hearts of the
saints. I do assure you I have heard them pray in public assemblies,
that the Lord would give you meek and humble spirits, not to strive so
much for uniformity as to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of
peace. When I was in Holland, about the beginning of our wars, I
THE PERSECUTORS JUSTIFY THEMSELVES. 631
remember some Christians there, that then had serious thoughts of
planting in New England, desired me to write to the governor thereof,
to know if those that differ from you in opinion, yet holding the same
foundation in religion, as Anabaptists, Seekers. Antinomians, and the like,
might be permitted to live among you ; to which I received this short
answer from your then governor, Mr. Dudley: 'God forbid,' said he,
' our love for the truth should be grown so cold that we should tolerate
errors.'
It is important to know what answer was made to this,
and to know the arguments that were used by the New En-
gland theocracy to justify these wicked persecutions. The
preachers answered Sir liichard's letter, by the hand of their
chief, John Cotton. And the letter runs as follows : —
"Honored and dear Sir : My Brother Wilson and self do both of us
acknowledge your love, as otherwise formerly, so now in late lines we
received from you, that you grieve in spirit to hear daily complaints
against us ; it springeth from your compassion for our afflictions therein,
wherein we see just cause to desire you may never suffer like injury in
yourself, but may find others to compassionate and condole with you.
For when the complaints you hear of are against our tyranny and perse-
cution in fining, whipping, and imprisoning men for their consciences,
be pleased to understand we look at such complaints as altogether injuri-
ous in respect of ourselves, who had no hand or tongue at all to promote
either the coming of the persons you aim at into our assemblies, or their
punishment for their carriage there. Righteous judgments will not take
up reports, much less reproaches against the innocent. The cry of the
sins of Sodom was great amMoud, and reached unto heaven ; yet the
righteous God (giving us an example what to do in the like case) he
would first go down to see whether their crimes were altogether ac-
cording to the cry, before he would proceed to judgment. Gen. xviii,
20, 21. And when he did find the truth of the cry, he did not wrap up
all alike promiscuously in the judgment, but spared such as he found
innocent. We are amongst those (if you knew us better) you would ac-
count of as (as the matron of Abel spake of herself) peaceable in Israel.
2 Sam. xx, 19. Yet neither are we so vast in our indulgence or tolera-
tion as to think the men you speak of suffered an unjust censure. For
one of them, Obadiah Holmes, being an excommunicate person himself,
out of a church in Plymouth patent, came into this jurisdiction, and
took upon him to baptize, which I think himself will not say he was
compelled here to perform. And he was not ignorant that the rebaptiz-
632 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
ing of an elder person, and that by a private person out of office and
under excommunication, are all of them manifest contestations against
the order and government of oiw churches, established, we know, by
God's law, and he knoweth by the laws of the country. And we con-
ceive we may safely appeal to the ingenuity of your own judgment,
whether it would be tolerated in any civil state, for a stranger to come
and practise contrary to the known principles of the church estate ? As
for his whipping, it was more voluntarily chosen by him than inflicted
on him. His censure by the court was to have paid, as I know, thirty
pounds, or else to be whipt : his fine was offered to be paid by friends
for him freely ; but he chose rather to be whipt ; in which case, if his
sufferings of stripes was any worship of God at all, surely it could be
accounted no better than will worship. The other, Mr. Clarke, was
wiser in that point, and his offense was less, so was his fine less, and
himself, as I hear, was contented to have it paid for him, whereupon he
was released. The imprisonment of either of them was no detriment.
1 believe they fared neither of them better at home ; and I am sure
Holmes had not been so well clad for years before.
" But be pleased to consider this point a little further : You think to
compel men in matter of worship is to make them sin, according to
Rom. xiv, 23. If the worship be lawful in itself, the magistrate com-
pelling to come to it, compelleth him not to sin, but the sin is in his
will that needs to be compelled to a Christian duty. Josiah compelled
all Israel, or, which is all one, made to serve the Lord their God.
2 Chron. xxxiv, 33. Yet his act herein was not blamed, but recorded
among his virtuous actions. For a governor to suffer any within his
gates to profane the Sabbath, is a sin against the fourth commandment,
both in the private householder and in the magistrate ; and if he requires
them to present themselves before the Lord, the magistrate sinneth not,
nor doth the subject sin so great a sin as if he did refrain to come. But
you say it doth but make men hypocrites, to compel men to conform the
outward man for fear of punishment. If it did so, yet better be hypo-
crites than profane persons. Hypocrites give God part of his due, the
outward man ; but the profane person giveth God neither outward nor
inward man. Nevertheless, I tell you the truth, we have tolerated in
our church some Anabaptists, some Antinomians, and some Seekers, and
do so still at this day.69"
In 1655 Thomas Gould of Charlestown refused to have
his baby sprinkled and christened. The regular preacher
ordered the church "to lay him under admonition, which
the church was backward to do.1' Not long afterward he
69Backus's "Church History of New England," pp. 75-81.
THOMAS GOULD AND HIS BRETHREN. C33
was at church as the law required him to be, and when the
time of sprinkling the children came, he went out. He was
spoken to about it, but told them he could not stay because
he "lookt upon it as no ordinance of Christ. They told
me that now I had made known my judgment, I might stay.
. . . So I stayed, and sat down in my seat, when they
were at prayer and administering the service to infants.
Then they dealt with me for my unreverent carriage."
Their dealing with him was to admonish him and exclude
him from the communion.
In October, 1656, he was accused before the county court
for denying baptism to his child. Of course he was con-
victed. He was admonished and given till the next term to
consider his ways. During this time they made it so un-
pleasant for him that he ceased attending the church at
Charlestown, and went to church at Cambridge instead. But
this, being an apparent slight upon the minister, was only a
new offense. Although not actually punished, he was sub-
jected to petty annoyances, being again and again summoned
both to the church and to the court to be admonished, until
in May 28, 1665, he withdrew entirely from the Congrega-
tional Church, and with eight others formed a Baptist church.
This being " schismatical," was counted as open rebellion,
and Gould and his brethren were summoned to appear be-
fore the church the next Sunday. They told the magistrates
that they could not go at that time, but the following Sunday
they would be there ; but the minister refused to wait, and
in his sermon "laid out the sins of these men, and delivered
them up to Satan."
They were called before one court after another, until
their case reached the general court in October. Those
among them who were freeman were disfranchised, and if
they should be convicted again of continued schism, were to
be imprisoned until further order. In April, 1666, they were
fined four pounds, and were imprisoned until September,
when they were ordered to be discharged upon payment of
PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
fines and costs. In April, 1068, they were ordered by the
governor and council to appear at the meeting-house at nine
o'clock on the morning of April 1-i, to meet six ministers
who would debate with them. The debate, however, did not
amount to much except that it gave to the ministers an op-
portunity to denounce the Baptists as they wished. The
Baptists, asking for liberty to speak, were told that they
stood there as delinquents, and ought not to have liberty to
speak. Two days were spent in this way, when at the end
of the second day, "Rev." Jonathan Mitchell pronounced
the following sentence from Deut. xvii, 9-12 : -
" And thou shall come unto the priests and the Levites, and unto the
judge that shall be in those days, and inquire ; and they shall show thee
the sentence of judgment : And thou shalt do according to the sen-
tence, which they of that place which the Lord shall choose, shall show
thee ; and thou shalt observe to do according to all that they inform
thee. According to the sentence of the law which they shall teach thee,
and according to the judgment which they shall tell thee, thou shalt
do ; thou shalt not decline from the sentence which they shall show
thee, to the right hand nor to the left. And the man that will do pre-
sumptuously, and will not hearken unto the priest that standeth to minis-
ter there before the Lord thy God, or unto the judge, even that man
shall die ; and thou shalt put away evil from Israel."
May 27, Gould and two of his brethern as " obstinate and
turbulent Anabaptists," were banished under penalty of
perpetual imprisonment. They remained. Accordingly
they were imprisoned. By this persecution much sympathy
was awakened in the community, and a petition in their
behalf was signed by sixty-six of the inhabitants of Charles-
town, among whom were some of the most prominent citi-
zens. The petition was to the legislature, and prayed for
mercy upon the prisoners, saying, " They be aged and weakly
men ; . . . the sense of this their . . . most deplorable and
afflicted condition hath sadly affected the hearts of many . . .
Christians, and such as neither approve of their judgment or
practice ; especially considering that the men are reputed
godly, and of a blameless conversation. . . . We therefore
most humbly beseech this honored court, in their Christian
ANOTHER REMONSTRANCE FROM ENGLAND. 635
mercy and bowels of compassion, to pity and relieve these
poor prisoners." 70 The petition was by vote declared scan-
dalous and reproachful. The two persons who had taken the
lead in getting it up, were fined, one ten and the other five
pounds, and all the others who had signed the petition were
compelled to sign a document expressing their sorrow for
giving the court such just grounds of offense.
Report of these proceedings having reached England,
thirteen of the Congregational ministers wrote, by the hand of
Robert Mascall, a letter to their brethren in New England, in
which they said : —
"O, how it grieves and affects us, that New England should perse-
cute ! Will you not give what you take ? Is liberty of conscience your
due ? And is it not as due unto others who are sound in the faith ?
Amongst many Scriptures, that in the fourteenth of Romans much con-
firms me in liberty of conscience thus stated. To him that esteemeth any-
thing unclean, to him it is unclean. Therefore though we approve of
the baptism of the immediate children of church members, and of their
admission into the church when they evidence a real work of grace, yet
to those who in conscience believe the said baptism to be unclean, it is
unclean. Both that and mere ruling elders, though we approve of them,
yet our grounds are mere interpretations of, and not any express script-
ure. I cannot say so clearly of anything else in our religion, neither as
to faith or practice. Now must we force our interpretations upon others,
pope-like ? How do you cast a reproach upon us who are Congregational
in England, and furnish our adversaries with weapons against us ! We
blush and are filled with shame and confusion of face, when we hear of
these things. Dear brother, we pray that God would open your eyes, and
persuade the heart of your magistrates, that they may no more smite their
fellow-servants, nor thus greatly injure us their brethren, and that they
may not thus dishonor the name of God. My dear brother, pardon me,
for I am affected ; I speak for God, to whose grace I commend you all in
New England ; and humbly craving your prayers for us here, and remain
your affectionate brother, ROBERT MASCALL. .
" Finsbury, near Morefield, March 25, 1669." 71
It seems that the imprisoned Baptists were by some
means released after about a year's confinement, but the
70 "Emancipation of Massachussets," pp. 118-125.
71 Backus's " Church History of New England," pp. 99-101.
636 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
next year afterward Gould and Turner were arrested and
imprisoned "a long time."
The cases which we have cited are not by any means all
the persecutions and oppressions that fell upon the Baptists ;
but these are sufficient to show that the persecution was
shameful enough, even had these been all the cases that
ever occurred. The persecution continued even beyond the
date which we have now reached, but the Baptists were
assisted in their splendid fight for freedom of thought and
of worship, and relief came the quicker to them, by the no
less heroic and more fearfully persecuted Quakers.
THE SUFFERINGS OF THE QUAKERS.
In July, 1656, Mary Fisher and Anne Austin, two
Quaker women, landed in Boston. By some means, news of
their coming had preceded them. Before they were allowed
to land at all, Richard Bellingham, the deputy-governor,
Governor Endicott being absent, sent officers aboard the
ship, " searched their trunks and chests, and took away the
books they found there, which were about one hundred, and
carried them ashore, after having commanded the said
women to be kept prisoners aboard ; and the said books
were, by an order of the council, burnt in the market-place
by the hangman." The women were soon taken from the
ship, however, and at once "shut up close prisoners, and
command was given that none should come to them without
leave ; a fine of five pounds being laid on any that should
otherwise come at or speak with them, tho' but at the
window. Their pens, ink, and paper were taken from them,
and they not suffered to have any candle-light in the night
season ; nay, what is more, they were stript naked, under
pretense to know whether they were witches, tho' in search-
ing no token was found upon them but of innocence. And
in this search they were so barbarously misused that modesty
forbids to mention it. And that none might have communi-
cation with them, a board was nailed up before the window
FIRST TREATMENT OF QUAKERS. 637
of the jail."72 August 18, the following order was issued
to the jailer : —
" To the Keeper of the Boston, Jail : —
You are by virtue hereof to keep the Quakers formerly committed to
your custody as dangerous persons, industrious to improve all their
abilities to seduce the people of this jurisdiction, both by words and
letters, to the abominable tenets of the Quakers, and to keep them close
prisoners, not suffering them to confer with any person, nor permitting
them to have paper or ink.
"Signed, EDWARD RAWSOX,
" Sec. of the Boston Court.
"August 18, 16XC."1'
They were not only denied food by the authorities, but
' ' liberty was denied even to send them provisions. " ' ' Seeing
they were not provided with victuals, Nicholas Upshal, one
who lived long in Boston, and was-a member of the church
there," bought of the jailer for five shillings a week the
privilege of furnishing them with food. September Y, an-
other order was issued to the jailer, commanding him "to
search as often as he saw meet, the boxes, chests, and things
of the Quakers formerly committed to his custody, for pen,
ink, and paper, papers and books, and to take them from
them."7*
"After having been about five weeks prisoners, William
Chichester, master of a vessel, was bound in one hundred
pound bond to carry them back, and not suffer any to speak
with them, after they were put on board ; and the jailer kept
their beds . . . and their Bible, for his fees."75 During
the imprisonment they were frequently examined by the
ministers with a view to getting some hold on them by which
they might be dealt with for the heresy of schism, or some
other such crime, but all in vain. It was well for the two
women that they happened to be sent away when they were,
for not long afterward Endicott returned, and was not a little
72 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 143, 144.
73 Besse's "Sufferings of the Quakers." 74/<7.
76 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 144.
638 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
displeased with Bellingham, the deputy-governor, for dealing
so gently with them, declaring that if lie' had been there, he
"would have had them well whipped," although as yet the
colony had no law at all concerning Quakers.
These two women had not been long gone before eight
other Quakers arrived in Boston. They were subjected to the
same sort of treatment to which the other two had been. In
the same month of September, the Commissioners of the
United Colonies met at Plymouth, and the Boston court
called upon them to stir up Plymouth Colony to vigilance,
especially against the Quakers. The letter ran as follows : —
" Having heard some time since that our neighboring colony of Ply-
mouth, our beloved brethren, in great part seem to be wanting to them-
selves in a due acknowledgment and encouragement of the ministry of
the gospel, so as many pious ministers have (how justly we know not)
deserted their stations, callings, and relations ; our desire is that some
such course may be taken, as that a pious orthodox ministry may be re-
stated among them, that so the flood of errors and principles of anarchy
may be prevented. Here hath arrived amongst us several persons pro-
fessing themselves Quakers, fit instruments to propagate the kingdom of
Satan , for the securing of our neighbors from such pests, we have im-
prisoned them all till they be dispatched away to the place from whence
they came."76
"The commissioners gave advice accordingly," but Brad-
ford, who was governor of Plymouth, would not take any
such steps. After his death, however, severe measures
were adopted.
October 14, 1656, the general court of Massachusetts
enacted the following law : —
"Whereas there is an accursed sect of heretics lately risen in the
world, which are commonly called Quakers, who take upon them to be
immediately sent of God and infallibly assisted by the Spirit, to speak
and write blasphemous opinions, despising governments, and the order
of God in the church and commonwealth, speaking evil of dignities, re-
proaching and reviling magistrates and ministers, seeking to turn the
people from the faith, and gain proselytes to their pernicious ways :
This court taking into consideration the premises, and to prevent the like
mischief as by their means is wrought in our land, doth hereby order,
76 Backus's " Church History of New England," p. 89.
FIRST LAW AGAINST QUAKERS. 639
and by the authority of this court be it ordered and enacted that what
master or commander of any ship, bark, pink, or catch, shall henceforth
bring into any harbor, creek, or cove, within this jurisdiction, any Qua-
ker or Quakers, or other blasphemous heretics, shall pay, or cause to be
paid, the fine of one hundred pounds to the treasurer of the county,
except it appear he want true knowledge or information on their being
such, and in that case he hath liberty to clear himself by his oath, when
sufficient proof to the contrary is wanting. And for default of good
payment, or good security for it, he shall be cast into prison, and there
to continue till the said sum be satisfied to a treasurer as aforesaid. And
the commander of any catch, ship, or vessel, being legally convicted,
shall give in sufficient security to the governor, or- any one or more of the
magistrates, who have power to determine the same, to carry them back
to the place whence he brought them, and on his refusal to do so, the
governor or any one or more of the magistrates, are hereby empowered
to issue out his or their warrants to commit such master or commander
to prison, there to continue till he give in sufficient security to the con-
tent of the governor, or any of the ma; istrates as aforesaid. And it is
hereby further ordered and enacted, thai, what Quaker soever shall arrive
in this country from foreign parts, or shall come into this jurisdiction from
any parts adjacent, shall be forthwith committed to the house of correc-
tion, and at their entrance to be severely whipped, and by the master
thereof to be kept constantly to work, and none suffered to converse or
speak with them during the time of their imprisonment, which shall be
no longer than necessity requires. And it is ordered, if any person shall
knowingly import into any harbor of this jurisdiction any Quaker's
books or writings concerning their devilish opinions, he shall pay for such
book or writing, being legally proved against him or them, the sum of
five pounds ; and whosoever shall disperse or sell any such book or writ-
ing, and it be found with him or her, or in his or her house, and shall
not immediately deliver the same to the next magistrate, shall forfeit or
pay five pounds for the dispersing or selling of every such book or writ-
ing. And it is hereby further enacted that if any person within this
colony shall take upon them to defend the heretical opinions of the
Quakers, or any of their books or papers as aforesaid, being legally
proved, shall be fined for the first time forty shillings ; and if they per-
sist in the same, and shall again defend it the second time, four pounds ;
if they shall again defend and maintain said accursed heretical opinions,
they shall be committed to the house of correction till there be conven-
ient passage to send them out of the land, being sentenced to the court of
assistants to banishment. Lastly, it is hereby ordered that what person
or persons soever shall revile the person of magistrates or ministers as is
usual with the Quakers, such person or persons shall be severely
whipped, or pay the sum of five pounds."77
77 Basse's "Sufferings of the Quakers."
640 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
When this law was published, Nicholas Upshal, the
kind and Christian old gentleman who had bought the
privilege of feeding Mary Fisher and Anne Austin, when
they were in prison, ' ' publicly testified against it. " The next
morning he was summoned to answer before the general
court. He told them that " the execution of that law would
be a forerunner of a judgment upon their country, and there-
fore in love and tenderness which he bare to the people and
the place, desired them to take heed, lest they were found
fighters against God." He was fined twenty pounds,
although a member of one of the churches. And then
having absented himself from church on account of these
things, he was fined three pounds, and banished, although
winter was now come, and he " a weakly, ancient man."78
Notwithstanding these laws and penalties, and the spirit
to inflict the penalties in the severest way, the Quakers
continued to come. In fact, wherever such laws were, that
was the very place where the Quakers wished to be, because
they were opposed to every kind of soul-oppression and
every form of the union of Church and State. Not only
in this, but in almost everything else, their views made them
objects of special hatred to the theocrats of Massachusetts.
They recognized no such distinction among Christians as
clergy and laity, and could neither be coaxed nor forced to
pay tithes. They refused to do military service, and would
not take an oath. They would not take their hats off either
in church or in court. ' ' In doctrine their chief peculiarity
was the assertion of an 'inward light,' by which every in-
dividual is to be guided in his conduct of life." And "the
doctrine of the 'inward light,' or of private inspiration, was
something especially hateful to the Puritan." — FisJ^e.19
Another thing no less hateful to the Puritan than this, was
their refusal to keep Sunday in the Puritan way. They
called "in question the propriety of Christians turning the
78 "Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 146.
""Beginnings of New England," p. 180.
RHODE ISLAND'S GLORIOUS APPEAL. 641
Lord's da y into a Jewish Sabbath." — Fiske.™ They were
denounced as infidels, blasphemers, agents of the devil, and
were counted as easily guilty of every heresy and every crime
in the Puritan theocratical catalogue.
Admission to the confederacy of the New England colo-
nies had been absolutely refused Rhode Island, on account
of its principles of liberty of conscience ; but hatred of the
Quakers led Massachusetts colony in 1657 to ask Rhode
Island to join the confederacy in the endeavor to save New
England from the Quakers. "They sent a letter to the
authorities of that colony, signing themselves their loving
friends and neighbors, and beseeching them to preserve the
whole body of colonists against 'such a pest,' by banishing
and excluding all Quakers, a measure to which ' the rule of
charity did oblige them.' ' - Fiske.*1
But Roger Williams was still president of Rhode Island,
and, true to his principles, he replied: "We have no law
amongst us whereby to punish any for only declaring by
words their minds and understandings concerning things
and ways of God as to salvation and our eternal condition. As
for these Quakers, we find that where they are most of all
suffered to declare themselves freely and only opposed by
arguments in discourse, there they least of all desire to
come. Any breach of the civil law shall be punished, but
the freedom of different consciences shall be respected."82
This reply enraged the whole confederacy. Massachu-
setts threatened to cut off the trade of Rhode Island. In
this strait Rhode Island, by Roger Williams, appealed for
protection to Cromwell, who now ruled England. The ap-
peal presented the case as it was, but that which made it of
80 Id. 81 /^ p- 184<
88 Jd., pp. 184, 185. This was not in any sense an expression of indifference
as to the teachings of the Quakers; because by discussion Roger was constantly
combating them. He wrote a book against them, entitled, " George Fox Digged
out of his Burrowes," and at the age of seven ty-three he " rowed himself in a
boat the whole length of Narragansett Bay to engage in a theological tourna-
ment against three Quaker champions." — Id., p. 186.
642 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
everlasting importance, as the grandest and most touching
appeal in all history, is the piteous plea, " But whatever
fortune may "befall, let us not be compelled to exercise any
civil power over metis consciences."™
In this year, October 14, another law was passed against
Quakers, in which it was enacted that —
"If any person or persons within this jurisdiction shall henceforth
entertain and conceal any such Quaker or Quakers, or other blasphem-
ous heretics, knowing them so to be, every such person shall forfeit to
the country forty shillings for every such hour's entertainment and con-
cealment of any Quaker or Quakers, etc., as aforesaid, and shall be com-
mitted to prison as aforesaid, till forfeiture be fully satisfied and paid :
and it is further ordered that if any Quaker or Quakers shall presume,
after they have once suffered what the law requires, to come into this
jurisdiction, every such male Quaker shall for the first offense have one
of his ears cut off, and be kept at work in the house of correction till he
can be sent away at his own charge, and for the second offense shall
have his other ear cut off : and every woman Quaker that has fulfilled
the law here that shall presume to come into this jurisdiction, shall be
severely whipped, and kept at the house of correction at work, till she
be sent away at her own charge, and so also for her coming again she
shall be alike used as aforesaid : and for every Quaker, he or she, that
shall presume a third time herein again to offend, they shall have their
tongues burned through with a red-hot iron, and be kept at the house of
correction close to work, till they be sent away at their own charge.
And it is further ordered that all and every Quaker arising from among
ourselves, shall be dealt with, and suffer the like punishments, as the
law provides against foreign Quakers."84
The Quakers, however, not only continued to come, and
to come again when imprisoned, whipped, and banished ;
but their preachings, and much more their persecutions,
raised up others in the colonies. This result followed so
promptly that May 20, 1058, the following statute was
enacted : —
' ' That Quakers and such accursed heretics, arising among ourselves,
may be dealt with according to their deserts, and that their pestilent
errors and practices may be speedily prevented, it is hereby ordered, as
an addition to the former laws against Quakers, that every such person
83 Id. M Basse's " Sufferings of the Quakers."
HORRIBLE LAWS AGAINST THE QUAKERS. 643
or persons, professing any of their pernicious ways by speaking, writing,
or by meeting on the Lord's day, or at any other time, to strengthen
themselves, or seduce others to their diabolical doctrines, shall, after due
means of conviction, incur the penalty ensuing ; that is, every person so
meeting, shall pay to the country for every time ten shillings ; and every
one speaking in such meeting, shall pay five pounds apiece ; and in case
any such person, after having been punished by scourging or whipping
for such, according to the. former law, shall be still kept at work in the
house of correction, till they put in security with two sufficient men,
that they shall not any more vent their hateful errors, nor use their sin-
ful practices, or else shall depart this jurisdiction at their own charges,
and if any of them return again, then each such person shall incur the
penalty of the law formerly made for strangers."85
In 1058 "Rev." John Norton, supported by the rest of
the clergy, circulated a petition praying that the penalty of
death should be visited upon all Quakers who should return
after having been banished. The Board of Commissioners
of the United Colonies met in Boston in September. The
petition was presented to the Board, which in response
advised the general court of each colony to enact such a law.
Accordingly, October 1 6, the general court of Massachusetts
enacted the following law : —
"Whereas there is a pernicious sect, commonly called Quakers, lately
risen, who by word and writing have published and maintained many
dangerous and horrid tenets, and do take upon them to change and alter
the received laudable customs of our nation, in giving civil respect to
equals, or reverence to superiors ; whose actions tend to undermine the
civil government, and also to destroy the order of the churches, by deny-
ing all established forms of worship, and by withdrawing from orderly
church fellowship, allowed and approved by all orthodox professors
of truth, and instead thereof, and in opposition thereunto, frequently
meeting by themselves, insinuating themselves into the minds of the
simple, or such as are least affected to the order and government of
church and commonwealth, whereby divers particular inhabitants have
been infected, notwithstanding all former laws made, upon the experi-
ence of their arrogant and bold obtrusions, to disseminate their princi-
ples amongst us, prohibiting their coming into this jurisdiction, they
have not been deterred from their impious attempts to undermine our
peace and hazard our ruin :
85 Id.
644 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
"For prevention thereof, this court doth order and enact that every
person or persons, of the cursed sect of the Quakers, who is not an
inhabitant of, but is found within, this jurisdiction, shall be apprehended
without warrant, where no magistrate is at hand, by any constable, com-
missioner, or selectman, and conveyed from constable to constable, to
the next magistrate, who shall commit the said person to close prison,
there to remain (without bail) unto the next court of assistants, where
they shall have a legal trial: and being convicted [Xote : " For which
conviction, it was counted sufficient that they appeared with their hats
on or said ' thee ' and ' thou.' " ] to be of the sect of the Quakers, shall be
sentenced to be banished upon pain of death : and that every inhabitant
of this jurisdiction being convicted to be of the aforesaid sect, either by
taking up, publishing, or defending the horrid opinions of the Quakers,
or the stirring up of mutiny, sedition, or rebellion against the govern-
ment, or by taking up their abusive and destructive practices, viz., deny-
ing civil respect to equals and superiors, and withdrawing from our
church assemblies, and instead thereof frequenting meetings of their own
in opposition to our church order, or by adhering to, or approving of, any
known Quaker, and the tenets and practices of Quakers, that are opposite
to the orthodox received opinions of the godly, and endeavoring to dis-
affect others to civil government and church orders, or condemning the
practice and proceedings of this court against the Quakers, manifesting
thereby their complying with those whose design is to overthrow the
order established in Church and State, every such person upon con-
viction before the said court of assistants, in manner aforesaid, shall be
committed to close prison for one month, and then, unless they choose
voluntarily to depart this jurisdiction, shall give bond for their good
behavior, and appear at the next court, where, continuing obstinate, and
refusing to retract and reform their aforesaid opinions, they shall be sen-
tenced to banishment upon pain of death ; and any one magistrate upon
information given him of any such person, shall cause him to be appre-
hended, and shall commit any such person to prison, according to his
discretion, until he come to trial as aforesaid."86
Kor were any of these laws in any sense a dead letter.
They were enforced in the regular Puritan way. In 1657
the following order was issued by Governor Endicott : —
"To the marshall general or his deputy : You are to take with you
the executioner, and repair to the house of correction, and there see
him cutoff the right ears of John Copeland, Christopher Holder, and John
Rouse, Quakers, in execution of the sentence of the court of assistants for
the breach of the law instituted, 'Quakers.' " 87
86 Id. 87 Id.
HORRIBLE TORTURES OF QUAKERS.
In the latter part of the same year the following order
was issued by the court : —
"Whereas Daniel South-wick and Provided Southwick, son and
daughter of Lawrence Southwick, absentin'fj themselves from the public or-
dinances, have been fined by the courts of Salem and Ipswich, pretending
they have no assistance, 'and resolving not to work, the court, upon
perusal of a law, which was made upon account of debts, in answer to
what should be done for the satisfaction of the fines, resolves that the
treasurers of the several counties are and shall be fully empowered to
sell the said persons to any of the English nation, at Virginia or Barba-
does, to answer the said fines. 88
With this latter sentence there is connected an important
series of events. As stated in this order, these two persons
were son and daughter of Lawrence Southwick. Lawrence
Southwick and his wife Cassandra, were an aged couple who
had been members of the Salem church until about the close
of 1656. They had three children, Joseph, who was a man
grown, and the two mentioned above, who were but mere
youth. The old gentleman and his wife were arrested at the
beginning of the year 1657, upon a charge of harboring
Quakers. The old gentleman was released, but as a Quaker
tract was found upon his wife, she was imprisoned seven weeks,
and fined forty shillings. If they were not Quakers before,
this made them such, and likewise some of their friends. A
number of them now withdrew from the Salem church, and
worshiped by themselves. All were arrested. Lawrence
and Cassandra Southwick and their son Joseph, were taken
to Boston to be dealt with. Upon their arrival there, Febru-
ary 3, without even the form of a trial they were whipped
and imprisoned eleven days, the weather being extremely
cold. In addition to this, they were fined four pounds and
thirteen shillings, for six weeks' absence from church on Sun-
day, and their cattle were seized and sold to pay this fine.
The following summer two Quakers, William Leddra and
William Brend, went to Salem. They, with five others,
49
88 Id.
646 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
among whom were the Southwicks who before had suffered,
were arrested for meeting together. They were all taken to
Boston, and put all together in a room in the prison, of which
the windows were boarded up close. Food was denied them,
unless they would work* to par for it. uTo work when
wrongfully confined, was against the Quaker's conscience."
— Adams."' They therefore went five days without any-
thing to eat. This, however, was only a part of their suf-
ferings, for on the second day of their imprisonment, they
all were severely whipped, and then with raw wounds were
thrown back into the close dark room, in the July heat, with
nothing to lie upon but the bare boards. On the second day
afterwards they were informed that they could go if they
would pay the constables and jail fees. They refused to pay
anything. The next day the jailer, in order to force them to
yield, took Brend, and with irons bound his neck and heels
together, and kept him that way' for sixteen hours, from five
o'clock in the morning till nine o'clock at night.
The next day Brend was put to the mill and ordered to
work. He could not have worked if he would, as he could
scarcely move ; but he would not have worked if he could,
and so he refused. Then in a rage *' the gaoler took a
pitched rope, about an inch thick, and gave him twenty
blows over his back and arms with all his strength, till the
rope untwisted ; then he fetched another rope, thicker and
stronger, and told Brend that he would cause him to bow to
the law of the country, and make him work. Brend thought
this in the highest degree unreasonable, since he had com-
mitted no evil, and was wholly unable to work, having been
kept five days without eating, and whipped also, and now
thus unmercifully beaten. Yet in the morning the gaoler
relented not, but began to beat again with his' pitched rope
on the poor man's bruised body, and foaming at the mouth
like a madman, with violence laid four score and seventeen
more blows upon him, as other prisoners, who beheld this
89 "Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 164.
THE PEOPLE EFFECT A RESCUE. 647
cruelty with grief and passion reported. And if his
strength and his rope had not failed him, he would have
laid on more. He thought also to give him the next morn-
ing as many blows more. ... To what condition these
blows must have brought the body of Brend, who had noth-
ing on but a serge cossack over-shirt, may easily be con-
ceived. His back and arms were bruised and bleeding, and
the blood hanging, as it were, in bags under his arms, and
so into one was his flesh beaten that the sign of a particular
blow could not be seen. His body being thus cruelly tort-
ured, he lay down upon the boards so extremely weakened that
the natural parts decaying, and his strength failing, his body
turned cold ; there seemed, as it were, a struggle between
life and death ; his senses were stopped, and he had for some
time neither seeing, feeling, nor hearing ; till at length a
divine power prevailing, life broke through death, and the
breath of the Lord was breathed in his nostrils.'-90
The people now, horrified at the outrage, would bear no
more. Aery was raised, they "rushed to the jail, and rescued
the tortured prisoner. This rather frightened the govern-
ment. Endicott sent his own family doctor to succor Brend,
but the surgeon pronounced the case hopeless — that the
flesh would " rot from off his bones," and he must die. The
cry of the people grew louder, arid their indignation more
fierce. They demanded that the barbarous jailer should be
brought to justice. The magistrate posted up on the church
door a promise that he should be brought to trial, but here
the "Rev." John Norton stepped forth, declaring: "Brend
endeavored to beat our gospel ordinances black and blue ;
if he then be beaten black and blue, it is but just upon him,
and I will appear in his behalf that did so." He rebuked
the magistrates for their faintness of heart, and commanded
them to take down the notice from the church door. They
obeyed, and the cruel jailer was not only justified, but was
commanded to whip the Quakers who were yet in prison
90Besse's "Sufferings of the Quakers."
64:8 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
" twice a week if they refused to work, and the first time to
add five stripes to the former ten, and each time to add three
to them."91
The other prisoners now presented a petition to the court
praying to be released. Their petition was dated, "From
the House of Bondage in Boston, wherein we are made cap-
tives by the wills of men, although made free by the Son
(John viii, 36), in which we quietly rest, this sixteenth of
the fifth month, 1658." They were brought into court for
examination. They made so strong a defense that there
appeared some prospect of their acquittal ; but the preachers
rallied in force. The "Rev." Charles Chauncy, in "the
Thursday lecture," preached as follows : —
" Suppose you should catch six wolves in a trap [there were six Salem
Quakers], . . . and ye cannot prove that they killed either sheep or
lambs ; and now ye have them, they will neither bark nor bite ; yet they
have the plain marks of wolves. Now I leave it to your consideration
whether ye will let them go alive ; yea or nay ? " 9*
By their diligence the preachers not only prevented any
acquittal, but succeeded in forcing through the law of Octo-
ber 16, 1658, above quoted (pages 6-4o-4-), inflicting capital
punishment upon all who remained, or returned after sen-
tence of banishment. The very day on which this law was
passed, the prisoners were brought into court, and sentence
of banishment was pronounced, the Southwicks being com-
manded to leave before the spring elections. They did not
go. In May, 1659, they were called up again, and charged
with rebellion for not going as commanded. They pleaded
that they had no place to go to, and that they had done noth-
ing to deserve either banishment or death, though all they had
in the world had been taken from them. "Major-General
Dennison replied that 'they stood against the authority of
the country, in not submitting to their laws : that he should
not go about to speak much concerning the error of their
91 "Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 166. OT fd., p. 169.
CHILDREN OFFERED AS SLAVES. ('49
judgments: but,' added he, 'You and \ve are not able well
to live together, and at present the power is in our hand,
and therefore the stronger must send off.''
Accordingly the sentence of banishment was again pro-
nounced under the penalty of death. "The aged couple
were sent to Shelter Island, but their misery was well-nigh
done ; they perished within a few days of each other, tort-
ured to death by flogging and starvation." —Adams.9*
Their. son Joseph was sent away in a ship to England.
Then the two children, Daniel and Provided, were brought
before the court. They were asked why they had not come
to church. Daniel replied, "If you had not so persecuted
our father and mother, perhaps we might have come."
They were fined. As parents and home and all were gone,
it was impossible for them to pay any fine ; and as there
was not much prospect of the government's making any-
thing out of an attempt to force children to work, even by
flogging, the sentence quoted on page 645 was pronounced,
commanding the county treasurers to sell them to recover
the fine.
The treasurer of Salern took the children to Boston, and
went to a ship's captain who was about to sail for Barbadoes,
and began to bargain for their passage to that place to be
sold. The captain said he was afraid they would corrupt his
ship's company.
TJte treasurer. — " Oh no, you need not fear that, for they
are poor, harmless creatures, and will not hurt anybody."
Tlie captain. — "Will they not so? And will ye offer
to make slaves of so harmless creatures ? " 95
Fortunately, no others could be found so inhuman as the
Puritans, and they were compelled to let the children go.
In September, 1659, three Quakers, William Robinson,
Marmaduke Stevenson, and Mary Dyer, who had but lately
come to Boston, were banished. Mrs. Dyer was wife of the
secretary of Rhode Island. She returned home. Robinson
93 Id., p. 170. 94/d. 95/(7., p. 173.
650 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
and Stevenson went as far as Salem, where they turned about
and went back to Boston. Not long afterward, Mrs. Dyer
returned. October 20, they were brought before the gen-
eral court. Being called to the bar, Governor Endicott
commanded the officer to pull off the men's hats. He then
said : — •
"We have made several laws to keep the Quakers from amongst us,
and neither whipping, nor imprisonment, nor cutting off ears, nor ban-
ishment upon pain of death, can keep them from us. Neither I nor any
of us desire the death of any of them. Give ear and hearken to your
sentence of death."96
He then sentenced them one by one to be hanged.
October 27 was the day set for the execution. For fear the
people might effect a rescue, a guard was put upon the
prison. As the day drew near, the dissatisfaction of the
people became more marked, and when the time came, it
was deemed necessary to have a company of two hundred
armed men, to make sure that the theocrats might accom-
plish the hanging. The three prisoners marched hand in
hand to the scaffold on Boston Common, with drums beating
before them to drown any words that they might speak.
As the procession moved along, "Rev." John Wilson, the
Boston preacher, with others of the clergy, stood ready to
join in the march. Wilson tauntingly cried out, "Shall
such jacks as you come in before authority, with your hats
on?" Robinson replied, "Mind you, mind you, it is for
not putting off the hat we are put to death." When, they
reached the gallows, Eobinson attempted to speak to the
people, but Wilson interrupted him with, "Hold your
tongue, be silent ; thou art going to die with a lie in thy
mouth." The two men were then bound and hanged. The
rope was placed round Mrs. Dyer's neck, but her son just
then arrived from Rhode Island, and upon his earnest en-
treaty and promise to take her away, they let her go. The
bodies of the two men were tumbled into a hole in the
^Besse's "Sufferings of the Quakers."
THE DEATH PENALTY IS DEFEATED. 651
ground, and left exposed with no sort of burial. The next
spring, however, Mrs. Dyer returned again. June 1, she
was again marched to the gallows. At the last moment she
was told that see might go if she would promise to stay
away. She answered, "In obedience to the will of the
Lord, I came, and in his will I abide faithful unto death."
And so they hanged her.97
In November, William Leddra, who had been banished,
returned to Boston. He was at once arrested, but public
opinion was now so strong against the persecution that the
government made every effort to persuade him to go away.
But he would not go. He was kept in prison four months,
and at last, in March, he was sentenced to be hanged. A
few days before his execution, he was called before the court,
and as he was being questioned, Wenlock Christison, another
Qu-aker who had that moment returned from banishment,
walked into the court room, and, standing before the judges
with uplifted hand, said : "I am come here to warn you that
ye shed no more innocent blood." He was arrested and
taken at once to jail.
Leddra was hanged, but Christison remained ; and as he
had openly rebuked the judges, his case was the more notori-
ous. But as the discontented murmurings of the people
grew louder and louder, the government hesitated to proceed.
The theocrats, however, were not yet ready to yield, and so
they brought him to trial before the general court, both the
governor and the deputy-governor being present.
Endicott. — "Unless you renounce your religion, you
shall die."
Christison. — "Nay; I shall not change my religion,
nor seek to save my life ; neither do I intend to deny my
Master ; but if I lose my life for Christ's sake, and the
preaching of the gospel, I shall save my life. "
97 " Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 175, 176; "Beginnings of New
England," pp. 188, 189. .
652 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Endicott. — " Wlftt liave you to say for yourself, why
you should not die ? "
Christison. — " By what law will you put me to death? "
Endicott. — "We have a law, and by our law you are
to die."
Christison. — "So said the Jews of Christ, 'We have a
law, and by our law he ought to die ! ' Who empowered you
to make that law ? "
One of the Board. — "We have a patent, and are the
patentees ; judge whether we have not power to make laws."
Christison. — ."How, have you power to make laws re-
pugnant to the laws of England ? "
Endicott.-— "No."
Christison. — "Then you are gone beyond your bounds,
and have forfeited your patent ; and that is more than you
can answer. Are you subjects to the king? yea or nay? "
One of the Court. — "Yea, we are so."
Christison. — "Well, so am I. Therefore seeing that you
and I are subjects to the king, I demand to be tried by the
laws of my own nation."
One of the Court. — "You shall be tried by a bench and
a jury."
Christison. — " That is not the law, but the manner of it ;
for I never heard nor read of any law that was in England,
to hang Quakers."
Endicott. — "There is a law to hang Jesuits."
Christison. — "If you put me to death, it is not because I
go under the name of a Jesuit, but of a Quaker. Therefore
I appeal to the laws of my own nation."
One of the Court. — "You are in our hands, you have
broken our law, and we will try you."
In the very midst of the trial, a letter was brought in and
handed to the court. It was from Edward Wharton, yet
another Quaker who had returned from banishment. The
letter states : "Whereas you have banished me on pain of
death, yet I am at home in my own house at Salem, and
therefore purpose that you will take off your wicked sentence
"A IIUMANER POLICY." 653
from me, that I may go about my occasions out of your
jurisdiction."
The trial was over ; but what should they do with the
Quaker? They were afraid to sentence him, and they could
not bear to confess defeat by letting him go. The court de-
bated among themselves more than two weeks what to do.
"Endicott was exasperated to frenzy, for he felt the ground
crumbling beneath him ; he put the fate of Christison to the
vote, arid failed to carry a condemnation. The governor
seeing this division, said, ' I could find it in my heart to go
home ; ' being in such a rage, that he flung -something furi-
ously on the table. . . . Then the governor put the court to
vote again ; but this was done confusedly, which so incensed
the governor that he stood up and said, ' You that will not
consent, record it : I thank God I am not afraid to give
judgment. . . . Wenlock Christison, hearken to your sen-
tence : You must return unto the place from whence you
came, and from thence to the place of execution, and there
you must be hanged until you are dead, dead, dead.' " 98
The sentence of the court was to put Christison to death ;
but they never dared to execute it. "Even the savage
Endicott knew well that all the train bands of the colony
could not have guarded Christison to the gallows from the
dungeon where he lay condemned/' — Adams."
The sentence of death, as such, they were thus forced to
abandon ; but they still hoped to accomplish the same thing
by another, and as their chief apologist defined, a " humaner
policy." For this purpose the " Vagabond Act " was passed
May 22, 1661, by which it was enacted that, "Any person
convicted before a county magistrate of being an undomiciled
or vagabond Quaker, was to be stripped naked to the middle,
tied to the cart's tail, and flogged from town to town, to the
border. Domiciled Quakers to be proceeded against under
Act of 1658 to" banishment, and then treated as vagabond
98 "Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 18, 151,152 ; " Beginnings of New
England," p. 190.
""Emancipation of Massachusetts," p. 177.
654 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Quakers. The death penalty was still preserved, but not
enforced. " — Adams. 10°
The first victim of this new and ' ' humaner " law was Joseph
Southwick, who returned from banishment in 1661, and in
the " seventh month " was sentenced to its penalty. On
the trial, Endicott told him that they had made the new law
"to save his life, in mercy to him." He inquired whether
it were not as good to take his life now, as to whip him after
their manner, twelve or fourteen times on the cart's tail
through their towns, and then put him to death afterward?
He was sentenced to be flogged through Boston, Roxbury,
and Dedham. " The peculiar atrocity of flogging from town
to town lay in this : that the victim's wounds became cold
between the times of punishment, and in the winter some-
times frozen, which made the torture intolerably agonizing."
— Adams.m
In response to their sentence, Joseph Southwick said :
" Here is my body ; if you want a further testimony of the
truth I profess, take it and tear it in pieces. ... It is
freely given up, and as for your sentence, I matter it not."
Then " they tied him to a cart, and lashed him for fifteen
miles, and while he ' sang to the praise of God,' his tor-
mentor swung with all his might a tremendous two-handed
whip, whose knotted thongs were made of twisted cat-gut ;
thence he was carried fifteen miles from any town into the
wilderness." — Adams. 102 And there they left him.
In the middle of the winter of 1661-62, a Quaker woman,
Elizabeth Hooton, was subjected to the same torture, being
whipped through Cambridge, Watertown, and Dedham.
In 1662 three Quaker women fell under the notice of
"Rev." John Rayner ; " and as the magistrate was ignorant
of the technicalities of the law, the elder acted as clerk, and
drew up for him the following warrant : —
" To the Constables of Dover, Hampton, Salisbury, Newbury, Rowley, Ips-
wich, Wenham, Linn, Boston, Roxbury, Dedham, a'l^d untill these vaga-
bond Quakers are carried out of this jurisdiction : —
100 Id., p. 142. Wlld., pp. 148,149. m Id., p. 172.
THE PEOPLE RESCUE THE SUFFERERS. 655
"You and every one of you are required, in the king's majesty's
name, to take these vagabond Quakers, Anne Coleman, Mary Tomkins,
and Alice Ambrose, and make them fast to the cart's tail, and driving
the cart through your several towns, to whip them on their backs, not
exceeding ten stripes apiece on each of them in each town, and so to
convey them from constable to constable, till they come out of this
jurisdiction, as you will answer it at your peril : and this shall 'be your
warrant. Per me,
' ' RICHARD WALDEN.
"At Dover, dated December tJte 22d, 1662."
•
"The Rev. John Rayner pronounced judgement of death
by flogging ; for the weather was bitter, the distance to be
walked was eighty miles, and the lashes were given with a
whip, whose three-twisted, knotted thongs cut to the bone.
" ' So, in a very cold day, your deputy, Walden, caused
these women to be stripp'd naked from the middle upward,
and tyed to a cart, and after awhile cruelly whipp'd them
whilst the priest [John Rayner], stood and looked, and
laughed at it. ... They went with the executioner to Hamp-
ton, and through dirt and snow at Salisbury, half way the
leg deep; the constable forced them after the cart's tayl at
which he whipp'd them.'
"Had the Rev. John Rayner but followed the cart, to
see that his three hundred and thirty lashes were all given
with the same ferocity which warmed his heart to mirth at
Dover, before his journey's end he would certainly have
joyed in giving thanks to God over the women's gory
corpses, freezing amid the snow. His negligence saved
their, lives, for when the ghastly pilgrims passed through
Salisbury, the people, to their eternal honor, set the cap-
tives free." — Adams.™3
There are many other instances of these horrible tort-
ures to both men and women ; but these, without any men-
tion of the hanging of witches, are enough to explain and
to justify the deserved and scathing sentence of the histo-
rian of the United States, that "the creation of a national
and uncompromising church led the Congregationalists of
103 u Emancipation of Massachusetts," pp. 155-157.
656 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
Massachusetts to the indulgence of the passions which dis-
graced their English persecutors, and Laud was justified by
the men whom he had wronged.'1 — Bancroft.1^
Yet it must not be supposed that the legislation with
respect to the views of the Baptists and the Quakers was
exceptional in its nature or even in its severity ; only, as the
laws regarding them were more openly disregarded, the pen-
alties were inflicted upon them in greater measure than upon
any others. There was a law running as follows : —
" ' Albeit faith is not wrought by the sword, but the word, neverthe-
less, seeing that blasphemy of the true God cannot be excused- by an
ignorance or infirmity of human nature,' therefore, 'no person in this
jurisdiction, whether Christian or pagan, shall witting! y and willingly
presume to blaspheme his holy Name, either by willful or obstinate
denying the true God, or his creation or government of the world, or
shall curse God, or reproach the holy religion of God, as if it were but a
public device to keep ignorant men in awe, nor shall utter any other
eminent kind of blasphemy of like nature or degree,' under penalty of
death."
Another law subjected to fine, whipping, banishment,
and finally to death, " any who denied the received books
of the Old and New Testaments to be the infallible word of
God."— IliWreth.™
Another and about the mildest form of punishment is
shown by the following law, enacted in 1646 : —
"It is therefore ordered and decreed, that if any -Christian (so-
called) within this jurisdiction shall contemptuously behave himself
towards the word preached or the messenger thereof called to dispense
the same in any congregation, when he faithfully executes his service
and office therein according to the will and word of God, either by in-
terrupting him in his preaching, or by charging him falsely with an
error which he hath not taught in the open face of the church, or like a
son of Korah, cast upon his true doctrine or himself any reproach, to
IM u History of the United States," chap. " The Place of Puritanism in
History," par. 5. In his last revision, however, this is softened into this : " The
uncompromising Congregationalists of Massachusetts indulged the passions of
their English persecutors."
105 " History of the United States," Vol. i, chap, xii, par. 1, 2.
LAWS OF NEW HAVEN AND CONNECTICUT. 657
the dishonor of the Lord Jesus who hath sent him, and to the dispar-
agement of that his holy ordinance, and making God's ways contemptible
or ridiculous, that every such person or persons (whatsoever censure the
church may pass) shall for the first scandal, be convented and reproved
openly by the magistrate, at some lecture, and bound to their good be-
havior ; and if a second time they break forth into the like contemptu-
ous carriages, they shall either pay five pounds to the public treasure, or
stand two hours openly upon a block or stool four foot high, upon a
lecture day, with a paper fixed on his breast, written with capital letters,
'A WANTON GOSPELLER ; ' that others may fear and be ashamed of
breaking out into the like wickedness." 106
Yet Massachusetts, though the worst, was not by any
means the only one, of the colonies that had an established
religion, and that per-consequence persecuted. The other
Puritan colonies were of the same order. Plymouth and
New Haven were second only to Massachusetts, and Con-
necticut was not far behind. New Haven had a law against
Quakers, ordering that —
"Every Quaker that comes into this jurisdiction shall be severely
whipped, and be kept at work in the house of correction ; and the
second time, be branded in one hand, and kept at work as aforesaid ;
the third time be branded in the other hand, and the fourth time, to be
bored through the tongue with a red-hot iron." „
That the law was by no means a nullity, is seen by the
fact that Humphrey Norton, merely passing through South-
bold on his way to one of the Dutch plantations, was appre-
hended, without being asked whither he was going, and
committed to the marshal 1, conveyed to New Haven, and
there cast into prison, chained to a post, and none suffered
to visit him in the bitter cold winter. . . . At length, he
was had before the court, where was their priest [minis-
ter], John Davenport, to whom Humphrey Norton had sent
some religious queries ; and the priest having spoken what
he pleased in answer to those queries, Humphrey attempted
to reply, but was prevented by their tying a great iron key
across his mouth, so that he could not speak. After that he
was had again to prison, and after ten days more, sentenced
106 Trumbull's "Blue Laws, True and False," p. 83, with note.
658 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
to be severely whipped, and burned in the hand with the
letter ' H ' for heresy, and to be sent out of the colony, and
not to return upon pain of the utmost penalty they could
inflict by law, and to pay ten pounds jto wards the charge of
the court and colony. And they ordered this sentence to be
executed the same day. Accordingly, the drum was beat,
and the people gathered ; ' the poor man was fetched, and
stripped to the waist, and set with his back towards the
magistrates, and had given, in their view, thirty-six cruel
stripes, and then turned, and his face set towards them, his
hand made fast in the stocks, where they had set his body
before, and burned very deep with a red-hot iron : then he
was sent to prison again, and there kept, till a Dutchman, a
stranger to him, paid down twenty nobles for his fine and
fees.' It was remarkable that as soon as he had suffered
this cruel sentence, and was let loose from the stocks, he
knelt down, and prayed to the Lord, to the astonishment of
his persecutors."107
The "Blue Laws" of Connecticut are proverbial; yet
they were copied almost bodily from the Massachusetts
code. For instance, the "Wanton Gospeller" statute of
Massachusetts was adopted by Connecticut, word for word,
with only the change of the inscription to "An Open and
Obstinate Contemner of God's Holy Ordinances."
Nor was it alone in New England that Church and State
were united. It was so to a greater or less extent in every
one of the thirteen original colonies in America, except Rhode
Island. In New England the established religion was Con-
gregationalism, while in all the colonies south from New
York to Georgia, except only Pennsylvania, the Church of
England was the favored one. In Pennsylvania there was
no union with any particular denomination as such, but no
one could hold office or even vote except "such as possess
faith in Jesus Christ." And protection from compulsory re-
ligious observances was guaranteed to no one, except those
"who confess and acknowledge one almighty and eternal
107 Besse's " Sufferings of the Quakers."
JOHN WESLEY PROSECUTED. 659
God to bo the Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the world/'
As all were thus required to be religious, and to possess
faith in Jesus Christ, it was therefore required "that
according to the good example of the primitive Christians,
every first day of the week, called the Lord's day, people
shall abstain from their common daily labor, that they may
the better dispose themselves to worship God according to
their understandings." 108
Maryland, while held by the Roman Catholics, was freer
than any other colony, except Rhode Island ; yet even there,
as in Pennsylvania, it was only toleration that was guaran-
teed, and that only to persons " professing to believe in Jesus
Christ." But in 1692 the Episcopalians took possession, and
although other forms of religion were still tolerated, " Protest-
ant Episcopacy was established by law," and so continued
until the Revolution.
The Church and State system in Georgia, and even its
practical working as late as 1T3T, may be seen in the per-
secution of John Wesley. The case grew out of Wesley's
refusing the sacrament to certain women, and this was made
only the opportunity to vent their spite upon him in what-
ever else they could trump up. The first step was taken
thus : —
" GEORGIA. SAVANNAH ss.
"To all Constables, Tythingmen, and others whom these may con-
cern : You and each of you are hereby required to take the body of John
Wesley, clerk, and bring him before one of the bailiffs of the said town,
to answer the complaint of William Williamson and Sophia his wife, for
defaming the said Sophia, and refusing to administer to her the sacrament
of the Lord's Supper, in a publick congregation, without cause ; by which
the said William Williamson is damag'd one thousand pound sterling.
And for so doing, this is your warrant, certifying what you are to do in
the premises. Given under my hand and seal the eighth day of August,
Anno Dom., 1737. Tuo. CHRISTIE."
Wesley was arrested, and brought before the recorder for
examination. When questioned upon this matter, he re-
108 u Charters and Coristitutions," Pennsylvania.
660 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
plied that "the giving or refusing the Lord's Supper being
a matter purely ecclesiastical, I could not acknowledge their
power to interrogate me upon it." The case was deferred to
the next regular sitting of the court. When the court con-
vened, the judge charged the grand jury to " beware of
spiritual tyranny, and to oppose the new illegal authority
that was usurped over their consciences." The grand jury,
says "Wesley, was thus composed : " One was a Frenchman
who did not understand English, one a Papist, one a profest
infidel, three Baptists, sixteen or seventeen others, dissenters,
and several others who had personal quarrels against me,
and had openly vow'd revenge."
A majority of this grand jury framed an indictment of
ten counts, as follows : —
" That John "Wesley, clerk, has broken the laws of the realm, con-
trary to the peace of our sovereign lord the king, his crown and dignity.
"1. By speaking and writing to Mrs. Williamson against her hus-
band's consent.
" 2. By repelling her from the holy communion.
"3. By not declaring his adherence to the Church of England.
"4. By dividing the morning service on Sundays.
"5. By refusing to baptize Mr. Parker's child otherwise than by
dipping, except the parents would certify it was weak, and not able to
bear it.
"6. By repelling Wm. Gough from the holy communion.
" 7. By refusing tq read the burial service over the body of Nathaniel
Polhill.
" 8. By calling himself ordinary of Savannah.
" 9. By refusing to receive Wm. Agliorly as a godfather, only be-
cause he was not a communicant.
" 10. By refusing Jacob Matthews for the same reason, and baptizing
an Indian trader's child with only two sponsors.
The prosecution was made to drag along with Wesley
neither convicted nor acquitted, but held, as" he describes it,
as a sort of "prisoner at large," until, willing to bear it no
longer, he determined to go back to England. That he
should leave Georgia and go somewhere was just what the
Georgians wanted, and although a pretense of opposing his
MARTIN LUTHER AND ROGER WILLIAMS, 061
going was made, they were glad when he left, December 2,
1737.109
Of the Southern colonies, Virginia took the lead, and
was next to Massachusetts in intolerance and persecution.
The colony was divided into parishes, and all the inhabitants
were taxed to maintain the worship of the Episcopal Church.
All the people were required to attend the churches of the
establishment. The rights of citizenship were dependent
upon membership in the Episcopal Church. Whoever failed
to attend church any Sunday "without an allowable excuse,"
was to be fined one pound of tobacco, and if any one should
be absent from Sunday service for a month, the fine was
fifty pounds of tobacco.
Virginia, however, though standing in the lead of the
Southern colonies in the severity of its religious legislation,
was the first of all the colonies to separate Church and State,
and to declare and secure by statute the religious rights of
all men.
From this review of Protestantism, it plainly appears
that after Martin Luther, until the rise of Roger Williams,
not a single Reformer preached in sincerity the principles of
Christianity and of Protestantism as to the rights of con-
science, and that in not a single place except the colony of
Rhode Island, was there even recognized, much less exem-
plified, the Christian and Protestant principle of the separa-
tion of Church and State, of the religious and civil powers.
Throughout this whole period we find that in all the dis-
cussions, and all the work, of the professed champions of
the rights of conscience, there everywhere appears the fatal
defect that it was only their own rights of conscience that
they either asserted or defended. In other words, their
argument simply amounted to this : It is our inalienable
109 "John Wesley a Missioner to Georgia," by William Stevens Perry, D. D.,
bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of Iowa ; New York Independent,
March 5, 1891, pp. 5, 6.
50
662 PROTESTANTISM— TRUE AND FALSE.
right to believe and worship as we choose. It is likewise
our inalienable right to compel everybody else to believe
and worship as we choose.
But this is no assertion at all of the rights of conscience.
The true principle and assertion of the rights of conscience
is not our assertion of our right to believe and worship as
we choose. This always leaves the way open for the addi-
tional assertion of our right to compel others to believe and
worship as we choose, should occasion seem to demand ; and
there are a multitude of circumstances that are ever ready
strongly to urge that occasion does demand.
The true principle and the right assertion of the rights of
conscience is our assertion of every other man's right to be-
lieve and worship as he chooses, or not to worship at all if
lie chooses. This at once sweeps away every excuse and
every argument that might ever be offered for the restriction
or the invasion of the rights of conscience by any person or
any power.
This is the Christian doctrine. This is the Roger Wil-
liams doctrine. This is the genuine Protestant doctrine, for
it is " the logical consequence of either of the two great dis-
tinguishing principles of the Reformation, as well of justifica-
tion by faith alone as of the equality of all believers." —
Bancroft. no
In the promulgation of the principles of Protestantism,
and in the work of the Reformation, the names of MARTIN
LUTHER and ROGER WILLIAMS can never rightly be sepa-
rated. Williams completed what Luther began ; and to-
gether they gave anew to the world, and for all time, the
principles originally announced by Him who was the Author
and Finisher of the faith of both — JESUS CHRIST, THE
AUTHOR OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
110 " History of the United States," chap. " Self-Government in Massa-
chusetts," par. 23.
§
I— I
EH
<
M
W
H
K
CHAPTER XXIV,
THE NEW REPUBLIC.
came the American Revolution, overturning all
i. the principles of the papacy, and establishing for the
enlightenment of all nations, THE NEW REPUBLIC, — the first
national government upon the earth that accords with the
principles announced by Jesus Christ for mankind and for
civil government.
The American Revolution did not consist in the establish-
ment of a government independent of Great Britain, but in
the ideas concerning man and government that were pro-
claimed and established by it. This Revolution is the ex-
pression of two distinct ideas. First, that government is of
the people ; and, second, that government is of right entirely
separate from religion.
The first decided step in this grand revolution was
taken when the Declaration of Independence was signed.
That immortal document declares : —
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men,
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that
whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends,
it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a
new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organiz-
ing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect
their safety and happiness."
Thus in two sentences was annihilated the despotic
doctrine which, springing from the usurped authority of the
[663]
664 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
papacy, to sit in the place of God and to set up and pull
down kings, and to bestow kingdoms and empires at its will,
had now become venerable, if not absolutely hallowed, by
the precedents of a thousand years — the doctrine of the
divine right of kings ; and in the place of the old, false,
despotic theory of the sovereignty of the government and
the subjection of the people, there was declared the self-
evident truth, the subjection of government, and the
sovereignty of the people.
In declaring the equal and inalienable right of all men
to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that gov-
ernments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed, there is not only declared the sovereignty of the
people, but also the entire capability of the people. The
declaration, in itself, presupposes that men are men indeed,
and that as such they are fully capable of deciding for them-
selves as to what is best for their happiness, and how they
shall pursue it, without the government's being set up as a
parent or guardian to deal with them as with children.
In declaring that governments are instituted by the gov-
erned, for certain ends, and that when any government
becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the
people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new govern-
ment, in such form as to them shall seem most likely to
effect their safety and happiness, it is likewise declared that
instead of the people's needing to be cared for by the gov-
ernment, the government must he cared for hy the people.
This is confirmed by the national Constitution, which
is but the complement of the Declaration. Thus says —
THE PREAMBLE I
" We, tJie people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect
union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the
common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings
of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this
Constitution for the United States of America."
CIVIL GOVERNMENT WHOLLY IMPERSONAL. 665
And Article IX of Amendments says : —
"The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be
construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
And Article X of Amendments says : —
" The powers not delegated to the United States by this Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to tlie people."
In declaring the objects of government to be to secure
to the people the rights which they already possess in full
measure and inalienable degree, and to effect their safety
and happiness in the enjoyment of those rights ; and in
declaring the right of the people, in the event named, to
alter or abolish the government which they have, and insti-
tute a new one on such principles and in such form as to
them seems best ; there is likewise declared not only the
complete subordination but also the absolute impersonality
of government. It is therein declared that the government
is but a device, a piece of political machinery, framed and
set up by the people, by which they would make themselves
secure in the enjoyment of the inalienable rights which they
already possess as men, and which they have by virtue of
being men in society and not by virtue of government ; —
the right which was theirs before government was ; which is
their own in the essential meaning of the term ; and ' ' which
they do not hold by any sub-infeudation, but by direct hom-
age and allegiance to the Owner and Lord of all " (Stanley
Matthews *), their Creator, who has endowed them with those
rights. And in thus declaring the impersonality of govern-
ment, there is wholly uprooted every vestige of any
character of paternity in the government.
In declaring the equality of all men in the possession of
these inalienable rights, there is likewise declared the strong-
xln Argument In Cincinnati Case, Minor et al, on "Bible In the Public
Schools," p. 241.
666 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
est possible safeguard of the people. For this being the dec-
laration of the people, each one of the people stands thereby
pledged to the support of the principle thus declared. There-
fore, each individual is pledged, in the exercise of his own
inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
ness, so to act as not to interfere with any other person in the
free and perfect exercise of his inalienable right to life, lib-
erty, and the pursuit of happiness. Any person who so acts
as to restrict or interfere with the free exercise of any other
person's right to life, or liberty, or the pursuit of happiness,
denies the principle, to the maintenance of which he is
pledged, and does in effect subvert the government. For,
rights being equal, if one may so act, every other one may
do so ; and thus no man's right is recognized, government
is gone, and only anarchy remains. Therefore, by every
interest, personal as well as general, private as well as pub-
lic, every individual among the people is pledged in the en-
joyment of his right to life, or liberty, or the pursuit of
happiness, so to conduct himself as not to interfere in the
least degree with the equal right of every other one to the
free and full exercise of his enjoyment of life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness. "For the rights of man, as man,
must be understood in a sense that can admit of no single
exception ; for to allege an exception is the same thing as to
deny the principle." We reject, therefore, with scorn, any
profession of, respect to the principle which, in fact, comes
to us clogged and contradicted by a petition for an excep-
tion. . . . To profess the principle and then to plead for an
exception, let the plea be what it may, is to deny the prin-
ciple, and it is to utter a treason against humanity. The
rights of man must everywhere all the world over be recog-
nized and respected." — Isaac Taylor?
The Declaration of Independence, therefore, announces
the perfect principle of civil government. If the principle
thus announced were perfectly conformed to by all, then the
government would be a perfect civil government. It is but
2 Quoted by Stanley Matthews, Id., p. 243.
IT IS THE SCRIPTURAL IDEA. 667
the principle of self-government — government of the peo-
ple, by the people, and for the people. And to the extent
to which this principle is exemplified among the people, to
the extent to which the individual governs himself, just to that
extent and no further will prevail the true idea of the Dec-
laration, and the republic which it created.
Such is the first grand idea of the American Revolution.
And it is the scriptural idea, the idea of Jesus Christ and of
God. Let this be demonstrated.
The Declaration holds that all men are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and that to secure
these rights, governments are instituted among men deriv-
ing their just powers from the consent of the governed.
Now the Creator of all men is the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and "is he the God of the Jews only?
is he not also of the Gentiles \ Yes, of the Gentiles also.'1
And as he " hath made of one blood all nations of men for
to dwell on all the face of the earth" (Acts xvii, 26), "there
is no respect of persons with God." Rom. ii, 11. Nor is
this the doctrine of the later scripture only ; it is the doc-
trine of all the Book. The most ancient writings in the
Book have these words : "IM did despise the cause of my
man-servant or of my maid-servant when they contended
with rne ; what then shall I do when God riseth up ? and
when he visiteth, what shall I answer him ? Did not he
that made me in the womb, make him ? " Job xxxi, 13-
15. And, "The Lord your God is God of gods, and Lord
of lords, a great God, a mighty and a terrible, which re-
gardeth not persons, nor taketh reward : he doth execute
the judgment of the fatherless and widow, and loveth the
stranger in giving him food and raiment. Love ye there-
fore the stranger." "The stranger that dwelleth with
you, shall be unto you as one born among you, and
thou shalt love him as thyself." Deut. x, 17-19 ; Lev.
xix, 34.
All men are indeed created equal, and are endowed by
their Creator with certain inalienable rights.
668 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
As to civil government, the Scripture commands, " Ren-
der to Caesar the things which are Caesar's ; " and Christ
himself paid tribute to Caesar, "thus recognizing the right-
fulness of civil government to be." But more than this, it
is plainly declared, "The powers that be are ordained of
God." Rom. xiii, 1. This scripture has long been used to
sustain the papal fable of the divine right of kings, but such
use was always only a perversion. It is proper and inter-
esting to have a scriptural answer to the question. How
then are the powers that be ordained of God ? And to this
question, the Scriptures do give a clear answer.
Let us read : "In the beginning of the reign of
Jehoiakim, the son of Josiah king of Judah, came this
word unto Jeremiah from the Lord, saying, Thus saith the
Lord to me : Make thee bonds and yokes, and put them
upon thy neck, and send them to the king of Edom, and to
the king of Moab, and to the king of the Ammonites, and to
the king of Tyrus, and to the king of Zidon, by the hand of
the messengers which come to Jerusalem unto Zedekiah
king of Judah, and command them to say unto their masters,
Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel : Thus shall
ye say unto your masters : I rTave made the earth, the man
and the beasts that are upon the ground, by my great power
and by my outstretched arm, and have given it unto whom
it seemed meet unto me. And now have I given all these
lands into the hand of Nebuchadezzar the king of Babylon,
my servant ; and the beasts of the field have I given him
also to serve him. And all nations shall serve him, and his
son, and his son's son, until the very time of his land come,
and then many nations and great kings shall serve them-
selves of him. And it shall come to pass that the nation
and kingdom which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar
the king of Babylon, and that will not put their neck under
the yoke of the king of Babylon, that nation will I punish,,
saith the Lord, with the sword, and with the famine, and with
the pestilence, until I have consumed them by his hand."
HOW ARE THE POWERS THAT BE, ORDAINED? C69
In this scripture it is clearly shown that the power of
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, was ordained of God :
nor to Nebuchadnezzar alone, but to his son and his son's
son : which is to say that the power of the Babylonian em-
pire, as an imperial power, was ordained of God. Neb-
uchadnezzar was plainly called by the Lord, " My servant ; "
and the Lord says, " And now have /given all these lands
into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon."
He further says that whatever "nation and kingdom which
«/
will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar the king of Baby-
lon, and that will not put their neck under the yoke of the
king of Babylon, that nation will I punish."
Another instance : In the above scripture it is stated
that the power of Babylon should continue through Nebuchad-
nezzar and his son and to his son's son, and that all nations
should serve Babylon until that time, and that then nations
and kings should serve themselves of him. Other prophecies
"show that Babylon was then to be destroyed. Jer. li, 28
says that the king of the Medes, and all his land, with the
captains and rulers, should be prepared against Babylon to
destroy it. Isa. xxi, 2 shows that Persia (Elam) should ac-
company Media in the destruction of Babylon. Isa. xlv,
1—4 names Cyrus as the leader of the forces, more than a
hundred years before he was born, and one hundred and
seventy-four years before the time. And of Cyrus, the
prophet said from the Lord, "I have raised him up in right-
eousness, and I will direct all his ways ; he shall build my
city, and he shall let go my captives, not for price, nor re-
ward, saith the Lord of hosts." Isa. xlv, 13. But in the
conquest of Babylon, Cyrus was only the leader of the forces.
The kingdom and rule were given to Darius the Mede ; for,
said Daniel to Belshazzar, on the night when Babylon fell,
"Thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and
Persians." Then the record proceeds : "In that night was
Belshazzar the king of the Chaldeans slain. And Darius the
Median took the kingdom." Of him we read in Dan. xi, 1,
670 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
the words of the angel Gabriel to the prophet : "I, in the
first year of Darius the Mede, even I, stood to confirm and
to strengthen him."
There can be no dispute, therefore, that the power of
Babylon, as exercised by Nebuchadnezzar and his succes-
sors, and that of Medo-Persia as exercised by Darius and
Cyrus and their successors, was ordained of God. It would
be easy to follow the same truth onward to the power of
Grecia, in Alexander and his successors, and to Rome, as
indeed it was Nero who was emperor when this letter was
written to the Christians at Rome, in which is this declara-
tion that " the powers that be are ordained of God."
Was then the powrer exercised by Nebuchadnezzar and
his successors unto Nero — was this power bestowed upon
any of these directly, or in a miraculous way ?
Did God send a prophet or a priest to anoint any of
these rulers to be king or emperor ? or did he send a heav-
enly messenger, as he did to Moses and to Gideon? —
Neither. Nebuchadnezzar was king because he was the son
of his father, who had been king. How then did his father
become king? In 625 B. c., Babylonia was but one province
of the empire of Assyria ; Media was another. Both re-
volted, and at the same time. The king of Assyria gave
Nabopolassar command of a large force, and sent him to
Babylonia to quell the revolt, while he himself led other
forces into Media, to put down the insurrection there.
Nabopolassar did his work so well in Babylonia that the
king of Assyria rewarded him with the command of that
province, with the title of king of Babylon.
Thus Nabopolassar received his power from the king of
Assyria. The king of Assyria received his from his father,
Asshur-bani-pal ; Asshur-bani-pal received his from his
father, Esar-haddon ; Esar-haddon received his from his
father, Sennacherib ; Sennacherib received his from his
father, Sargon ; and Sargon received his from the troops in
the field, that is. from the people ; for the army of Assyria
THE AMERICAN DOCTRINE IS SCRIPTURAL. 671
was not a standing army, as those of modern nations are,
but it was the male portion of the nation itself, at war. Thus
it was, and thus only, that the power of Nebuchadnezzar and
his son and his sou's son, was ordained of God. It was
simply providential, and was brought about and worked out
as is anything and everything else in the realm of the provi-
dence of God. It was so, likewise, with all the others. And
it has always been so in every case, in every government,
that ever was on earth, except only in the nation of Israel.
Yet more than this, except in the nation of Israel, it is
not, and never has been, personal sovereigns in themselves
that have been referred to in the statement that " the powers
that be are ordained of God." It is not the persons that be
in power, but the powers that be in the person, that are
ordained of God. The inquiry of Rom. xiii, 3, is not,
Wilt thou then not be afraid of the person ? But it is,
' ' "Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? " It is not
the person, therefore, but the power that is represented in
the person, that is under consideration here. And that
person derives his power from the people, as is clearly proved
by the scriptural examples and references given.
And this is the American doctrine, — the doctrine of the
Declaration of Independence. In the discussions which
brought forth the Declaration and developed the Revolution,
the doctrine found expression in the following forceful and
eloquent words : " Government is founded not on force, as
was the theory of Hobbes ; nor on compact, as was the
theory of Locke and of the revolution of 1688 ; nor on
property, as was asserted by Harrington. It springs from
the necessities of our nature, and has an everlasting founda-
tion in the unchangeable will of God. Man came into the
world and into society at the same instant. There must
exist in every earthly society a supreme sovereign, from
whose final decision there can be no appeal but directly to
heaven. This supreme power is originally and ultimately in
the people ; and the people never did in fact freely, nor can
672 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
rightfully, make an unlimited renunciation of this divine
right. Kingcraft and priestcraft are a trick to gull the
vulgar. The happiness of mankind demands that this grand
and ancient alliance should be broken off forever.
"The omniscient and omnipotent Monarch of the uni-
verse has, by the grand charter given to the human race,
placed the end of government in the good of the whole.
The form of government is left to the individuals of each
society ; its whole superstructure and administration should
be conformed to the law of universal reason. There can be
no prescription old enough to supersede the law of nature
and the grant of God Almighty, who has given all men a
right to be free. If every prince since Nimrod had been a
tyrant, it would not prove a right to tyrannize. The admin-
istrators of legislative and executive authority, when they
verge toward tyranny, are to be resisted ; if they prove, in-
corrigible, are to be deposed.
" The first principle and great end of government being
to provide for the best good of all the people, this can be
done only by a supreme legislative and executive, ultimately
in the people, or whole community, where God has placed
it ; but the difficulties attending a universal congress, gave
rise to a right of representation. Such a transfer of the
power of the whole to a few was necessary ; but to bring the
powers of all into the hands of one or some few, and to make
them hereditary, is the interested work of the weak and the
wicked. Nothing but life and liberty are actually heredi-
tablc. The grand political problem is to invent the best
combination of the powers of legislation and execution!'
They must exist in the State, just as in the revolution of the
planets ; one power would fix them to a center, and another
carry them off indefinitely ; but the first and simple prin-
ciple is, EQUALITY and THE POWER OF THE WHOLE. . . .
"The British colonists do not hold their liberties or their
lands by so slippery a tenure as the will of the prince.
Colonists are men, the common children of the same Crea-
THE DECLARATION ASSERTS THE TRUTH. 673
tor with their brethren of Great Britain. The colonists are
men : the colonists are therefore freeborn ; for, by the law
of nature, all men are freeborn, white or black. ' No good
reason can be given for enslaving those of any color. Is it
right to enslave a man because his color is black, or his hair
short and curled like wool, instead of Christian hair ? Can
any logical inference in favor of slavery be drawn from a
flat nose or a long or short face? The riches of the West
Indies, or the luxury of the metropolis, should not have
weight to break the balance of truth and justice. Liberty is
the gift of God, and cannot be annihilated.
' ' Nor do the political and civil rights of the British colo-
nists rest on a charter from the crown. Old Magna Charta
was not the beginning of all things, nor did it rise on the
borders of chaos out of the unformed mass. A time may
come when Parliament shall declare every American charter
void ; but the natural, inherent, and inseparable rights of
the colonists, as men and as citizens, can never be
abolished. . . . The world is at the eve of the highest
scene of earthly power and grandeur that has ever yet been
displayed to the view of mankind. Who will win the prize,
is with God. But human nature must and will be rescued
from the general slavery that has so long triumphed over
the species." —James Otis.3
Thus spoke an American "for his country and for the
race," bringing to "the conscious intelligence of the people
the elemental principles of free government and human
rights." Outside of the theocracy of Israel, there never
has been a ruler or an executive on earth whose authority
was not, primarily or ultimately, expressly or permissively,
derived from the people.
It is not particular sovereigns whose power is ordained of
God, nor any particular form of government. It is the
geniiis of government itself. The absence of government is
3 Quoted iii Bancroft's " History of the United States," Vol. iii, chap. Til,
par. 14-21.
674 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
anarchy. Anarchy is only governmental confusion. But
says the scripture, ''God is not the author of confusion."
God is the4 God of order. He has ordained order, and he
has put within man himself that idea of government, of
self-protection, which is the first law of nature, and which
organizes itself into forms of one kind or another, wherever
men dwell on the face of the earth. And it is for men
themselves to say what shall be the form of government
under which they will dwell. One people has one form ;
another has another. This genius of civil order springs
from God ; it matters not whether it be exercised through
one form of government or through another, the govern-
mental power and order thus exercised is ordained of God.
If the people choose to change their form of government, it
is still the same power ; it is to be respected still, because in
its legitimate exercise, it is still ordained of God.
It is demonstrated, therefore, that where the Declaration
of Independence says that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the governed, it asserts THE
ETERNAL TRUTH OF GoD.
The second grand idea of the American Revolution —
that government is of right entirely separate from religion
— is the logical sequence of the first.
RELIGION is defined as "the recognition of God as an
object of worship, love, and obedience." And again, as
"man's personal relation of faith and obedience to God."
And the first governmental definition of the word in the
United States, declared that "-religion" is "the duty which
we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it."
Now governments deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed, can never of right exercise any
power not delegated by the governed. But religion pertain-
ing solely to man's relation to God, and the duty which he
owes to his Creator, in the nature of things can never be
delegated. It is utterly impossible for any person ever, in
any degree, to transfer to another any relationship to God
GOVERNMENT AND RELIGION RIGHTLY 8EPARA TE. 675
or any duty which he owes to his Creator. To attempt to
do so would be to deny God and renounce religion, and
even then the thing would not be done — his relationship
to God would still abide as firmly as ever.
Logically and rightfully, therefore, the government of
the United States disavows any jurisdiction or power in
things religious. Religion is not, and never can rightly be
made, in any sense a requisite to the governmental authority
of the United States, because the supreme law declares
that-
" No religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office
or public trust under the United States."4
The government cannot rightly legislate in any sense
upon matters of religion, because the supreme law says
that-
" Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or
prohibiting the free exercise thereof."5
By this clause, Congress is forbidden to make any law
looking toward any establishment of a national religion, or
approving or disapproving any religion already established
in any State — as several of the States had established re-
ligions when this amendment was adopted. By it likewise
Congress is forbidden to make any law prohibiting the free
exercise of religion by any individual in all the land. That
is to say that Congress is forbidden to make any law bear-
ing in any way whatever on the subject of religion ; for it
is impossible to make a law on the subject of religion with-
out interfering with the free exercise of religion. No law
can ever be made even in favor of any religion without
prohibiting the free exercise of that religion. No man can
ever sanction legislation in favor of the religion in which he
believes without robbing himself of the free exercise of that
religion. Congress, therefore, is absolutely forbidden ever
4 Constitution, Article vi. 6Id., First Amendment.
51
676 TEE NEW REPUBLIC.
to make any law on the subject of religion in any way
whatever.
Consistently with all this, and as the crown of all, relig-
ion is not in any sense a requisite to the citizenship of the
United States, for again the supreme law declares : —
"The government of the United States is not in any sense founded
on the Christian religion."6
Thus logically by the Declaration and explicitly by the
Constitution, the government of the United States is com-
pletely separated from religion. And such is the second
grand idea of the American Revolution.
And it is also the scriptural idea, the idea of Jesus Christ,
and of God. Let this be demonstrated, and it will be
proved that the American system of government is complete
and the idea perfect. And demonstrated it can easily be.
To the definition that religion is the recognition of God,
as an object of worship, love, and obedience, the scripture
responds: "It is written, as I live, saith the Lord, every
knee shall bow to me, and every tongue shall confess to
God. So then every one of us shall give account of himself
to God." Eom. xiv, 11, 12.
And, to the statement that religion is man's personal rela-
tion of faith and obedience to God, the scripture responds :
"Hast thou faith ? Have it to thyself before God." Rom.
xiv, 22. "For we must all appear before the judgment-
seat of Christ ; that every one may receive the things done
in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be
good or bad." 2 Cor. v, 10.
No government can ever account to God for any individ-
ual. No man nor any set of men can ever have faith for
another. No government will ever stand before the judg-
ment-seat of Christ to answer even for itself ; much less for
the people or for any individual. Therefore, no government
can ever of right assume any responsibility in any way in
any matter of religion.
""Treaty with Tripoli," Article ii.
GOVERNMENTAL AUTHORITY NOT RELIGIOUS. 6T7
As to religion and government, Christ commanded,
"Render to Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and to
God the things that are God's." To Caesar — to govern-
ment— there is to be rendered only that which is Caesar's ;
while that which is God's is to be rendered to God alone.
Men are not to render to Caesar that which is God's, nor are
they to render to God l>y Caesar that which is God's. That
which is Caesar's is to be rendered to him alone. That which
is God's is to be rendered to him alone. Now, as religion
pertains to man's relations to God, it is to be rendered to
God alone. It does not pertain to government ; it never
can be rendered to government. Christ has forbidden that
it should be so rendered. Therefore, the word of Jesus
Christ does distinctly and decidedly separate religion from
earthly government. Nor is this the only passage of
Scripture on this subject. It is the doctrine of the Book.
In the former part of this chapter, we have shown by the
Scriptures that earthly governments — the powers that be —
are ordained of God. By the scriptures cited, we have seen
that the power of Babylonia, as represented by Nebuchad-
nezzar, and the power of Media and Persia, as represented
by Darius and Cyrus, was distinctly declared to be ordained
of God. Now it is important to inquire, Unto what was
this power ordained? Was there any limit set to it? In
short, Was this power which was ordained of God, ordained
to be exercised in things pertaining to God, that is, in
matters of religion ? These questions are clearly answered
in the Scriptures.
In the third chapter of Daniel we have the record that
Nebuchadnezzar made a great image of gold, set it up in
the plain of Dura, and gathered together the princes, the
governors, the captains, the judges, the treasurers, the coun-
selors, the sheriffs, and all the rulers of the provinces, to
the dedication of the image ; and they stood before the
image that had been set up. Then a herald from the king
cried aloud : "To you it is commanded, O people, nations,
and languages, that at what time ye hear the sound of the
678 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
cornet, flute, . harp, sackbut, psaltery, dulcimer, and all
kinds of music, ye fall down and worship the golden image
that Nebuchadnezzar the king hath set up ; and whoso
falleth not down and worshipeth shall the same hour be cast
into the midst of a burning fiery furnace."
In obedience to this command, all the people bowed
down and worshiped before the image, except three Jews,
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego. This disobedience
was reported to Nebuchadnezzar, who commanded them to be
brought before him, when he asked them if they had dis-
obeyed his order intentionally. He himself then repeated
his command to them.
These men knew that they had been made subject to the
king of Babylon by the Lord himself. It had not only been
prophesied by Isaiah (chap, xxxix), but also by Jeremiah.
At the final siege of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, the Lord,
through Jeremiah, told the people to submit to the king of
Babylon, arid that whosoever would do it, it should be well
with them ; whosoever would not do it, it should be ill with
them. Yet these men, knowing all this, made answer to
Nebuchadnezzar thus: "O Nebuchadnezzar, we are not
careful to answer thee in this matter. If it be so, our God
whom we serve is able to deliver us from the burning fiery
furnace, and he will deliver us out of thy hand, O king.
But if not, be it known unto thee, O king, that we will not
serve thy gods, nor worship the golden image which thou
hast set up."
Then the three men were cast into the fiery furnace,
heated seven times hotter than it was wont to be heated ;
but suddenly Nebuchadnezzar rose up in haste and astonish-
ment, and said to his counselors, "Did we not cast three
men l>ound into the midst of the fire ? " They answered,
"True, O king." But he exclaimed, " Lo, I see four men
loose, walking in the midst of the fire, and they have no
hurt ; and the form of the fourth is like the Son of God."
The men were called forth. "Then Nebuchadnezzar spake
DANIEL AND THE GOVERNMENT. 679
and said, Blessed be the God of Shadracli, JVIeshach, and
Abed-nego, who hath sent his angel and delivered his serv-
ants that trusted in him, and have changed the king's word,
and yielded their bodies, that they might not serve nor
worship any god, except their own God."
Here stand the following facts : First,. God gave power
to the kingdom of Babylon ; second, he suffered his people
to be subjected as captives to that power ; third, by a
wonderful miracle he defended his people from a certain
exercise of that power. Did God contradict or oppose
himself? — Far from it. What, then, do these facts show? —
They show conclusively that this was an undue exercise
of the power which God had given. By this it is demon-
strated that the power of the kingdom of Babylon, al-
though ordained of God, was not ordained unto any such
purpose as that for which it was exercised ; that though
ordained of God, it was not ordained to be exercised in
things pertaining to God, or men's rights of religion ;
and it was written for the instruction of future ages, and
for our admonition upon whom the ends of the world are
come.
Another example : Darius, king of Media and Persia,
made Daniel prime minister of his dominion. But a num-
ber of the presidents and princes, envious of the position
given to Daniel, attempted to undermine and displace him.
After earnest efforts to find occasion against him in matters
pertaining to the kingdom, they were forced to confess that
there was neither error nor fault anywhere in his conduct.
Then said these men, "We shall not find any 'occasion
against this Daniel, except we find it against him concern-
ing the law of his God." They therefore assembled to-
gether to the king, and told him that all the presidents of
the kingdom, and the governors, and the princes, and the
captains, had consulted together to establish a royal statute,
and to make a decree that whoever should ask a petition of
any god or man, except the king, for thirty days, should be
680 THE NEW REPUBLIC1.
cast into the den of lions. Darius, not suspecting their ob-
ject, signed the decree.
Daniel knew that the decree had been made, and signed
by the king. It was hardly possible for him not to know
it, being prime minister. Yet notwithstanding his knowl-
edge of the affair, he went into his chamber, and his
windows being- open toward Jerusalem, he kneeled upon
his knees three times a day, and prayed and gave thanks
before God, as he did aforetime. He did not even close
the windows. He simply paid no attention at all to the
decree that had been made, although it forbade his do-
ing as he did, under the penalty of being thrown to the
lions.
As was to be expected, the men who had secured the
passage of the decree, "found" him praying and making
supplications before his God. They went at once to the
king, and asked him if he had not signed a decree that
every man who should ask a petition of any god or man
within thirty days, except of the king, should be cast into
the den of lions. The king replied that this was true, and
that, according to the law of the Medes and Persians, it
could not be altered. Then they told him that Daniel did
not regard the king, nor the decree that he had signed, but
made his petition three times a day.
The king realized in a moment that he had been entrapped ;
but there was no remedy. Those who were pushing the
matter, held before him the law, and said, " Know, O king,
that the law of the JViedes and Persians is, That no decree
or statute which the king established! may be changed."
Nothing could be done ; the decree, being law, must be en-
forced. Daniel was cast to the lions. In the morning the
king came to the den and called to Daniel, and Daniel re-
plied, " O king, live forever ; my God hath sent his angel,
and hath shut the lion's mouths, that they have not hurt me ;
forasmuch as before him innocency was found in mej and
also before thee, O king, I have done no hurt."
If IS INTENTIONALLY SO. 681
Thus again God lias shown that although the powers
that be are ordained of God, they are not ordained to act in
things that pertain to men's relationship to God. God de-
clares the man innocent, who disregards or violates the law
that interferes with man's relationship to God, or that pre-
sumes to dictate in matters of religion.
These cases show plainly that, according to the mind of
God, religion and earthly government are to be entirely
separated. It follows, therefore, that the Constitution of
the United States is in harmony with the will of God as ex-
pressed in the Scriptures of truth, upon the subject of relig-
ion and the State.
Yet, for reasons which will appear later, there is now an
attempt to make it appear that this was the result of forget-
fulness, if not rather hostility to the Christian religion. But
nothing could be farther from the truth than both of these
suggestions. So far from its having been the result of for-
getfulness, it was by direct design : and so far frorfi its hav-
ing resulted from hostility to Christianity, it was out of
respect for it and for the rights of men which that religion
inculcates.
It is impossible for it to have been in any way a matter
of forgetfulness, because the Constitution speaks expressly
upon the subject. Yet, though the Constitution had been
wholly silent on the question, the fact could not be justly
attributed to forgetfulness or carelessness ; because the work
of the Convention was not the adoption of the Constitution.
After the Convention had finished its labors, that which they
had done was submitted for approval to the thirteen States,
every one of which was most vigilantly wakeful to detect
every possible defect in it ; and as we shall presently see,
this point was discussed by the States when the proposed
Constitution came before them for approval.
And that the Constitution was made as it is, in this mat-
ter, entirely out of respect to religion and to Christianity in
particular, is susceptible of the strongest proof. In fact,
682 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
Christian churches were the chief factors in the movement.
We have already shown that the Constitution is the comple-
ment of the Declaration of Independence ; and that this
phase of the Constitution is but the logical sequence of
the Declaration. Nor is this all ; it is the direct fruit
of the Declaration. The history of this matter is worth
reviving.
June 12, 1776, a convention of the Colonial House of
Burgesses of Virginia, adopted a Declaration of Rights, com-
posed of sixteen sections, every one of which, in substance,
afterward found a place in the Declaration of Independence
and the national Constitution. The sixteenth section reads
as follows : -
" That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the
manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction,
not by force or violence, and therefore all men are equally entitled to
the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience ;
and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance,
love, and charity toward each other."7
This was followed, July 4. by the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, written by Thomas Jefferson of Virginia. The
Declaration of Independence had no sooner been published
abroad, than the Presbytery of Hanover in Virginia, at its
very first meeting, openly took its stand in the recognition
of the new and independent nation, and addressed to the
Virginia House of Assembly the following memorial : —
"To the Honorable, the General Assembly of Virginia : The memo-
rial of the Presbytery of Hanover humbly represents : That your memo-
rialists are governed by the same sentiments which have inspired the
United States of America, and are determined that nothing in our power
and influence shall be wanting to give success to their common cause.
We would also represent that dissenters from the Church of England in
this countiy have ever been desirous to conduct themselves as peaceable
members of the civil government, for which reason they have hitherto sub-
mitted to various ecclesiastic burdens and restrictions that are inconsis-
tent with equal liberty. But now when the many and grievous oppressions
7 " Charters and Constitutions," Virginia.
THE PRESBYTERY OF IIANOVER. Q83
of our mother country have laid this continent under the necessity of
casting off the yoke of tyranny, and of forming independent govern-
ments upon equitable and liberal foundations, we flatter ourselves that we
thall be freed from all the incumbrauces which a spirit of domination,
prejudice, or bigotry has interwoven with most other political systems.
This we are the more strongly encouraged to expect by the Declaration of
Rights, so universally applauded for that dignity, firmness, and precision
with which it delineates and asserts the privileges of society, and the
prerogatives of human nature ; and which we embrace as the Magna
Charta of our commonwealth, that can never be violated without en-
dangering the grand superstructure it was designed to sustain. Therefore,
we rely upon this Declaration, as well as the justice of our honorable legis-
lature, to secure us the free exercise of religion according to the dictates
of our own consciences : and we should fall short in our duty to our-
selves, and the many and numerous congregations under our care, were
we, upon this occasion, to neglect laying before you a statement of the
religious grievances under which we have hitherto labored, that they
may no longer be continued in our present form of government.
"It is well known that in the frontier counties, which are justly
supposed to contain a fifth part of the inhabitants of Virginia, the dis-
senters have borne the heavy burdens of purchasing glebes, building
churches, and supporting the established clergy, where there are very
few Episcopalians, either to assist in bearing the expense, or to reap the
advantage ; and that throughout other parts of the country there are
also many thousands of zealous friends and defenders of our State, who,
besides the invidious and disadvantageous restrictions to which they
have been subjected, annually pay large taxes to support an establish-
ment from which their consciences and principles oblige them to dis-
sent ; all which are confessedly so many violations of their natural
rights, and, in their consequences, a restraint upon freedom of inquiry
and private judgment.
" In this enlightened age, and in a land where all of every denomi-
nation are united in the most strenuous efforts to be free, we hope and
expect that our representatives will cheerfully concur in removing every
species of religious as well as civil bondage. Certain it is, that every
argument for civil liberty gains additional strength when applied to lib-
erty in the concerns of religion ; and there is no argument in favor of
establishing the Christian religion but may be pleaded, with equal pro-
priety, for establishing the tenets of Mohammed by those who believe
the Alcoran ; or, if this be not true, it is at least impossible for the magis-
trate to adjudge the right of preference among the various sects that
profess the Christian faith, without erecting a claim to infallibility,
which would lead us back to the Church of Rome.
684 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
"We beg leave farther to represent, that religious establishments
are highly injurious to the temporal interests of any community. With-
out insisting upon the ambition and the arbitrary practices of those who
are favored by government, or the intriguing, seditious spirit which is
commonly excited by this, as well as by every other kind of oppression,
such establishments greatly retard population, and, consequently, the
progress of arts, sciences, and manufactures. Witness the rapid growth
and improvement of the Northern provinces compared with this. No
one can deny that the more early settlements and the many superior ad-
vantages of our country, would have invited multitudes of artificers, me-
chanics, and other ^useful members of society, to fix their habitation
among us, who have either remained in their place of nativity, or pre-
ferred worse civil governments, and a more barren soil, where they might
enjoy the rights of conscience more fully than they had a prospect of do-
ing in this ; from which we infer that Virginia might have now been
the capital of America, and a match for the British arms, without de-
pending on others for the necessaries of war, had it not been prevented
by her religious establishment.
" Neither can it be made to appear that the gospel needs any such
civil aid. We rather conceive that, when our blessed Saviour declares
his kingdom is not of this world, he renounces all dependence upon
State power ; and as his weapons are spiritual, and were only designed to
have influence on the judgment and heart of men, we are persuaded that
if mankind were left in quiet possession of their inalienable religious
privileges, Christianity, as in the days of the apostles, would continue
to prevail and flourish in the greatest purity by its own native excellence,
and under the all-disposing providence of God.
"We would also humbly represent, that the only proper objects of
civil government are the happiness and protection of men in the present
state of existence, the security of the life, liberty, and property of the
citizens, and to restrain the vicious and encourage the virtuous by
wholesome laws, equally extending to every individual ; but that the
duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it,
can only be directed by reason and conviction, and is nowhere cogniz-
able but at the tribunal of the universal Judge.
"Therefore we ask no ecclesiastical establishments for ourselves;
neither can we approve of them when granted to others. This, indeed,
would be giving exclusive or separate emoluments or privileges to one
set of men, without any special public services, to the common reproach
and injury of every other denomination. And for the reason recited,
we are induced earnestly to entreat that all laws now in force in this
commonwealth, which countenance religious domination, may be
speedily repealed ; that all of every religious sect may be protected in
THEIR SECOND MEMORIAL. 685
the full exercise of their several modes of worship ; exempted from all
taxes for the support of any church whatsoever, farther than what may
be agreeable to their own private choice or voluntary obligation. This
being done, all partial and invidious distinction will be abolished, to the
great honor and interest of the State, and every one be left to stand or
fall according to his merit, which can never be the case so long as any
one denomination is established in preference to the others.
"That the great Sovereign of the universe may inspire you with
unanimity, wisdom, and resolution, and bring you to a just determina-
tion on all the important concerns before you, is the fervent prayer of
your memorialists."8
The Presbytery of Hanover was immediately joined in
the good work by the Baptists and the Quakers, who sent
up petitions to the same purpose. The Episcopalian was
the established church of Virginia, and had been ever since
the planting of the colony. The Episcopalians and the
Methodists sent up counter-memorials, pleading for a con-
tinuance of the system of established religion. Two mem-
bers of the assembly, Messrs. Pendleton and Nicolas, cham-
pioned the establishment, and Jefferson, as ever, espoused
the cause of liberty and right. After nearly two months of
what Jefferson pronounced the severest contest in which he
was ever engaged, the cause of freedom prevailed, and
December 6, 1776, the Assembly passed a law repealing all
the colonial laws and penalties prejudicial to dissenters,
releasing them from any further compulsory contributions
to the Episcopal Church, and discontinuing the State sup-
port of the Episcopal clergy after January 1, 1777.
A motion was then made to levy a general tax for the
support of all denominations, but it was postponed till a
future Assembly. To the next Assembly petitions were
sent strongly pleading for the general assessment. But the
Presbytery of Hanover, still strongly supported by the Bap-
tists and the Quakers, was again on hand with a memorial,
in which it referred to the points previously presented, and
then proceeded as follows : —
8Balrd's "Religion in America," book iii, chap, iii, par. 9-16.
686 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
" We would also humbly represent, that the only proper objects of
civil government are the happiness and protection of men in the present
state of existence, the security of the life, liberty, and property of the
citizens, and to restrain the vicious and to encourage the virtuous by
wholesome laws, equally extending to every individual ; but that the
duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it,
can only be directed by reason and conviction, and is nowhere cogniz-
able but at the tribunal of the universal Judge.
"To illustrate and confirm these assertions, we beg leave to observe,
that to judge for ourselves, and to engage in the exercise of religion
agreeably to the dictates of our own consciences, is an inalienable right,
which, upon the principles on which the gospel was first propagated,
and the Reformation from popery carried on, can never be transferred
to another. Neither does the church of Christ stand in need of a gen-
eral assessment for. its support ; and most certain we are that it would
be of no advantage, but an injury to the society to which we belong ; and
as every good Christian believes that Christ has ordained a complete
system of laws for the government of his kingdom, so we are persuaded
that by his providence he will support it to its final consummation. In
the fixed belief of this principle, that the kingdom of Christ and the
concerns of religion are beyond the limits of civil control, we should act
a dishonest, inconsistent part, were we to receive any emoluments from
human establishments for the support of the gospel.
"These things being considered, we hope that we shall be excused
for remonstrating against a general assessment for any religious purpose.
As the maxims have long been approved, that every servant is to obey
his master, and that the hireling is accountable for his conduct to him
from whom he receives his wages ; in like manner, if the legislature has
any rightful authority over the ministers of the gospel in the exercise of
their sacred ofiice, and if it is their duty to levy a maintenance for them
as such, then it will follow that they may revive the old establishment
in its former extent, or ordain a new one for any sect they may think
proper ; they are invested with a power not only to determine, but it is
incumbent on them to declare who shall preach, what they shall preach,
to whom, when, and in what places they shall preach ; or to impose any
regulations and restrictions upon religious societies that they may judge
expedient. These consequences are so plain as not to be denied, and
they are so entirely subversive of religious liberty, that if they should
take place in Virginia, we should be reduced to the melancholy neces-
sity of saying with the apostles in like cases, ' Judge ye whether it is best
to obey God or men,' and also of acting as they acted.
" Therefore, as it is contrary to our principles and interest, and, as
we think, subversive of religious liberty, we do again most earnestly
MADISON'S MEMORIAL AND REMONSTRANCE. 687
entreat that our legislature would never extend any assessment for
religious purposes to us or to the congregations under our care."9
In 1779 they defeated the bill, which had been ordered
to a third reading. But in the first Assembly after the war
was over, in 1784, it was brought up again, this time with
Patrick Henry as its leading advocate. It was entitled ' ' A
Bill Establishing a Provision for Teachers of the Christian
Religion." James Madison stood with Jefferson. As the
bill was about to pass, they succeeded in carrying a motion
to postpone it till the next session, but in the meantime, to
have it printed and generally circulated. As soon as this
had been accomplished, Madison wrote, also for general cir-
culation and signature, a Memorial and Remonstrance, to be
presented to the next Assembly, in opposition to the bill.
This document reads as follows : —
"We, the subscribers, citizens of the said commonwealth, having
taken into serious consideration a bill printed by order of the last session
of General Assembly, entitled, 'A Bill Establishing a Provision for
Teachers of the Christian Eeligion,' and conceiving that the same, if
finally armed with the sanctions of a law, will be a dangerous abuse of
power, are bound as faithful members of a free State to remonstrate
against it, and to declare the reasons by which we are determined. We
remonstrate against the said bill —
"1. Because we hold it for a fundamental and undeniable truth
' that religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner
of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by
force or violence.' The religion, then, of every man must be left to the
conviction and conscience of every man ; and it is the right of every
man to exercise it as these may dictate. This right is in its nature an
unalienable right. It is unalienable, because the opinions of men, depend-
ing only on the evidence contemplated in their own minds, cannot fol-
low the dictates of other men. It is unalienable, also, because what is
here a right towards men is a duty towards the Creator. It is the duty
of every man to render to the Creator such hpmage, and such only, as he
believes to be acceptable to him. This duty is precedent, both in order
of time and in degree of obligation, to the claims of civil society. Be-
fore any man can be considered as a member of civil society, he must be
considered as a subject of the Governor of the universe : and if a mem-
ber of civil society who enters into any subordinate association must
9 Id., par. 21-23,
688 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
always do it with a reservation of his duty to the general authority, much
more must every man who becomes a member of any particular civil so-
ciety do it with a saving of his allegiance to the universal Sovereign.
We maintain, therefore, that in matters of religion no man's right is
abridged by the institution of civil society, and that religion is wholly
exempt from its cognizance. True it is, that no other rule exists by which
any question which may divide a society can be ultimately determined
than the will of the majority; but it is also true that the majority may
trespass upon the rights of the minority.
" 2. Because, if religion be exempt from the authority of the society
at large, still less can it be subject to that of the legislative body. The
latter are but the creatures and vicegerents of the former. Their juris-
diction is both derivative and limited. It is limited with regard to the
co-ordinate departments : more necessarily is it limited with regard to
the constituents The preservation of a free government requires not
merely that the metes and bounds which separate each department of
power be invariably maintained, but more especially that neither of them
be suffered to overleap the great barrier which defends the rights of the
people. The rulers who are guilty of such an encroachment exceed the
commission from which they derive their authority, and are tyrants.
The people who submit to it are governed by laws made neither by
themselves nor by any authority derived from them, and are slaves.
" 3. Because it is proper to take alarm at the first experiment upon
our liberties. We hold this prudent jealousy to be the first duty of
citizens, and one of the noblest characteristics of the late Revolution.
The freemen of America did not wait till usurped power had strength-
ened itself by exercise, and entangled the question in precedents. They
saw all the consequences in the principle, and they avoided the con-
sequences by denying the principle. We revere this lesson too much,
soon to forget it. Who does not see that the same authority which can
establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other religions, may establish,
with the same ease, any particular sect of Christians, in exclusion of all
other sects ? that the same authority which can force a citizen to con-
tribute three pence only, of his property, for the support of any one estab-
lishment, may force him to conform to any other establishment in all
cases whatsoever ?
" 4. Because the bill violates that equality which ought to be the
basis of every law, and which is more indispensable in proportion as the
validity or expediency of any law is more liable to be impeached. ' If
all men are by nature equally free and independent,' all men are to be
considered as entering into society on equal conditions : as relinquishing
no more, and therefore, retaining no less, one than another, of their
natural rights. Above all, are they to be considered as retaining an
'equal title to the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of
CHRISTIANITY DOES NOT NEED IT. 689
conscience.' Whilst we assert for ourselves a freedom to embrace, to
profess, and to observe, the religion which we believe to be of divine
origin, we cannot deny an equal freedom to them whose minds have not
yet yielded to the evidence which has convinced us. If this freedom be
abused, it is an offense against God, not against man. To God, there-
fore, not to man, must an account of it be rendered. As the bill vio-
lates equality by subjecting some to peculiar burdens, so it violates the
same principle by granting to others peculiar exemptions. Are the
Quakers and Menonists the only sects who think a compulsive support
of their religions unnecessary and unwarrantable ? Can their piety
alone be intrusted with the care of public worship ? Ought their relig-
ions to be endowed above all others with extraordinary privileges by
which proselytes may be enticed from all others ? We think too favor-
ably of the justice and good sense of these denominations to believe that
they either covet pre-eminences over their fellow-citizens, or that they
will be seduced by them from the common opposition to the measure.
"5. Because the bill implies either that the civil magistrate is a
competent judge of religious truths, or that he may employ religion
as an engine of civil policy. The first is an arrogant pretension, fal-
sified by the contradictory opinions of rulers in all ages and through-
out the world ; the second, an unhallowed perversion of the means of
salvation.
"6. Because the establishment proposed by the bill is not requisite
for the support of the Christian religion. To say that it is, is a contra-
diction to the Christian, religion itself, for every page of it disavows a
dependence on the powers of this world. It is a contradiction to
fact ; for it is known that this religion both existed and flourished, not
only without the support of human laws, but in spite of every opposi-
tion from them ; and not only during the period of miraculous aid, but
long after it had been left to its own evidence and the ordinary care of
providence. Nay, it is a contradiction in terms ; for a religion not in-
vented by human policy must have pre-existed and been supported
before it was established by human policy. It is, moreover, to weaken
in those who profess this religion a pious confidence in its innate
excellence and the patronage of its Author ; and to foster in those who
still reject it a suspicion that its friends are too conscious of its fallacies
to trust it to its own merits.
"7. Because experience witnesseth that ecclesiastical establishments,
instead of maintaining the purity and efficacy of religion, have had a
contrary operation. During almost fifteen centuries has the legal estab-
lishment of Christianity been on trial. What have been its fruits ?
More or less, in all places, pride and indolence in the clergy ; ignorance
and servility in the laity ; in both superstition, bigotry, and persecution.
Inquire of the teachers of Christianity for the ages in which it appeared
690 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
in its greatest luster ; those of every sect point to the ages prior to its
incorporation with civil policy. Propose a restoration of this primitive
state, in which its teachers depended on the voluntary rewards of their
flocks; — many of them predict its downfall. On which side ought
their testimony to have greatest weight ; — when for, or when against,
their interest ?
"8. Because the establishment in question is not necessary for the
support of civil government. If it be urged as necessary for the sup-
port of civil government only as it is a means of supporting religion,
and it be not necessary for the latter purpose, it cannot be necessary for
the former. If religion be not within the cognizance of civil govern-
ment, how can its legal establishment be necessary to civil government ?
What influence, in fact, have ecclesiastical establishments had on civil
society ? In some instances they have been seen to erect a spiritual
tyranny on the ruins of civil authority ; in many instances they have
been seen upholding the thrones of political tyranny ; in no instance have
they been seen the guardians of the liberties of the people. Rulers who
wished to subvert the public liberty may have found in established clergy
convenient auxiliaries. A just government, instituted to secure and per-
petuate it, needs them not. Such a government will be best supported
by protecting every citizen in the enjoyment of his religion with the
same equal hand which protects his person and his property ; by neither
invading the equal right of any sect, nor suffering any sect to invade
those of another.
"Because the proposed establishment is a departure from that generous
policy which, offering an asylum to the persecuted and oppressed of
every nation and religion, promised a luster to our country, and an acces-
sion to the number of its citizens. What a melancholy mark is the bill,
of sudden degeneracy ! Instead of holding forth an asylum to the perse-
cuted, it is itself a signal of persecution. It degrades from the equal
rank of citizens all those whose opinions in religion do not bend to those
of the legislative authority. Distant as it may be in its present form from
the Inquisition, it differs from it only in degree. The one is the first step,
the other is the last, in the career of intolerance. The magnanimous
sufferer of this cruel scourge in foreign regions must view the bill as a
beacon on our coast warning him to seek some other haven, where liberty
and philanthropy, in their due extent, may offer a more certain repose
from his troubles.
" Because it will have a like tendency to banish our citizens. The al-
lurements presented by other situations are every day thinning their
number. To superadd a fresh motive to emigration by revoking the
liberty which they now enjoy, would be the same species of folly which
has dishonored and depopulated flourishing kingdoms.
IT UNDERMINES PUBLIC AUTHORITY. 691
"Because it will destroy that moderation and harmony which the
forbearance of our laws to intermeddle with religion has produced among
its several sects. Torrents of blood have been spilt in the Old World in
consequence of vain attempts of the secular arm to extinguish religious
discord by proscribing all differences in religious opinion. Time has at
length revealed the true remedy. Every relaxation of narrow and
rigorous policy, wherever it has been tried, has been found to assuage
the disease. The American theater has exhibited proofs that equal and
complete liberty, if it does not wholly eradicate it, sufficiently destroys
its malignant influence on the health and prosperity of the State. If
with the salutary effects of this system under our own eyes, we begin to
contract the bounds of religious freedom, we know no name which will
too severely reproach our folly. At least let warning be taken at the
first-fruits of the threatened innovation. The very appearance of the
bill has transformed ' that Christian forbearance, love, and charity,'
which of late mutually prevailed, into animosities and jealousies, which
may not be appeased. What mischiefs may not be dreaded, should this
enemy to the public quiet be armed with the force of law ?
" Because the policy of the bill is adverse to the diffusion of the
light of Christianity. The first wish of those who enjoy this precious gift
ought to be that it may be imparted to the whole race of mankind. Com-
pare the number of those who have as yet received it with the number still
remaining under the dominion of false religions, and how small is the
former ? Does the policy of the bill tend to lessen the disproportion ?
No ; it at once discourages those who are strangers to the light of
revelation from coming into the region of it, and countenances by
example tbe nations who continue in darkness in shutting out those
who might convey it to them. Instead of leveling, as far as possible,
every obstacle to the victorious progress of truth, the bill, with an
ignoble and unchristian timidity, would circumscribe it with a wall of
defense against the encroachments of error.
"Because attempts to enforce, by legal sanctions, acts obnoxious to so
great a proportion of citizens, tend to enervate the laws in general, and
to slacken the bands of society. If it be difficult to execute any law
which is not generally deemed necessary or salutary, what must be the
case where it is deemed invalid and dangerous ? And what may be the
effect of so striking an example of impotency in the government on its
general authority ?
" Because a measure of such singular magnitude and delicacy ought
not to be imposed without the clearest evidence that it is called for by a
majority of citizens ; and no satisfactory method is yet proposed by which
the voice of the majority in this case may be determined, or its influence
secured. 'The people of the respective counties are, indeed, requested
52
C92 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
to signify their opinion respecting the adoption of the bill, to the next
session of the Assembly.' But the representation must be made equal
before the voice either of the representatives or of the counties will be
that of the people. Our hope is, that neither of the former will,
after due consideration, espouse the dangerous principle of the bill.
Should the event disappoint us, it will still leave us in full confidence
that a fair appeal to the latter will reverse the sentence against our
liberties.
"Because, finally, 'The equal right of every citizen to the free exer-
cise of his religion, according to the dictates of conscience,' is held by the
same tenure with all our other rights. If we recur to its origin, it is
equally the gift of nature ; if we weigh its importance, it cannot be less
dear to us ; if we consult the declaration of those rights 'which pertain
to the good people of Virginia as the basis and foundation of govern-
ment/ it is enumerated with equal solemnity, or rather with studied em-
phasis. Either, then, we must say that the will of the legislature is the
only measure of their authority, and that in the plenitude of that authority
they may sweep away all our fundamental rights, or that they are bound
to leave this particular right untouched and sacred. Either we must say
that they may control the freedom of the press, may abolish the trial by
jury, may swallow up the executive and judiciary powers of the State ;
nay, that they may despoil us of our very right of suffrage, and erect
themselves into an independent and hereditary assembly, or we must say
that they have no authority to enact into a law the bill under consid-
eration.
"We, the subscribers, say that the General Assembly of this com-
monwealth have no such authority. And in order that no effort may be
omitted on our part against so dangerous an usurpation, we oppose to it
this remonstrance ; earnestly praying, as we are in duty bound, that the
Supreme Lawgiver of the universe, by illuminating those to whom it is
addressed, may, on the one hand, turn their councils from every act which
would affront his holy prerogative, or violate the trust committed to
them ; and, on the other, guide them into every measure which may be
worthy of his blessing, redound to their own praise, and establish more
firmly the liberties, the prosperity, and the happiness of the common-
wealth." 10
This incomparable remonstrance was so generally signed
that the bill for a general assessment was not only defeated,
but in its place there was passed, December 26, 1785, "An
Act for Establishing Keligions Freedom," written by Thomas
Jefferson, and reading as follows : —
10 Blakely's " American State Papers," pp. 27-38.
VIRGINIA DELIVERED. f,93
" Well aware that Almighty God hath created the mind free ; that
all attempts to influence it by temporal punishments or burdens, or by
civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and mean-
ness, and are a departure from the plan of the holy Author of our relig-
ion, who being Lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate
it by coercions on either, as was in his almighty power to do ; that the
impious presumption of legislators and rulers, civil as well as ecclesias-
tical, who being themselves but fallible and uninspired men, have as-
sumed dominion over the faith of others, setting up their own opinions
and modes of thinking as the only true and infallible, and as such en-
deavoring to impose them on others, hath established and maintained
false religions over the greatest part of the world, and through all time ;
that to compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propaga-
tions of opinions which he disbelieves, is sinful and tyrannical ; that
even the forcing him to support this or that teacher of his own religious
persuasion, is depriving him of the comfortable liberty of giving his
contributions to the particular pastor whose morals he would make his
pattern, and whose powers he feels most persuasive to righteousness,
and is "withdrawing from the ministry those temporal rewards which,
proceeding from an approbation of their personal conduct, are an addi-
tional incitement to earnest and unremitting labors for the instruc-
tion of mankind ; that our civil rights have no dependence on our
religions opinions, more than our opinions in physics or geometry ; that,
therefore, the proscribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence
by laying upon him an incapacity of being called to the offices of trust
and emolument, unless he profess or renounce this or that religious
opinion, is depriving him injuriously of those privileges and advantages
to which, in common with his fellow-citizens, he has a natural right ;
that it tends also to corrupt the principles of that very religion it is
meant to encourage, by bribing, with a monopoly of worldly honors and
emoluments, those who will externally profess and conform to it ; that
though indeed these are criminal who do not withstand such tempta-
tion, yet neither are those innocent who lay the bait in their way ; that
to suffer the civil magistrate to intrude his powers into the field of opin-
ion and to restrain the profession or propagation of principles, on the
supposition of their ill tendency, is a dangerous fallacy, which at once
destroys all religious liberty, because he being of course joidge of that
tendency, will make his opinions the rule of judgment, and approve or
condemn the sentiments of others only as they shall square with or
differ from his own ; that it is time enough for the rightful purposes of
civil government for its officers to interfere when principles break out
into overt actions against peace and good order ; and, finally, that truth
is great, and will prevail if left to herself ; that she is the proper and
094 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
sufficient antagonist to error, and has nothing to fear from the conflict,
unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural weapons, free
argument and debate, errors ceasing to be dangerous when it is per-
mitted freely to contradict them.
" Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly, that no man shall be
compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or minis-
try whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened
in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his relig-
ious opinions or belief ; but that all men shall be free to profess, and by
argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion, and that the
same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities.
"And though we well know that this Assembly, elected by the
people for the ordinary purposes of legislation only, have no power to
restrain the acts of succeeding Assemblies, constituted with the powers
equal to our own, and that therefore to declare this act irrevocable,
would be of no effect in law, yet we are free to declare, and do declare,
that the rights hereby asserted are of the natural rights of mankind, and
that if arfy act shall be hereafter passed to repeal the present or to narrow
its operation, such act will be an infringement of natural right."12
Now during this very time events were shaping and plans
were being laid for the formation of a federal government
for the American Union, to take the place of the helpless
Confederation of States, and it is not too much to say that to
James Madison, more than to any other single individual,
except perhaps George Washington, is due the credit of
bringing it all to a happy issue. And these contests in
Virginia, by which there had been severed the illicit and
corrupting connection between religion and the State, had
awakened the public mind and prepared the way for the
formation of a Constitution which would pledge the nation
to a complete separation from all connection with religion in
any way. Accordingly, the Constitution, as originally pro-
posed by the convention, declared on this point that "no
religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any
office or public trust under the United States." Yet this
was not allowed by the people of the States to be enough.
One of the objections that was urged oftenest and strongest
12/d., pp. 23-26.
RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION.
was that it did not make the freedom of religion secure
enough.
In the Virginia Convention for the ratification of the
Constitution, Madison said : —
"There is not a shadow of right in the general government to inter-
meddle with religion. Its least interference with it would be a most
flagrant usurpation. I can appeal to my uniform conduct on this sub-
ject, that I have warmly supported religious freedom. It is better that
this security should be depended upon from the general legislature,
than from one particular State. A particular State might concur in one
religious project." 1S
In the Massachusetts Convention, there was objection
made to the clause prohibiting a religious test, that " there is
no provision that men in power should have any religion ; a
papist or an infidel is as eligible as Christians." To this a
minister replied, "No conceivable advantage to the whole
will result from a test." Another said, "It would be happy
for the United States if our public men were to be of those
who have a good standing in the church." Again, a minis-
ter replied, "Human tribunals for the consciences of men
are impious encroachments upon the prerogatives of God.
A religious test, as a qualification for office, would have been
a great blemish."14 And Elder Isaac Backus, the Baptist
minister, whose "Church History of New England" we
have quoted in this book, said : —
"Mr. President, I have said very little to this honorable convention ;
but I now beg leave to offer a few thoughts upon some points in the
Constitution proposed to us, and I shall begin with the exclusion of any
religious test. Many appear to be much concerned about it ; but nothing
is more evident, both in reason and the Holy Scriptures, than that relig-
ion is ever a matter between God and individuals ; and, therefore, no man
or men can impose any religious test without invading the essential prerog-
atives of our Lord Jesus Christ. Ministers first assumed this power un-
der the Christian name : and then Constantine approved of the practice
13 Id., p. 44.
14 Bancroft's " History of the Formation of the Constitution," book iv, chap,
iii, par. 17.
696 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
when lie 'adopted the profession of Christianity as an engine of State
policy. And let the history of all nations be searched from that day to
this, and it will appear that the imposing of religious tests has been the
greatest engine of tyranny in the world. And I rejoice to see so many
gentlemen who are now giving in their rights of conscience in this great
and important matter. Some serious minds discover a concern lest if all
religious test should be excluded, the Congress would hereafter establish
popery, or some other tyrannical way of worship. But it is most certain
that no such way of worship can be established without any religious
test."15
New York, Pennsylvania, New Hampshire, Virginia,
and North Carolina, all proposed amendments more fully to
secure religious rights. The first Congress under the Con-
stitution met March 4, 1789, and in September of the same
year the first Amendment was adopted, declaring that
"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment
of religion, or4prohibiting the free exercise thereof." And
in 1797 the treaty with Tripoli was framed by an ex-Con-
gregational clergyman, signed by President Washington,
and approved by the Senate of the United States, declaring
that ''the government of the United States is not, in any
sense, founded on the Christian religion."
This completed the testimony of the supreme law of the
land, expressive of the will of the American people that
the government of the United States is, and of rigid ought to
be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT OF ALL ECCLESIASTICAL OR RELIGIOUS
CONNECTION, INTERFERENCE, OR CONTROL. And the proof 18
abundant and absolutely conclusive, that it was all in-
tentional, and that it was altogether out of respect for
Christianity and the inalienable rights of men.
Much has been said — none too much — of the wisdom
of our fathers who set to the world this glorious example.
Yet in this particular thing it would be an impeachment of
their common sense to suppose they could have done other-
wise. They had before them the history of the world,
pagan, papal, and Protestant, from the cross of Christ to the
Declaration of Independence, and, with the exception of
15Blakely's " American State Papers," p. 45.
THE CHRISTIAN IDEA. 697
the feeble example of toleration in Holland, and of religious
freedom in Rhode Island, all the way it was one uninter-
rupted course of suffering and torture of the innocent ; of op-
pression, riot, bloodshed, and anarchy by the guilty ; and
tall as the result of the alliance of religion and the State.
The simplest process of deduction would teach them that
it could not be altogether an experiment to try the total
separation of the two, for it would be impossible for any
system of government without such a union, to be worse
than all so far had proved with such union.
Our fathers were indeed wise, and it was that sort of wis-
dom that is the most profitable and the rarest — the wisdom
of common sense. From all that was before them they
could see that the State dominating religion and using relig-
ion for State purposes, is the pagan idea of government ;
that religion dominating the State and using the civil power
for religious purposes, is the papal ideapf government ; that
both these ideas had been followed in the history of Protest-
antism ; therefore they decided to steer clear of both, and by
a clear-cut and distinct separation of religion and the State,
establish the government of the United States upon THE
CHRISTIAN IDEA.
Accordingly we can no more fittingly close this chapter
than by quoting the noble tribute paid by the historian of
the United States Constitution, to the principles of that
grandest symbol of human government, and "most wonder-
ful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and pur-
pose of man."
"In the earliest States known to history, government and
religion were one and indivisible. Each State had its
special deity, and often these protectors, one after another,
might be overthrown in battle, never to rise again. The
Peloponnesian War grew out of a strife about an oracle.
Rome, as it sometimes adopted into citizenship those whom
it vanquished, introduced, in like manner, and with good
logic for that day, the worship of their gods.
698 THE NEW REPUBLIC.
"No one thought of vindicating religion for the con-
science of the individual, till a voice in Judea, breaking day
for the greatest epoch in the life of humanity, by establish-
ing a pure, spiritual, and universal religion for all mankirid,
enjoined to render to Caesar only that which is Caesar's. *
The rule was upheld during the infancy of the gospel for all
men. No sooner was this religion adopted by the chief of
the Roman empire, than it was shorn of its character of
universality, and enthralled by an unholy connection with
the unholy State ; and so it continued till the new nation, —
the least defiled with the barren scoffings of the eighteenth
century, the most general believer in Christianity of any
people of that age, the chief heir of the Reformation in its
purest forms, — when it came to establish a government for
the United States, refused to treat faith as a matter to be
regulated by a corporate body, or having a headship in a
monarch or a State. •
"Vindicating the right of individuality even in religion,
and in religion above all, the new nation dared to set the
example of accepting in its relations to God the principle
first divinely ordained of God in Judea. It left the man-
agement of temporal things to the temporal power ; but the
American Constitution, in harmony with the people of the
several States, withheld from the Federal government the
power to invade the home of reason, the citadel of con-
science, the sanctuary of the soul ; and not from indiffer-
ence, but that the infinite Spirit of eternal truth might move
in its freedom and purity and power. "- —Bancroft. u
Thus with "perfect individuality extended to conscience,"
the Constitution of the United States as it is, stands
as the sole monument of all history representing the
principle which Christ established for earthly government.
And under it, in liberty, civil and religious, in enlighten-
ment, and in progress, this nation has deservedly stood as
the beacon light of the world, for more than a hundred years.
16 " History of the Formation of the Constitution," book v, chap, i, par. 10, 11.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
IT would seem that all people in the United States would
be glad of the opportunity to rejoice evermore that by its
supreme law this nation was pledged to religious freedom.
It would seem that everybody ought to be glad of the oppor-
tunity to herald to all the world the fame of a nation under
whose protection all people might dwell wholly unmolested
in the full enjoyment of religious rights and the liberty to
worship or not to worship according to the dictates of their
own consciences.
Such, however, is not the case. As religious bigotry
knows no such thing as enlightenment or progress ; as eccle-
siastical ambition never can be content without the power to
persecute ; so from the beginning, complaint has been made
against the character of the United States Constitution as
it respects religion, and constant effort has been made to
weaken its influence, undermine its authority, and subvert
its precepts.
From the very beginning, this feature of the Constitu-
tion has been denounced as foolish, atheistical, the strictly
national sin, and the cause of epidemics, etc., particularly
by ministers of such religion as had not sufficient power of
truth to support itself, and doctors of a divinity so weak
and sickly that it could not protect itself, much less protect
and bless its worshipers or anybody else.
October 27, 1789, "The First Presbytery Eastward in
Massachusetts and New Hampshire," sent to President
Washington an address in which they complained because
[699J
700 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
there was no "explicit acknowledgment of the only true
God and Jesus Christ whom he has sent, inserted some-
where in the Magna Charta of our country." September
20, 1T93, in a sermon preached in New York City on a fast
day on account of the yellow fever in Philadelphia, and
entitled " Divine Judgments," Dr. John M. Mason magni-
fied the "irreligious " feature of the Constitution as one of
the chief causes of the calamities of which he was speaking.
He solemnly observed that had " such momentous business"
as forming a Constitution, been transacted by Mohamme-
dans, or even the savages, they would have done it "in the
name of God" or "paid some homage to the Great Spirit."
Yes, that is all true enough ; and their god would have
been as cruel and savage as the Mohammedan and other
national gods have always been. But happily for us and all
the rest of the world, the noble men who framed the Con-
stitution were neither Mohammedans nor savages. They
were men enlightened by the principles and precepts of
Christianity, arid by a knowledge of history ; and were en-
dowed with respect for the rights of men.
In 1803 Samuel B. Wylie, D. D., of the University of
Pennsylvania, preached a sermon in which he inquired :
"Did not the framers of this instrument ... in this re-
semble the fool mentioned in Ps. xiv, 1, 3, who said in his
heart, ' There is no God ' 2 " In 1811 Samuel Austin, D. D.,
a New England Congregationalist, afterward president of
the University of Vermont, preached a sermon in Worcester,
Mass., in which he declared that this " capital defect " in the
national Constitution "will issue inevitably in the destruc-
tion" of the nation.
In 1812 President Dwight of Yale College preached a
sermon in me college chapel, in which he lamented the fail-
ure of the Constitution to recognize a God, declaring that
"we commenced our national existence, under the present
system, without God." The next year he recurred to the
same thing, saying that "the grossest nations and individ-
THE CONSTITUTION DENOUNCED.
uals, in their public acts and in their declarations, manifes-
toes, proclamations, etc., always recognize the superinten-
dency of a Supreme Being. Even Napoleon did it." Of
course Napoleon did it. It is such characters as he that are
most likely to do it ; and then, having covered himself with
the hypocritical panoply, to ruin kingdoms, desolate nations,
and violate every precept of morality and every principle of
humanity. Yes, Napoleon did it ; and so did Charlemagne
before him, and Clovis, and Justinian, and Theodosius, and
Constantino, to say nothing of hundreds of the popes.
But the fathers of this republic were not such as any of
these, the noblest pledge of which is the character of the
Constitution as it respects religion, for all of which every
Christian can most reverently thank the God and Father of
our Lord Jesus Christ.
In 1819, on a thanksgiving day appointed by the governor
of Pennsylvania, Dr. Duffield preached a sermon at Carlisle,
in which lie declared the Constitution " entirely atheistical."
Other such testimonies as the foregoing might be given to a
wearisome extent, but with one more these must suffice.1 In
1859 Prof. J. H. Mcllvaine, D. D., of the College of New
Jersey, known also as Princeton College, published an arti-
cle in the Princeton Itevieio for October, in which he really
lamented that "the practical effect" of the Constitution as it
is, with respect to religion, " is the neutrality of the govern-
ment with respect to all religion ; " and seemed much to be
grieved "that no possible governmental influence can be con-
stitutionally exerted for or against any form of religious be-
lief." If only our fathers in forming the national govern-
ment and making the Constitution, had created a national
god and established its worship under penalties of fine,
imprisonment, whipping, branding, banishment, or death,
1 The reader will find these and many others like them in the "Proceed,
ings of the Fifth National Reform Convention," held in Pittsburg, February 4, 5,
1874, issued by the National Reform Association, and sold by the Christian
Statesman Publishing Company, Pittsburg, Pa.
702 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
and had drawn up a national creed so that the question of
orthodoxy, with all its riotous and bloody accompaniments,
could have been the grand issue in every congressional or
presidential election, no doubt all these distressed doctors of
divinity would have been delighted. Fortunately for the
country and for the human race, the noble men who estab-
lished this government had in view the protection and preser-
vation of the inalienable rights of all the people, rather
than the clothing of religious bigots with governmental power
to force upon others their false religious views.
So far, however, all these criticisms and denunciations
had been merely individual. Though they were strongly
seconded by the legislative, judicial, and executive authori-
ties in almost all the States, there was as yet no organized
attack upon the Constitution, or regular war upon its prin-
ciples. But in 1863 such an organization was effected and
such a war was begun. In February of that year, ." A con-
vention for prayer and Christian conference " was held in
Xenia, Ohio, to consider in particular the state of the coun-
try. It was composed of representatives of eleven different
religious denominations from seven States. The convention
met February 3, and on the fourth, Mr. John Alexander, . a
United Presbyterian and covenanter, then of Xenia, later
and now (1891) of Philadelphia, presented for the consider-
ation of the Convention, a paper in which he bewailed the
"human frailty and ingratitude" of the makers of the Con-
stitution, and deplored the national sin of which they and all
their posterity were guilty, because they had "well-nigh legis-
lated God out of the government ; " and closed with the fol-
lowing words : —
"We regard the Emancipation Proclamation of the President and his
recommendation to purge the Constitution of slavery, as among the
most hopeful signs of the times. .
"We regard the neglect of God and his law, by omitting all acknowl-
edgment of them in our Constitution, as the crowning, original sin of the
nation, and slavery as one of its natural outgrowths. Therefore the
most important step remains yet to be taken, — to amend the Constitu-
A RELIGIOUS AMENDMENT PROPOSED. 703
lion so as to acknowledge God and the authority of his law ; and the
object of this paper is to suggest to this convention the propriety of con-
sidering this subject, and of preparing such an amendment to the Consti-
tution as they may think proper to propose in accordance with its
provisions.
" In order to bring the subject more definitely before the convention,
we suggest the following as an outline of what seems to us to be needed
in the preamble of that instrument, making it read as follows (proposed
amendment in brackets) : —
" WE, THE PEOPLE OP THE UNITED STATES, [recognizing the being
and attributes of Almighty God, the Divine Authority of the Holy Script-
ures, the law of God as the paramount rule, and Jesus, the Messiah, the
Saviour and Lord of all,] in order to form a more perfect union, establish
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense,
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our-
selves and to our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for
the United States of America."
The convention approved the spirit and design of the pa-
per, and ordered its publication. The following July 4-, "a
few delegates " met in Pittsburg, issued an address to the
country, and formed a plan for the calling of a National
Convention, which met in Allegheny, January 27, 1864. It
is reported as "an earnest, prayerful, and most encouraging
meeting." It adopted a series of resolutions and a memo-
rial to Congress, which latter is worth quoting, as showing
the rapid growth of their designs upon the national Consti-
tution. It runs as follows :—
" To the Honorable, the Senate and House of Representatives, in Congress
assembled : —
"We, citizens of the United States, respectfully ask your Honorable
bodies to adopt measures for amending the Constitution of the United
States, so as to read in substance as follows: —
" 'We, the people of the United States, [humbly acknowledging Al-
mighty God as the source of- all authority and power in civil government,
the Lord Jesus Christ as the Ruler among the nations, and his revealed will
as the supreme law of the laud, in order to constitute a Christian govern-
ment], and in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure
domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the gen-
eral welfare, [and secure the inalienable rights and the blessings of life.
704 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to ourselves, our posterity, and all
the people,] do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United
States of America,
" 'And further : that such changes with respect to the oath of office,
slavery, and all other matters, should be introduced into the body of the
Constitution, as may be necessary to give effect to these amendments in
the preamble. And we, your humble petitioners, will ever pray,'" etc.
"Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to carry the Me-
morial to Washington, lay it before the President, and endeavor to get a
special message to Congress on the subject, and to lay said Memorial be-
fore Congress."
The Prof. J. H. Me Ilvaine,' D. D., LL. D., before re-
ferred to, was made chairman of this special committee ; and,
as may well be supposed, was a diligent agent in this par-
ticular office, as well as an earnest worker for the bad cause,
till the day of his death.
At this Allegheny meeting a permanent organization was
effected, called "The National Association to Secure the Re-
ligious Amendment of the Constitution of the United
States," with Mr. John Alexander as the first president, and
Zadok Street, a Quaker, as vice-president.2
It is not necessary to trace the particulars of the thing
any farther ; suffice it to say that a national convention has
been held each year since in the principal eastern cities —
Pittsburg, New York, Philadelphia, Washington, and as far
west as Cincinnati. The official organ of the Association is
the Christian Statesman, established in 1867, and published
in Pittsburg, Pa. In the latest official manual of the associ-
ation— 1894 — we find that the president is Hon. Felix R.
Brniiot, of Pittsburg, who has held the office since 1869 ; that
there are one hundred and twenty-five vice-presidents, from
thirty States, the District of Columbia, and Utah, among
whom are eleven bishops, twelve college presidents and three
ex-college presidents, eleven college professors, four ex-gov-
2 In lending his name and influence to this Association, Mr. Street seems to
have forgotten the experiences of his denominational ancestors In New England
under a government with which that which is now proposed by this Association
is identical.
THE NATIONAL REFORM ASSOCIATION. 705
ernors, three editors, — Drinkhouse of the Methodist-Protes-
tant, Baltimore ; Fitzgerald of the Christian Advocate, Nash-
ville;3 and Howard of .the Cumberland Presbyterian, Nash-
ville,— and such a store of Reverends, D. D.'s, LL. D.'s
and Rev. D. D.'s and Rev. D. D. LL. D.'s, that we cannot
take the time or space to designate them ; though it may not
be amiss to mention such well-known names as Joseph Cook
of Boston ; President Seelye of Amherst, Dr. T. L. Cuyler
of Brooklyn, and Herrick Johnson of Chicago. Besides all
these, there is an executive committee of eighteen, and seven
district secretaries. Article II of the constitution of the as-
sociation reads as follows : —
" The object of this society shall be to maintain existing Christian
features in the American government ; to promote needed reforms in the
action of the government touching the Sabbath, the institution of the
family, the religious element in education, the oath, and public moral-
ity as affected by the liquor traffic and other kindred evils ; and to se-
cure such an amendment to the Constitution of the United States as will
declare the nation's allegiance to Jesus Christ, and its acceptance of the
moral laws of the Christian religion, and so indicate that this is a
Christian nation, and place all the Christian laws, institutions, and
usages of our government on an undeniable legal basis in the fundamen-
tal law of the land."
Now it is evident that were these principles adopted as
the legal basis of the government, none but professed Chris-
tians could hold any office or place of trust under the gov-
ernment. And it is just as certainly evident that the conse-
quence would be that every political hack, every demagogue,
every unprincipled politician, in the United States would be-
come a professed Christian ; and every popular religious
body would be joined by a horde of hypocrites. But instead
of trembling at such a prospect, the National Reformers act-
ually rejoice at it. In the National Reform Convention
held at Cincinnati, January 31 to February 1, 1872, "Rev."
3Dr. Fitzgerald -has also been made a bishop of the Methodist Episcopal
Church South. This makes the number of bishop vice-presidents twelve.
706 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
T. P. Stevenson, corresponding secretary of the Association
and editor of the Christian Statesman, delivered an address
in which he said : —
"The acknowledgment, in the terms of the proposed Amendment
or any similar terms, of the revealed will of God as of supreme author-
ity, would make the law I have quoted from the Bible [Ex. xviii, 21],
supreme law in this land, and candidates and constituencies would gov-
ern themselves accordingly. If it be objected that men would become
hypocrites to obtain office, we can only say that the hypocrisy which ab-
stains from blasphemy and licentiousness, and conforms the outward life
to the morality of the Christian religion, is a species of hypocrisy
which we are exceedingly anxious to cultivate, and which all our laws
restraining immorality are adapted and intended to produce."
And in the Christian Statesman, of November 1, 1883,
"Ilev." "W. J. Coleman, one of the principal exponents of
the National Reform religion, replied to some questions that
had been put by a correspondent who signed himself
"Truth Seeker." We copy the following : —
" What effect would the adoption of the Christian Amendment, to-
gether with the proposed changes in the Constitution, have upon those
who deny that God is the Sovereign, Christ the Ruler, and the Bible the
law? This brings up the conscience question at once. . . . The classes
who would object are, as 'Trulh Seeker' has said, Jews, infidels, atheists,
and others. These classes are perfectly satisfied with the Constitution as
it is. How would they stand toward it if it recognized the authority of
our Lord Jesus Christ ? To be perfectly plain, I believe that the exist-
ence of a Christian Constitution would disfranchise every logically con-
sistent infidel."3
Notice, it is only the logically consistent dissenter that
would be disfranchised. By the same token, then, the log-
ically z'^consistent could all be citizens. That is, the man of
honest intention, of firm conviction, and of real principle,
who valued his principles more than he did political prefer-
ment, would be disfranchised ; while the time-servers, the
men of no convictions and of no principle, could all be
acceptable citizens. In other words, the honest man, if he
be a dissenter, could not be a citizen ; but every hypocrite
3 Dr. Me Allister also before U. S. Senate Committee, March 6, 1894.
PROPOSED NATIONAL HYPOCRISY. 7Q7
could be a citizen. Therefore the inevitable result of the
National Reform theory and purpose is to put a premium
upon hypocrisy.4 And through it the professed Christian
churches of the country would become, in fact, that which
the Revelation has shown in prophecy, "the hold of every
foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird."
Rev. xviii, 2.
The word of God says, "Whatsoever is not of faith is
sin." Rom. xiv, 23. Even the voluntary doing of any
duty toward God, without faith, is sin ; and to compel men^
to do it is nothing else than to compel them to commit
sin. More than this, to proffer obedience to God, from
interested motives, is sin and hypocrisy. Now the National
Reform scheme proposes to offer political inducements to
men to proffer obedience to God. The National Reform
scheme does propose to have every member of 'the State prof-
fer* service to God, and conform to religious observances,
from none other than interested motives. For men to tender
obedience or homage to God, while they have no love for
him in their hearts, is both to dishonor him and to do violence
to their own nature. And to bribe or compel men to do this
very thing, is the direct aim of the National Reform Associ-
ation. Its success therefore would so increase hypocrisy and
multiply sin, under the cloak of godliness, that national ruin
would as certainly follow as it did the same system practiced
upon the Roman empire.
From the proposition made in the memorial to Congress
— to change the body of the Constitution so as to fit their
proposed preamble — it will be seen that if their purpose
could be made effective, there would not be left enough of
the Constitution as it now is to be of any use to anybody.
According to their purpose, the Bible, as the revealed will of
Christ who is to be made the Ruler, is to be the supreme
law. That in effect, then, would become the Constitution.
Then this supreme law would necessarily need to be authori-
tatively interpreted. They are all ready for this, however.
4 See pages 297, 298 of this book.
53
708 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
They have the whole scheme completed. They know that
the changes which they propose, mean much : but above all
things else that they intend that these changes shall bring
about, is the putting of the clergy in the place of the su-
preme interpreter of the new supreme law of the land. In
the Christian Statesman of February 21, 1884, one of their
leaders, the "Rev." J. C. K. Milligan, announced the fol-
lowing program : —
" The changes will come gradually, and probably only after the whole
frame-work of Bible legislation has been thoroughly canvassed by Con-
gress and State legislatures, by the Supreme Courts of the United States
and of the several States, and by lawyers and citizens generally ; an out-
pouring of the Spirit might soon secure it. The churches and the pul-
pits have much to do with shaping and forming opinions on all moral
questions, and with interpretations of Scripture on moral and civil, as well
as on theological and ecclesiastical points ; and it is probable that in the
almost universal gathering of our citizens about these, the chief discus-
sions and the final decision of most points will be developed there.
' Many nations shall come, and say, Come, and let us go up to the mount-
ain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of Jacob ; and he will
teach, us of his ways, and we will walk in his paths ; for the law shall
go forth of Zion.' There certainly is no class of citizens more intelli-
gent, patriotic, and trustworthy than the leaders and teachers in our
churches."
This passage, the expressions of which might easily be
paralleled to any extent from the columns of the Christian
Statesman, simply puts in condensed form the plans and ul-
timate aims of the National Reform Association. And by
it, it is seen at once that it is a revival of the original
scheme of John Calvin, and is the very image of the papal
scheme of the fourth century.
Compare with this, pages 4-88-490 of this book. Ac-
cording to this National Reform scheme, it is intended once
more to destroy all distinction between moral and civil af-
fairs. Once more all things pertaining to the government are
to be made moral, with the clergy in the place of interpret-
ers on all points.
THE TWO "SPHERES." 709
Yet, like those who made the papacy m the first place,
they theorize learnedly about the two distinct " spheres " of
the State and the Church.7 According to the theory, the
State is in itself a moral person distinct from the people,
having an individuality and a responsibility to God, of its
own. And in its sphere it must be religious and serve God,
and cause all the people to do likewise in its own way, and
apply the moral law to itself and everybody else. On the
other hand, the Church in her sphere must be religious and
serve God, and cause all the people to do likewise in her
own way, and interpret the Scriptures for herself and the
State, and everybody else. "The evangelist is a minister of
God to preach, and the magistrate is a minister of God
to rule;" yet both are ministers in the mine field —
the field of morals — with this important difference, however,
the State is to '"apply" the standard of morals — the
Scriptures — as interpreted hy the Church. As defined by
themselves, it is expressed in the following passage from a
speech by I). McAllister, 13. D., in the Washington, J). C.,
National Reform convention, April 1-3, 1890. He said : —
"Now what does the National Reform Association say? It says,
'Let the church do its duty in her own line. Let the line of demarca-
tion be drawn here ; let the functions of the State go with the State —
with civil government, God's own ordinance. Let the church hold the
moral principles of God's law,— the law of Jesus Christ, the only perfect
law, — and let the Slate apply those moral principles that pertain to its own
sphere of justice and right, in her schools and everywhere clue, and do her
own work as she shall answer to God himself, as she is the creature of
his ordaining.'" [Applause.]
It is yet more fully expressed in a speech by "Rev."
T. H. Tatlow in a convention at Sedalia, Mo., May 23, 24,
1889, as follows : -
"To these crafty and carnal assumptions, the spiritual man, firm in
Christian principle and the integrity of his convictions, replies , God's
jurisdiction over man is before and above all others ; and is wisely adapted
toman's entire existence in all its diversified relationships, both as spirit-
7 l'a<re 496, this book.
710 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
ual and secular. That this jurisdiction is not only universal but also
special, including all the lesser agencies as parts of the greater ; just as
all its parts are included in the whole. That God has given to man in
the present world, a two-fold life, one part spiritual, and the other part
secular ; and has so blended them together that the secular life, embrac-
ing man's civil, social, and earthly good, is subordinate to his spiritual
life and spiritual good. Therefore, since God's law, and his administration
of it, apply to man's spiritual life, it must also necessarily apply to man's
civil, social, and business life, as subordinate parts of his higher spirit-
ual life. This spiritual life, therefore, is the fundamental, or constitu-
tional, life of man ; and God's law, as expressive of his will regarding
this dual life of man, and as found in the ten commandments, is the
constitutional law of God's jurisdiction overman, and is therefore irre-
pealable.
"In administering this one constitutional law to the good of this two-
fold life of man, God has ordained two administrative agencies, one of
them the Church, as the spiritual agency in the realm of man's spiritual
life, and the other the State as his secular agency in the realm of man's
secular life. And although these agents are two and not one, and are
diverse in their nature, and occupy separate and diverse realms of au-
thority, yet they are both of them subject to the same law, and are
ordained for the purpose of ministering to man's good through this one
and same law. And therefore it is, that civil government, of whatever
abstract form it be, as "an ordinance of God," and the civil ruler as "a
minister of God," are both alike subject to the ten commandments.
And not only are they subject, but are ministers of God to man for good.
They are also his agents for applying these commandments to man's good
within the realm of man's secular life, as far as the commandments have
secular application. This is admitted to be so as far as these command-
ments apply to murder, adultery, theft, and slander ; and they also in
like manner apply to the worship of God, and the worship of the Sab-
bath, as far as these come within the province of the civil power. These
things being so, neither the civil power "as God's ordinance," nor tJie
civil ruler, " as God's minister," within their special province, have any
authority as such to make void any of the ten commandments, whether by
neglect in enforcing them, or by indifference to their authority and claims.
" At this point, the party of civil policy protests and cries out that
this is uniting Church and State. The Christian replies : It is indeed a
union, but only so far as tico separate jurisdictions, the one spiritual and
primary, and the other secular and secondary, exercise each one its own
appropriate authority within its own individual province, to secure a
two-fold good to the two-fold life of man. This union, therefore, is like
the union of the spiritual in man, acting conjointly with the body in
THE NATIONAL REFORM THEOCRACY. 711
man ; the body being brought under and kept in subjection to the spiritual.
It is like the union of the spiritual life in man acting conjointly with man's
domestic life ; all the members of the family being loved less than
Christ ; and all made subject to his claims."
Let us analyze this : (a) Man is composed of two parts,
spiritual and secular ; (7>) The ten commandments, as ex-
pressive of the whole duty of man to God, are likewise
composed of two parts — the spiritual and the secular ; (<?)
There are two agencies employed for applying the two-fold
nature of this law to the two-fold nature of man ; these two
agencies are the Church and the State ; (d) Throughout, the
secular is subordinate, and must be held in subjection to the
spiritual ; (e) Therefore, The State as the secular and sub-
ordinate agency must be "brought under," held "in sub-
jection " to, the Church, just as the body, the secular part of
man, must be brought under and kept in subjection to the
mind, the spiritual part of man.8
In perfect accord, therefore, with this logical deduction
from the two preceding extracts, one of the oldest district
secretaries of the National Reform Association, "Rev."
J. M. Foster, in the Christian Cynosure, of October 17,
1889, said : -
" According to the Scriptures, the State and its sphere exist for the
sake of, and to serve the interests of, the Church." " The true State will
have a wise reference to the Church's interests in all its legislative, exec-
utive, and judicial proceedings. . . . The expenses of the church, in
carrying on her public, aggressive work, it meets in whole or in part out
of the public treasury. Thus the Church is protected and exalted by the
State."
From these declarations it is clear that the National Re-
form view of the relationship between the Church and the
8 See Symmachus, pages 539-540, this book; and Pope Gelasius I, A. n. 492-
496,'expressed it to the emperor Amistasius thus : " There are two powers who rule
the world, the imperial and the pontifical. You are sovereign of the human race,
but you bow your neck to those who preside over things divine. The priesthood
is the greater of the two powers ; it has to render an account in the last day for
the acts of kings." — Milmari's "•History of Latin Christianity," book Hi, chap. it
par. 30.
712 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
State, is identical with the old Cartwright and Calvinistic
one — the original papal view — that the State exists only as
subordinate to the church, to serve the interests of the
church, and, if need be, to lick the dust off the feet of the
church.
Again : after the manner of the clergy of the fourth
century, the purpose in this is to turn the government of
the United States into a kingdom of God. This is evident
from their proposed preamble to the Constitution, and the
other quotations given, but they say it so plainly in words
that the statements are worth quoting. Like the original
scheme, this also proceeds upon the theory of a theocracy.
In the Cincinnati National Reform Convention, January 31
to February 1, 1872, "Rev." Prof. J. R. W. Sloane, D. V.
said : —
"Every government, by equitable laws, is a government of God ; a
republic thus governed is of him, through the people, and is as truly and
really a theocracy as the commonwealth of Israel. The refusal to ac-
knowledge this fact is as much a piece of foolish impiety as that of the
man who persists in refusing to acknowledge tha,t God is the author of
his existence."
The qualifying phrase, " by equitable laws," confines this
statement to National Reform governments, because all
others, as the United States for instance, are not govern-
ments by equitable laws, but are "-atheistic" governments.
The argument, therefore, is flatly that the National Reform
idea of earthly government is as truly and really falsely
theocratical as is that of the papacy itself.9
In the National Reform convention of 1873, held in New
York City, February 26, 27, one of the speakers, "Rev."
J. Hogg, said : —
"The nation that takes hold upon God and the Lord Jesus Christ,
shall never die. . . . Let us acknowledge God as our Father and sov-
ereign, and source of all good, and his blessing will be upon us. Crime
and corruption will come to an end, and the benign reign of Jesus, our
rightful Lord, will be established." [Applause.]
9 Pages 265, 30T-309, this book.
THE NEW KINGDOM OF GOD. 713
In the same convention, another speaker, "Rev." J.
P. Lytle, likening the National Reform movement to a train
of cars going up a steep grade, said : —
"When we reach the summit, . . . the train will move out into the
mild yet glorious light of millennial days, and the cry will be raised,
' The kingdoms of this world have become the kingdoms of our Lord,
and of his Christ.'" [Applause.]
In the same convention, another, "Rev." A. M. Milli-
gan, D. D., said : —
" Like Pou,tius Pilate, we have a person on our hands, and like him
we may ask, ' What shall I do with Jesus who is called Christ ? ' We
must either crucify or crown him ; and like tlie Jewish nation, our de-
cision will seal our future destiny. Either like them we will reject him
and perish, or, becoming a kingdom of our Lord and his Christ, we shall
fill the earth, and endure forever."
In the annual convention of the Association for 1887,
"Rev." W. T. Me Connel, of Youngstown, Ohio, proposed
the formation of —
"A praying league, to be composed of all who are interested in this
movement, to covenant together to offer a prayer at the noon hour,
wherever they may be, every day till our prayer is answered in the abo-
lition of the liquor traffic, and till this nation is made God's kingdom."
The proposition was heartily and unanimously indorsed
by the convention, and Mr. Me Connel was given charge of
the concern.
And that no element might be lacking to the perfect
likeness of the original papal theory, the Christian Nation,
which is second only to the Christian Statesman in National
Reform propensities, in an editorial, June 15, 1887, put the
finishing -touch to the picture, in the following words: —
"When the State becomes positively Christian in Constitution, and
Christian men are elected to make law, something like this will be done :
A street-car company's charter will be granted, conditioned upon the
running of cars free on Sabbath for the accommodation of Christian
people on errands of worship, of necessity, and of mercy, even as bridge
714 THE ORE AT CONSPIRACY.
toll is at present remitted on the Sabbath in some places. To this it will
be objected that others than Christians will ride for other than Christian
purposes, which is very true ; but the sin will be upon their own souls.
The company will suffer no hardships, the men employed will be God's
messengers for good, and 'in that day there shall be upon the bells of the
horses, holiness unto the Lord.'" 10
The likeness being so close in theory, between this and
the papacy, it were only to be expected that the likeness
would be just as close in practice if the National Reformers
should only secure the power to put the theory into practice.
This also is abundantly shown in the published words and
speeches of the chief est representatives of the Association.
The National Reform Sunday-school lessons for 1884, pub-
lished in the Christian Statesman, were written by David
Gregg, D. D., then of New York City, later pastor of Park
Street Church, Boston, and now (1894), successor to Dr.
T. L. Cuyler in his pastorate in Brooklyn. In the lesson
printed in the Statesman of June 5, Dr! Gregg positively
declared and supported the declaration by argument, that
the civil power "has the right to command the consciences of
men" And in full accord with this strictly papal principle,
the Christian Statesman itself, October 2, 1884, says : —
" Give all men to understand that this is a Christian nation, and that,
believing that without Christianity we perish, we must maintain by all
means our Christian character. Inscribe this character on our Constitu-
tion. . . . Enforce upon all who come among us the laws of Christian
morality."
To enforce upon men the laws of Christian morality is to
compel men \?ho are not Christians to act as though they
were. It is nothing else than an attempt to compel them to
be Christians, and does in fact compel them to be hypo-
crites. Yet when it is said that this is to invade the rights
of conscience, the National Reformers, in the words of
"Rev." TV. J. Coleman, in the Christian Statesman of
November 1, 1883, coolly reply : —
" If there be any Christian who objects to the proposed amendment
on the ground that it might touch the conscience of the infidel, it seems
10 Page 274, this book.
WHAT THEY PfiOPOSJS TO DO. 715
to me it would be in order to inquire whether he himself should not have
some conscience in this matter."
And thus according to the National Reform type of
"Christianity," it is the perfection of conscientiousness to
outrage the consciences of others ; and the reverse of the
Golden Rule — all things whatsoever ye would not that men
should do to you. this do ye even unto them — is made by
them and to them the law and the prophets.
Accordingly, in strict adherence to these bad principles,
the testimony proceeds. In the Christian Statesman of
January 13, 1887, "Rev." M. A. Gault, a District Secretary
and a leading worker of the Association, declared : —
" Our remedy for all these malefic influences, is to have the govern-
ment simply set up the moral law and recognize God's authority behind
it, and lay its hand on any religion that does not conform to it."
And "Rev." E. B. Graham, a vice-president ' of the
Association, in an address delivered at York, Neb., and
reported in the Christian Statesman of May 21, 1885,
said : —
"We might add in all justice, If the opponents of the Bible do not
like our government and its Christian features, let them go to some
wild, desolate land, and in the name of the devil, and for the sake of
the devil, subdue it, and set up a government of their own on infidel and
atheistic ideas ; and then if they can stand it, stay there till they die."11
Yet more than this : In the National Reform convention
for 1873, held in New York City, Jonathan Edwards, D. D.,
a vice-president and a leading spirit of the Association, made
a speech in which he said : —
" We want State and religion, and we are going to have it. It shall
be that so far as the affairs of State require religion, it shall be revealed
religion —the religion of Jesus Christ. The Christian oath and Christian
morality shall have in this laud ' an undeniable legal basis.' We use the
word ' religion ' in its proper sense, as meaning a man's personal relation
of faith and obedience to God."
Then according to their own definition, the National
Reform Association intends that the State shall obtrude
11 See page 601 of this book.
716 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
itself into every man's personal relation of faith and obedi-
ence to God.
The National Reform Association is strong not only in
the influence which in itself it possesses, but it is still
stronger in the alliances which it has been enabled to effect.
The first of these was formed in 1S8T, with —
THE WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION.
And since that time, all the principal officers of the
Union — Miss Willard, Mrs. Bateham, and Mrs. Woodbridge
of the National Union, and several presidents of State
Unions — have been also vice-presidents of the National
Reform Association.
In the W. C. T. U. monthly reading for September, 1886,
regarding which the secretary of the National Reform As-
sociation "had correspondence with Miss Willard before it
appeared," one of the responses is as follows : —
"A true theocracy is yet to come, . . . and humanity's weal depends
upon the enthronement of Christ in law and law-makers : hence I pray
devoutly, as a Christian patriot, for the ballot in the hands of women,
and rejoice that the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union has
so long championed this cause."
Nor is it simply as an ally as such, of the National Re-
form Association, that the Union works for these bad prin-
ciples. In its own separate and organized capacity, the
Union advocates the whole National Reform scheme. At
the annual convention of the National Union for 1887, held
in Nashville, the president, Miss Frances E. Willard, in her
annual address, officially reported in the Union Signal of
December 1, declared the purpose of the Union, as fol-
lows : —
" The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, local, State, national,
and world-wide, has one vital, organic thought, one all-absorbing pur-
pose, one undying enthusiasm, and that is that Christ shall be this world's
kiny ; — yea, verily, THIS WORLD'S KING in its realm of cause and effect,
— king of its courts, its camps, its commerce, — king of its colleges and
cloisters, — king of its customs and its Constitutions. . . . The kingdom
of Christ must enter the realm of law through the gateway of politics.
AN OFFICIAL ANNOUNCEMENT. f!7
. . . We pray Heaven to give them [the old parties] no rest . . . until
they shall . . . swear an oath of allegiance to Christ in politics, and
march in one great army up to the polls to worship God. .
" I firmly believe that the patient, steadfast work of Christian women
will so react upon politics within the next generation, that the party of God
will beat the fore ; ministers will preach for it from their pulpits, and
Christian men will be as much ashamed to say that they never go to the
caucus as they would be now to use profane language or defame charac-
ter ; for there is just one question that every Christian ought to ask :
'What is the relation of this party, this platform, this candidate, to the set-
ting iip of Christ's kingdom on the earth ? How does my vote relate to the
Lord's Prayer ? '
" The answer to this question is sacred, not secular, worthy to be given
from the pulpit on the Sabbath day. In the Revolutionary War the question
at issue being religious liberty, our forefathers felt that they could preach
and pray about it on the Sabbath. In the Civil War, both sides believing
their cause to be holy, could do the same ; and now, when it is a question
of preserving tlie Sabbath itself and guarding the homes which are the
sanctuaries of Christ's gospel, we women believe that no day is too good, no
place too consecrated, for the declaration of principles and the determining of
votes. The ascetic in the olden time shut himself away from the world
and counted everything secular except specific acts of devotion. The
Christian soldier of to-day reverses this process, and makes everything he
does a devotional act, an expression of his loyalty to Christ — so finding
his balance in God, that no sin can overcome, and no sorrow surprise
him. Prayer is the pulse of his life ; there is no secular, no sacred; all is
in God; and as the followers of Bruce inclosed that hero's heart in a
silver shrine and flung it into the ranks of the enemy that they might fly
to win it back, shouting, 'Heart of Bruce, I follow thee,' so Christian
men to-day take their ideal of Christ in government, hurl it into the ranks
of his foes, and hasten on to regain it, by rallying for the overthrow of
saloon politics and the triumph of the Christian at the polls.
" Our prayers are prophets, and predict this day of glad deliverance
as being at the door. The man who, in presence of such possibilities,
says, 'I do n't want to throw away my vote/ is quite likely to throw
away something even more valuable — and that is the voter himself.
-For, as Miss West has said, ' To-day Christ sits over against the ballot-boy,
as of old lie sat over against the treasury, and judges men by what they cast
tJierein. ' "
The official report cordially announces that by an "al-
most unanimous vote " of the whole delegation assembled,
this address "was accepted as expressing the principles of
tho National Woman's Christian Temperance Union," and
718 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
"the audience manifested its appreciation of this grand
address by universal hand-clapping and waving of handker-
chiefs."
Although Christ himself has plainly declared that his
kingdom is not of this world,, these "devout and honorable
women " (Acts xiii, 50), like those people of old, seem de-
termined to take him by force and make him king. JSTo one
should be surprised, therefore, that he should do now as he
did then — he "departed" from them. It is well to remem-
ber also that although " the ascetic in the olden time shut
himself away from the world," he was always ready, upon
any question of orthodoxy, to return to the world, and pour
out upon it all the pent-up passions of years. Many a time
did these also march in great armies up to the polls, not to
worship God, but to "blaspheme his name, and his taber-
nacle and them which dwell in heaven," and to outrage
every principle not only of Christianity, but of humanity.13
In a convention of the eighth district of the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union of Wisconsin, held at Augusta,
October 2— i, 1888, and representing fifteen counties, there
was passed "without a dissenting voice" the following
preamble and resolution : —
" Whereas, God would have all men honor the Son, even as they
honor the Father ; and, —
" Whereas, The civil law which Christ gave from Sinai is the only
perfect law, and the only law that will secure the rights of all classes ;
therefore, —
" Resolved, That civil government should recognize Christ as the
moral Governor, and his law as the standard of legislation."
And the national convention of the Woman's Christian
Temperance Union for the same year, held in the Metropoli-
tan Opera House, New York City, the nineteenth to the
twenty-third of the same month, confirmed this action and
the principle of it, by passing the following resolution, the
first in the series of resolutions there adopted, as officially
reported in the Union Signal of November 8 : —
13 Pages 412, 415, 424, 425, 429, 432, 444, 490, 510, 545-547, this book.
SPEE'JH OF MRS. WOODJ1RIDGE. 719
"Resolved, That Christ and his gospel, as universal king and code,
should be sovereign in our government and political affairs." u
At the Chautauqua (N. Y.) Assembly of 1886, Mrs.
Woodbridge of the Union made a speech (July 23), in which
she said : —
"An amendment to the national constitution requires the indorse-
ment of two thirds of the States to become law. Although the action
must be taken by State legislative bodies, let such an amendment be
submitted, and it would become the paramount issue at the election of
legislators, and thus God would be in the thought, and his name upon
the lip, of every man. May not this be the way opened to i;s ? How to
bring the gospel of Christ to the masses has been, and is, the vexing
problem of the church. Would not the problem be solved ? Yea,
Christ would then be lifted up, even as the serpent in the wilderness,
and would we not liave right to claim the fulfillment of the promise, that
'He will draw all men unto himself ? . . .
" In considering the submission of such an amendment, we may use
the very argument used by Moses, in his song containing these words of
Jehovah, Tor it is not a vain thing for you ; because it is your life :
and through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land.' How
prayerfuluess would be stimulated ! Conscience would press the words,
'If the Lord be God, follow him ; but if Baal, then follow him ! ' Then
would there be searchings of heart, as David's, of which we learn in the
fifty-first Psalm. Prayer would bring faith and the power of the Spirit ;
and when such power shall rest upon the children of God, there icill'be
added to the church daily such as shall be saved.
"The National Reform Association makes this plea in the name of
the Lord and his suffering ones. It asks the prayerful consideration of
an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, by which, if
adopted, we, the people, will crown Christ the Lord, as our rightful
Sovereign.
"The Woman's Christian Temperance Union, pursuing its work 'For
God, and home, and native land,' in thirty-nine departments of reform,
can but see that were a nation to be thus aroused, were it to make such
an acknowledgment at the ballot-box, the laws of our land would ere
long be truly 'founded on the old Mosaic ritual.' Then we could [Italics
hers] have no other God. Unto the Lord Jehovah would we bow.
Should we take his name in vain, or fail to keep the Sabbath holy, we
would be criminals."
Is there any one so dull as to be unable to see that in this
scheme there lies the whole theory and practice of the papacy ?
14 Page 489, this book.
720 THE ORE AT CONSPIRACY.
In this way precisely the "gospel" "was brought to the
masses " in the fourth century.15 In this way precisely, then,
God and his name were put into the thought and upon the
lip, clubs and stones into the hands, and murder in the heart, of
every man ; and so there was, then, added to the church daily
such as should be - — . And, by the way, the wromen
were among the leaders and were the main help in bringing
about that grand triumph of the "gospel" among the
masses. And " history repeats itself," even to the part the
women would play in the political project of bringing "the
gospel to the masses."1"
To propose a political campaign managed by ambitious
clerics, political hypocrites, ward politicians, and city bosses,
and call that the bringing of the gospel of Christ to the
masses, and the means of adding to the church daily such as
shall be saved, is certainly a conception of the gospel that
is degraded enough in all conscience. But when, to cap such
conception, it is avowed that such would be the lifting up of
Christ even as the serpent was lifted up in the wilderness,
and the fulfillment of the promise that he will draw all
men unto him, the whole idea becomes one that is vastly
nearer to open blasphemy than it is to any proper concep-
tion of what the gospel of Christ is. Yet such, and of such,
is the gospel of the National Reform Woman's Christian
Temperance Union combination. Instead of lifting up
Christ, it tramples him under foot. Instead of treasuring
the gospel as the pearl of great price, it casts it to swine to
be trampled under their feet. Instead of honoring Christ, it
puts him to an open shame. Instead of the gospel being
held forth as the mystery of godliness, it is supplanted by
the mystery of iniquity. For the testimony of history is
unanimous in confirmation of the truth that " men will fight
to the death, and persecute without pity, for a creed whose
doctrines they do not understand and whose precepts they
habitually disobey."
15 Pages 293, 299, this book.
16 Pages 374, 375, 419, 423, 501, 503, of this book.
PROHIBITION JOINS THE PROCESSION. 721
The next ally that the National Reform Association was
enabled to gain was and is —
THE THIKD-PAKTY PROHIBITION PARTY.
In 1887 several State conventions took the same ground
as the Association ; and in 1888 the National Prohibition
convention, held at Indianapolis, said : -
"The Prohibition party in national convention assembled, acknowl-
edging Almighty God as the source of all power in government, do
hereby declare," etc.
"Sam" Small was secretary of this convention, and his
views in this connection were declared in a " revival ser-
mon " delivered in Kansas City, in the January preceding,
and repeated by him in a letter to the Voice of August 8,
1889, as follows : -
" I want to see the day come in the history of our country when the
voice of the church of Christ will be heard and respected upon all vital
moral issues. I shall ever hope for and patiently expect the day when
legislation, State, national, and municipal, will be projected in harmony
with the eternal principle of justice and righteousness, revealed by Christ
and proclaimed by his church. Happy will be the day . . . when tJie har-
monious judgment of the people of God in America upon the issues of tem-
perance, purity, and uprightness, shall be received with respect and enacted
into laws."
What more was the papacy ever than this ? What more
did it ever claim to be ? All that the papacy ever wanted
was that legislation, State, national, and municipal, should
be projected in harmony with the principles of justice and
righteousness as proclaimed by the church; and that "the
harmonious judgment of the people of God" (and to find out
what this "harmonious judgment" was, is what all the
councils were for), should be respected "and enacted into
laws." That is all she ever wanted, and that is all she
wants now, as is seen by the words of Pope Leo XIII, on
page 730 of this book. And as though to make perfectly
722 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
clear the attitude of the National Prohibition party, Mr. Small
in the same letter continues as follows : —
"I hold that the above expressions are in perfect harmony with the
principles of the National Prohibition party, as expressed in its preamble
and platform.''
And Tlie Voice endorsed the letter throughout.
These evidences are sufficient to show that with the leader-
ship of the Third-party Prohibition party, the principle of
prohibition is entirely subordinate to the scheme for securing
religious legislation, and to the setting up of the ecclesias-
tical power above the civil ; and that the alliance with the
National Reform Association is not an accident.
A third ally of the National Reform Association is —
THE AMERICAN SABBATH UNION
which was organized in New York City, November 13, 1888.
The way in which it was brought about is this : The year
1888 was the time for the regular meeting of the General
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Early in
the year, before the Conference met, "Rev." W. F. Crafts
circulated among the officers of Sunday-law associations in
all parts of the country the following petition : —
' Te the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
" DEAR FATHERS AND BRETHREN : The undersigned earnestly petition
you as representatives of the largest denomination of American Chris-
tians, to take the initiative in forming a National Sabbath Committee,
by appointing several persons to serve in your behalf on such a commit-
tee, with instructions to ask other religious bodies, in your name, to
appoint representatives to serve on the same committee, in order that the
invasion of our day of rest and worship by the united forces of the liquor
traffic and its allies, may be successfully resisted by the united forces of
American Christianity, in the interests alike of the church and of the
nation, of morality and of liberty."
When the said General Conference met, the petition was
presented by "Rev." J. H. Knowles, editor of the Pearl of
Days. The petition was referred to the " Committee on the
ANOTHER STRONG ALLY. 723
State of the Church." May 15 this committee made the
following report, which was u unanimously adopted : "
"In view of the important interests involved in the above memorial,
your committee recommend the following for adoption by the General
Conference : —
"Resolved, 1. That the General Conference of the Methodist Episco-
pal Church, in response to a petition signed by the officers of Sabbath
associations of this country, and by more than six hundred other peti-
tioners of different evangelical denominations, take the initiative in
forming a National Sabbath Committee.
"2. That this General Conference invite all other evangelical de-
nominations to appoint representatives to serve on this Committee.
"3. That the basis of representation on the Committee for each de-
nomination be one representative for each one hundred thousand or ma-
jor fraction thereof.
"4. That the following persons be designated to serve on this Com-
mittee during the coming quadrennium, with power to complete the full
quota for the Methodist Episcopal Church, and to fill vacancies — the
first-named to communicate the action of this body to the official rep-
resentatives of other denominations, and to be the convener of the Com-
mittee for its first meeting."
This prompt and hearty action of the Methodist Episco-
pal General Conference, was made the basis of a plea for
similar action on the part of other church organizations which
met the same year. Upon the strength of this action, the
originator of the petition visited and secured the indorse-
ment of the Presbyterian General Assemblies both North
and South ; the Baptist Home Missionary convention ; the
Synod of the Reformed Church ; and the General Assembly of
the United Presbyterian Church. Then, November 13, there
was held in the parlors of Col. Elliott F. Shepard, New
York City, a meeting of eight preachers, one Ph.D., and
Mr. Shepard, and the organization was effected, with a Con-
stitution as to name, basis, and object as follows : —
"I. — NAME.
"The American Sabbath Union.
" u. — BASIS.
"The basis of this Union is the divine authority and universal and
perpetual obligation of the Sabbath, as manifested in the order and cou-
54
724 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
stitution of nature, declared in the revealed will of God, formulated in
the fourth commandment of the moral law, interpreted and applied by
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, transferred to the Christian Sabbath,
or Lord's day, by Christ and his apostles, and approved by its beneficial
influence upon national life.
' ' in. — OBJECT.
"The object of this Union is to preserve the Christian Sabbath as a
day of rest and worship."
Col. Shepard was made president;16 "Rev." J. H.
Knowles was made general secretary and editor* of publi-
cations, and of the Pearl of Days, which was made -the
official organ of the Association ; the whole United States
was divided into ten "Districts," and "Rev." W. F.
Crafts was made field secretary, for organizing the work
in the said districts, and for carrying on the work at large.
When this organization was just one month old, there was
held at Washington, D. C. , a convention composed of
themselves, National Reformers, and Woman's Christian
Temperance Union managers, for the puipose of urging
upon Congress, by every means they could employ, re-
ligious legislation, which if secured, would commit the
nation to the whole National Reform scheme.
We have seen that the first definite step toward the
organization of the American Sabbath Union, was in pre-
senting to the Methodist Episcopal General Conference a
numerously signed petition from Sunday-law associations
already existing.. The chief of these was the Illinois Asso-
ciation, which dates its active existence as an organization
from a convention held in the city of Elgin, November 8,
188T.17 Statements and arguments made by representative
men in this convention, therefore, will justly show the in'
tent of the Union which not only in a great measure grew
out of it, but of which it afterward became an important
part. "Rev." C. E. Mandeville, D. D., of Chicago, made
16 He held the office till his death in 1893.
17 Christian Cynosure, November 17, 24, 1887.
WHEN THE CHURCH AWAKES. 725
one of the main speeches of the convention. He afterward
became president of the State Association, and a vice-presi-
dent of the American Sabbath Union, the latter of which he
is still. In his Elgin speech, Dr. Mandeville spoke on the
subject of "Some Dangers Respecting Sabbath Observ-
ance," in the course of which he 'said : —
"The subject has two sides. We must not look alone at the relig-
ious side. The interests of the Church and State are united. They
must staud or fall together."
And jet they all make a great show cf. injured innocence
•when any person opposes the movement on the ground that
it would create a union of Church and State. In the same
speech, Dr. Mandeville further said : -
"The merchants of Tyre insisted upon selling goods near the temple
on the Sabbath, and Nehemiah compelled the officers of the law to do
their duty, and stop it. So we can compel the officers of the law to do
their duty. . . . When the Church of God awakes and does its duty on
one side, and the State on the other, we shall have no further trouble in
this matter."
Yes ; we all know how it was before. The gentle Albi-
genses in the South of France greatly disturbed the Church
— they refused to obey her commands. But the Church was
wide awake, for Innocent III was pope ; and with the com-
mand, "Up ! most Christian king ; up ! and aid us in our
work of vengeance," he saw to it that the State was awake
on the other side. Then with the Church awake to its
"duty" on one side, and the State on the other, the Albi-
genses were blotted from the earth, and there was no further
trouble in that matter.
It is worth while further to notice this statement upon
the merit of its argument, because it was not only used there
by Dr. Mandeville, but it is used everywhere by the whole
National Reform alliance. It is their stock argument and
example.
726 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
Nehemiah was ruling there in a true theocracy, a gov-
ernment of God ; the law of God was the law of the land,
and God's will was made known by the written word, and
by prophets. Therefore if Dr. Mandeville's argument is of
any force at all, it is so only upon the claim that the gov-
ernment here should be a "theocracy. With this idea the
view of Mr. Crafts agrees precisely, and he was not only field
secretary, but the originator of the National Sunday-law
Union. He claims, as expressed in his own words, in the
Christian Statesman of July 5, 1888, that " the preachers
are the successors of the prophets.''1
Now put these things together. The government of
Israel was a theocracy ; the will of God was made known to
the ruler by prophets ; the ruler compelled the officers of
the law to prevent the ungodly from selling goods on the
Sabbath. By this religious combination, the government of
the United States is to be made a theocracy ; the preachers
are the successors of the prophets ; and they are to compel
the officers of the law to prevent all selling of goods and all
manner of work on Sunday. This shows conclusively that
these preachers intend to take the supremacy into their
hands, officially declare the will of God, and compel all
men to conform to it. And this deduction is made certain
by the words of Prof. Blanchard, in the Elgin conven-
tion : —
"In this work we are undertaking for the Sabbath, we are the
representatives of God."
The example of Nehemiah never can be. cited as a prece-
dent on any subject under any form of government but a
theocracy, and when it is cited as an example in any instance
in the United States, it can be so only upon the theory that
the government of the cities or States of the Union and the
Union itself, should be a theocracy. A theocracy is essen-
tially a religious government. Sabbath laws belong only
with a theocracy. Sunday laws being advocated upon the
THEY DESPISE THK DECLARATION. 727
theory that Sunday is substituted for the Sabbath, likewise
are inseparable from a theocratical theory of government.
In such a theory Sunday laws originated,18 with such a
theory they belong, and every argument in behalf of Sun-
day laws, is in the nature of the case, compelled to presup-
pose a theocratical form of government.
Such is the National Reform combination and its princi-
ples, as it stands, in itself considered. And from all this
it is evident that the whole scheme and organization forms
only a colossal religious combination to effect political pur-
poses, the chief purpose being to change the form of the
United States government and turn it into a new "kingdom
of God," a new theocracy, in which the civil power shall
be but the tool of the religious, in which the govern-
ment shall no longer derive just powers from the consent of
the governed, but shall be absorbed in the unjust and op-
pressive power of a despotic hierarchy, acting as "the
representative of God," asserting and executing its arbitrary
and irresponsible will as the expression of the law and will
of God.
Nor do they shrink from distinctly asserting even this.
In a joint convention ofthe whole National Reform com-
bination held at Sedalia, Mo., May 23, 24, 1889, the
" Rev." W. D. Gray, who was secretary of the convention
arid was elected corresponding secretary of the American
Sabbath Union for the Omaha District, made a speech as
follows : —
"I, for one, have made this question very ranch of a study, especially
this topic of it. To appeal to divine authority in our legislation would
be to fundamentally change the law of our laud, or the principle
adopted by our fathers when they said that all governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the governed. I for one do not believe
that as a political maxim. I do not believe that governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the governed. And I believe
as Brother Gault on this, I think. And so the object of this movement is an
effort to change that feature in our fundamental law. Jefferson was under
18 See pages 265-267, 274, 309, 314, 315.
728 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.
the influence of French ideas when the Constitution was framed, and
that had something to do with leaving God out of the Constitution.19
And I think that the provincial history of this country will compel us to
come back t:> that, and recognize God in our Constitution. And I see in
this reform a providence teaching us the necessity of recognizing some-
thing else besides the will of the people as the basis of government."
And at the Chautauqua (N. Y.) Assembly in August fol-
lowing, Col. Elliot F. Shepard, speaking as president of the
American Sabbath Union, said : —
"Governments do not derive their just powers from the consent of
the governed. God is the only law-giver. His laws are made clear and
plain in his word, so that all nations may know what are the laws which
God ordained to be kept."
Having so clearly shown both in their principles and in
their own plain words, that their purpose is entirely to sub-
vert the principles of the government of the United States
and undo the nation ; it is evident that there was but one
more step that could be taken in the apostasy, and that was
to secure AN ALLIANCE WITH THE PAPACY ITSELF. And even
this has been done.
19 The gentleman cannot have made this so very much of a study after all,
or he would have known that Jefferson was not in this country at that time, and
had nothing to do with the framing of the Constitution. Yet even though he
had, it would only have been to his everlasting honor, and would have been no
reflection on that document.
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
THE fourth and in every sense of the word the most im-
portant ally that the National Reform combination was en-
abled to secure was and is THE PAPACY.
As we have seen, the National Reform principles are
papal principles from beginning to end, and it was only the
logic of the situation that a positive union should finally be
formed with the papacy. All that was necessary was to
find something upon which the two parties could meet and
firmly stand together, and then have the National Reform
combination obtain a standing at which it would be to the
interests of the papacy to recognize it.
Consistently enough, this basis of agreement, this bond
of union in fact, was found in the chief institution of the
papacy — the Sunday, and in the demand for the national
recognition of the " Christian " religion in the enactment
and enforcement of a national law requiring the recognition
and observance of this sign of papal authority.
As early as 1881, the National Reformers struck this
note. In that year, August 31, one of its leading repre-
sentatives published in the Christian Statesman the follow-
ing pleading bid for the papal favor : —
"This common interest ['of all religious people in the Sabbath'—
Sunday] ought both to strengthen our determination to work, and our
readiness to co-operate in every way with our Roman Catholic fellow-
citizens. We may be subjected to some rebuffs in our first proffers, and
the time has not yet come when the Roman Church will consent to strike
hands with other churches — as such ; but the time has come to make
[729]
730 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.- CONCLUDED.
repeated advances, and gladly to accept co-operation in any form in
which they may be willing to exhibit it. It is one of the necessities of the
situation."
In 1881, however, the National Reform movement did
not possess sufficient influence to make it much of an item
in the estimation of the papacy, and no definite response was
made to this proffer to accept rebuffs at her hands, especially
as it was openly announced that they were prepared to make
repeated advances, and submit to repeated rebuffs. Rome
therefore bided her time. She knew as well as they that
"it is one of the necessities of the situation."" She knew
full well that without her consent they never could secure
the religious legislation which they wanted, and she was de-
termined, here as ever, to have all the tokens of surrender
come from them. The author of this book personally
knows a gentleman who, riding on a railroad in California
in 1886, fell into conversation with a Catholic priest, and
finally said to him, " What is your church going to do with
the religious amendment movement ? are you going to help
it forward? are you going to vote for it?" " Oh, "said
the priest, "we have nothing to do with that. We leave
that to the Protestants ; we will let them do all that. They
are coming to us, and we only have to wait."
Rome therefore waited ; and as she waited, the National
Reform movement rapidly grew in influence, especially by
its alliances. And as it grew, it continued to bid for papal
recognition. The Christian Statesman of December 11,
1884, said : -
"Whenever they [the Roman Catholics] are willing to co-operate in
resisting the progress of political atheism, we will gladly join hands with
them."
And almost as though it was in response to this in his
Encyclical of 1885, Pope Leo XIII addressed to Catholics
everywhere the following words : —
"We exhort all Catholics who would devote careful attention to
public matters, to take an active part in all municipal affairs and elec-
PAPACY IN THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
tions, and to further the principles of the church in all public services,
meetings, and gatherings. All Catholics must make themselves felt as,
active elements in daily political life in the countries where they live
They must penetrate wherever possible in tlie administration of civil affairs ;
must constantly use their utmost vigilance and energy to prevent the
usages of liberty from going beyond the limits fixed by God's law. All
Catholics should do all in their power to cause the constitutions of States, and
legislation, to be modeled in the principles of the true church. Ali Catholic
writers and journalists should never lose for an instant from view, the
above prescriptions. All Catholics should redouble their submission to
authority, and unite their whole heart, soul, and body, and mind, in the
defense of the church."
As the pope thus definitely instructed all Catholics to do
precisely what the National Reform combination was already
doing, this was a good sign that the desired "joining of
hands " was not far off. And at a National Reform confer-
ence— not convention — of ministers of a number of differ-
ent denominations, 'held at Saratoga, New York, August
14-17, 1887, another bid was made. The official report of
the proceedings of the Saratoga conference gives the follow-
ing : -
Rev. Dr. Price of Tennessee. — "I wish to ask the secretary, Has any
attempt ever been made by the National Reform Association to ascertain
whether a consensus, or agreement, could be reached with our Roman
Catholic fellow-citizens, whereby we may unite in support of the schools,
as they do in Massachusetts ? "
The secretary. — " I regret to say there has not. . . . But I recognize
it as a wise and dutiful course on the part of all who are engaged in or
who discuss the work of education, to make the effort to secure such an
agreement."
Dr. Price. — " I wish to move that the National Reform Association
be requested by this Conference to bring this matter to the attention of
American educators and of Roman Catholic authorities, with a view to
securing such a basis of agreement, if possible." '
The motion was seconded and adopted.
1 The Christian Statesman of May 28, 1891, gives an account of how "the
Protestants and Roman Catholics united " at a recent election of the School
Board of New Haven, Conn., and secured the election of men who favored the
732 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
In May, 1888, United States Senator Henry W. Blair
introduced in Congress a joint resolution to amend the
National Constitution so as to recognize "the Christian
religion," and require the teaching of the principles of that
religion in all the public schools of the country ; and also
introduced a bill to enforce the observance of Sunday as
"the Sabbath," "the Lord's day," "a day of religious
worship," and "to secure to the whole people rest from
toil during the first day of the week, their mental and moral
culture, and the religious observance of the Sabbath day."
As all this was in complete harmony with the instruction
of the pope to all Catholics ; and was done upon the direct
solicitation of the National Reform combination, it served
to bring the National Reformers and the papacy so much
the nearer to a positive and declared union.
In November, 1888, the American Sabbath Union be-
came the predominating power in the National Reform
alliance, and December 1, the Field Secretary of that organ-
ization personally addressed to the head of the papacy in
this country — • Cardinal Gibbons — a letter asking him to
join hands with them in petitioning Congress to pass the bill
for the enactment of a national law to "promote" the ob-
servance of Sunday " as a day of religious worship.'' The
Cardinal promptly announced himself as "most happy" to
do so, in the following letter: —
restoration of religious exercises in the public schools of that city; and how that
a committee of five, " consisting of three Protestants — Ex-President Woolsey of
Yale, the Rev. Dr. Harvvood, and Rev. John E. Todd — and two Roman Catholics
— Father Fitzpatrick and Murphy — were appointed to arrange a form of
worship" for the schools. The result was that a responsive exercise for teachers
and pupils was framed, in which the following passage was to be recited between
the Lord's prayer and the " Apostles ' " Creed : —
Teacher — "Hail, Mary, full of grace; the Lord is with thee; blessed art
Ihou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus !
Children Respond. — "Holy Mary, mother of God, pray for us sinners, now
and at the hour of our death. Amen."
X
NATIONAL REFORM "PETITIONING." 733
" CARDINAL'S RESIDENCE, 408 N. CHARLES STREET,
"BALTIMORE, December 4, 1888.
" REV. DEAR SIR : I have to acknowledge your esteemed favor of the
1st instant in reference to the proposed passage of a law by Congress
'against Sunday work in the government's mail and military service,' etc.
" I am most happy to add my name to those of the millions of others
who are laudably contending against the violation of the Christian Sab-
bath by unnecessary labor, and who are endeavoring to promote its decent
and proper observance by legitimate legislation. As the late Plenary
Council of Baltimore has declared, the due observance of the Lord's day
contributes immeasurably to the restriction of vice and immorality, and
to the promotion of peace, religion, and social order, and cannot fail to
draw upon the nation the blessing and protection of an overruling Provi-
dence. If benevolence to the beasts of burden directed one day's rest in
every week under the old law, surely humanity to man ought to dictate
the same measure of rest under the new law.
"Your obedient servant in Christ,
"JAMES CARDINAL GIBBONS,
' 'Archbishop of Baltimore. " a
• And although in this particular instance the Cardinal
spoke only for himself, the anxious zeal of those professed
Protestants to secure an alliance with the papacy, hurried
them into counting every Catholic man, woman, and child
in the United States, under the census of 1880, as having
actually signed the petition. This was done at the conven-
tion of the National Reform allies, held in Washington,
D. C., under the auspices of the American Sabbath Union,
December 11-13, 1888. In the announcements of the conven-
tion it had. been stated that the church in which the con-
vention was to meet would be festooned with the names of six
million petitioners ; but at the very beginning of the first
meeting, it was stated that there were fourteen million of
them. A question was sent up asking how the number
conld have grown so much larger so suddenly. Mrs. Bate-
ham was recalled to the platform to answer the question,
and when she answered it, the cause of such a sudden and
2 Senate Hearing on "Sunday Bill," page 18.
734 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
enormous growth was explained by the fact that Cardinal
Gibbons had written the above letter saying he was most
happy to add his name to the others, and solely upon the
strength of his name, seven million two hundred thousand
Catholics were counted as petitioners.
Thus matters stood for about one year, until Novem-
ber 12, 1889, when the "Congress of Catholic Laymen
of the United States '' was' held in Baltimore "to celebrate
the one hundredth anniversary of the establishment of the
American hierarchy. " In that congress there was a paper
read by Mr. Manly B. Tello, editor of the Catholic Universe,
of Cleveland, Ohio, in which it was said : —
" What we should 'seek is an en rapport with the Protestant Chris-
tians who desire to keep Sunday holy. . . . We can bring the Protestant
masses over to the reverent moderation of the Catholic Sunday."
And the platform which was adopted as the result of the
discussions in the congress, declared upon this point as fol-
lows : —
" There are many Christian issues to which Catholics could come to-
gether with non-Catholics, and shape civil legislation for the public
weal. In spite of rebuff and injustice and overlooking zealotry, we
should seek alliance with non-Catholics for proper Sunday observance.
Without going over to the Judaic Sabbath, we can bring the masses
over to the moderation of the Christian Sunday."
This was one of the "planks" of the platform which
was "received with the greatest demonstrations ;" and the
whole platform was adopted "without discussion" and
"without a dissenting voice." As all the papers that were
read in the congress, as well as the platform, had to pass
the inspection of the hierarchy before they were presented
in public, these statements are simply the expression of the
papacy in official response to the overtures which the so-
called Protestant theocrats had been so long making to the
papacy. As was only to be expected, it was received by
THE BOND OF UNION. 735
them with much satisfaction. The American Sabbath Union
joyously exclaimed : —
"The National Lay Congress of Roman Catholics, after correspond-
ence and conference with the American Sabbath Union, passed its famous
resolution in favor of co-operation with Protestants in Sabbath reform.
. . . This does not mean that the millennium is to be built in a day. This
is only a proposal of courtship ; and the parties thus far have approached
each other shyly."
And in a temperance (?) speech in a temperance conven-
tion in New York City, reported in the National Temperance
Advocate, for May, 1889, Archbishop Ireland thanked God
that "Protestants and Catholics" "stand together in de-
manding the faithful observance of Sunday."
When a union so long desired as this had been, has reached
the stage of courtship, actual marriage could not be very far
off. Yes, that marriage was certainly coming, and like
every other feature of the papacy, it is contrary to nature —
one woman (church) marrying another in order that both
might more readily form an adulterous connection with the
State. And the fruit of the confused relationship will be
just that which is pictured in the Scripture — a hideous non-
descript monster, breathing out persecution and death.
Kev. xiii. 11-17.
Thus are the leaders of professed Protestantism in the
United States joined heart and hand with the papacy, with
the sole purpose of creating in this government an order of
things identical with that which created the papacy at the
first. It is most appropriate, therefore, that the bond of
union which unites them in the evil work, should be the
very thing — the day of the sun — by means of which the
papacy at first secured control of the civil power to compel
those who did not belong to the church to submit to the dic-
tates of the church, and to act as though they did belong to it.
It was by means of Sunday laws that the church secured con-
trol of the civil power for the furtherance of her ends when
the papacy was made. It is appropriate that the same iden-
736 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
tical means should be employed by an apostate Protestantism
to secure control of the civil power for the furtherance of her
ends, and to compel those who do not belong to the church
to submit to the dictates of the church, and to act as those
do who do belong to the church. And as that evil intrigue
back there made the papacy, so will this same thing here
make the living image of the papacy. Two things that are
so alike in the making will as surely be as much alike when
they are made.
What Home means by the transaction is shown by a let-
ter from Cardinal Gibbons upon the subject of the authority
for Sunday observance, written but a little while before the
" Congress of Catholic Laymen" was held. The letter was
written to Mr. E. E. Franke, then of Pittsburg, now of
Jersey City, N. J. , and is as follows : —
" CARDINAL'S RESIDENCE, )
"408 NORTH CHARLES ST., BALTIMORE, MD., >
"October 3, 1889. \
"DEAR MR. FRANKE : At the request of His Eminence, the Cardinal,
I write to assure you that you are correct in your assertion that Protest-
ants in observing the Sunday are following not the Bible, which they
take as their only rule of action, but the tradition of the church. I defy
them to point out to me the word 'Sunday' in the Bible ; if it is not to
be found there, and it cannot be, then it is not the Bible which they
follow in this particular instance, but tradition, and in this they flatly
contradict themselves.
"The Catholic Church changed the day of rest from the last to the
first day of the week, because the most memorable of Christ's works was
accomplished on Sunday. It is needless for me to enter into any elabor-
ate proof of the matter. They cannot prove their point from Scripture ;
therefore, if sincere, they must acknowledge that they draw their observ-
ance of the Sunday from tradition, and are therefore weekly contradict-
ing themselves. Yours very sincerely,
" M. A. REARDON."
This shows that it is as a Roman Catholic, securing
honor to an institution of the papacy, and thus to the papacy
itself, that Cardinal Gibbons indorses the national Sunday-
law movement ; and that it is as Roman Catholics doing the
same thing, that the laity and the hierarchy of the Catholic
THE AUTHORITY FOR SUNDAY OBSERVANCE. 737
Church in the United States have accepted the proffer of the
professed Protestant combination for political purposes, and
have joined hands with this combination in its aims upon
the institutions of the country.
The Cardinal understands what he is doing a great deal
better than the associations for religious legislation under-
stand what they are doing. And further, the Cardinal un-
derstands what they are doing a great deal better than they
themselves do. His letter also shows that those who signed
the petition for a Sunday law, as the Cardinal did, were hon-
oring the papacy, as the Cardinal does.
What Kome means in this may be seen not only by this
letter, but by the history of the original movement as given
in Chapter XIII of this book. The Cardinal and the rest of
the hierarchy know just how the original movement worked
and accomplished what it did. All these facts are familiar
to them, and they are glad to see this perfect pattern of the
original so strongly supported and so persistently urged.
They are indeed glad to join hands with it, and to be
married to it, for it is in spirit and in truth only a part of
that of which they themselves are a part.
And these organizations that are so determined to have
Sunday laws, know as. well as Cardinal Gibbons does that
there is no authority in the Scripture for Sunday observance.
They know as well as he does that there is no other basis
for it than tradition, and no other authority for it than the
authority of "the Church." The American Sabbath Union
has issued a series of "Pearl of Days Leaflets," No. 3 of
which was written by "Kev." George S. Mott, a vice-
president of the Union, and is entitled "Saturday or
Sunday — Which?" In this leaflet, page 7, are the follow-
ing words : —
" Our opponents declare, 'We are not satisfied with these inferences
and suppositions ; show us where the first day is spoken of as holy, or as
being observed instead of the seventh ; we must have a direct and posi-
tive command of God.' We admit there is no such command."
55
738 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
The Woman's Christian Temperance Union likewise oc-
cupies the same position. Leaflet No. 3, of the Woman's
Christian Temperance Union, department of Sabbath ob-
servance, is a concert exercise on the fourth commandment
for Sunday- schools and ''Bands of Hope." From this leaflet
we copy the following : —
"Questions, — Why do we not still keep the seventh day for our
Sabbath, instead of the first, or Sunday ?
"Answer. — We still keep one day of rest after six of work, thus
imitating God's example at creation, and at the same time we honor and
keep in memory the resurrection of Jesus Christ, who on the first day
of the week rose from the dead, and thus completed our redemption.
" Question 6. — If Jesus wished the day changed, why did he not
command it ?
" Answer. — A command to celebrate the resurrection could not
wisely be made before the resurrection occurred. He probably gave
his own disciples such directions afterward when 'speaking of the
things pertaining to the kingdom of God.' "
In 1885 the American Sunday-school Union issued a one-
thousand-dollar prize essay on the Sunday question, written
by " Rev.'' A. E. Waffle, who is now an ardent worker for
Sunday laws. In this essay (pp. 186, 187) he plainly says : —
"Up to the time of Christ's death no change had been made in the
day." And "So far as the record shows, they [the apostles] did not,
however, give any explicit command enjoining the abandonment of the
seventh-day Sabbath, and its observance on the first day of the week."
The American Sabbath Union leaflet above referred to,
corresponds to this precisely, in that it says (page 5) that
the observance of the first day of the week "grew up
spontaneously in the apostolic age, and out of the heart of
believers, and so became the Sabbath of the Christian era."
And this, with a number of other things, is said by the
same* document (pp. 6, 7) to "furnish a reliable presumption
that, during those years following the resurrection, the first
day of the week was observed in a religious way. "
HOW SUNDAY CAME IN. 739
And Dr. Herrick Johnson, speaking for the whole religio-
political combination, before the United States Senate Com-
mittee, December 13, 1888, confirmed these statements in the
following words : —
Mr. Johnson. — " I think that no one who accepts the Bible doubts
that there is one day in seven to be observed as a day of rest. "
The Chairman. — " Will you just state the authority ? "
Mr. Johnson. — "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. . . .
Six days shall thou labor and do all thy work."
The Chairman. — "Is there any other ? "
Mr. Johnson. — "There are references to this law all through the
Bible."
The Chairman. — "Now you come and change that Sabbath day to
which the Lord refers."
Mr. Johnson. — "That we hold was changed by the Lord himself."
The Chairman. — " When did he do that, and by what language ?"
Mr. Johnson. — "There was a meeting for worship on the first day of
the week, the day the Lord arose, and seven days after 3 there was another
meeting for the same purpose, and it is referred to as the Lord's day."
The Chairman. — " After the change ?"
Mr. Johnson. — "Yes, sir ; after the change."
The Chairman. — "It is based then upon two or three days' being
observed as days of religious worship after the resurrection ? "
Mr. Johnson. — " Yes, sir."
Such, according to the official declarations of these
organizations, is the origin and basis of Sunday observance.
And as to the authority for it, they are equally explicit.
"Rev." George Elliot, pastor, 1888-1890, of the Foundry
Methodist Episcopal Church, Washington, D. C., is a repre-
sentative of the movement. He appeared twice before
congressional committees as such representative. In 1884, he
wrote an essay on the Sunday question, which took a prize of
five hundred dollars. The essay, entitled, "The Abiding
Sabbath," is issued by the American Tract Society, and is
recommended everywhere by the Woman's Christian Temper-
ance Union. In this book (p. 184), is the following state-
ment : —
3 There Is no such statement in the Bible.
740 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY. —CONCLUDED.
"It is not difficult to account for the complete silence of the New Testa-
ment so far as any explicit command for the Sabbath or definite rules
for its observance are concerned. . . . The conditions under which the
early Chiristian church existed were not favorable for their announcement.
The early church, a struggling minority composed of the poorest people,
could not have instituted the Christian Sabbath in its full force of
meaning. The ruling influences of government and society were against
them."
And how the ruling influences of government and society
were turned in favor of the Sunday, so that it could be and
was instituted in its full force of meaning, the following
extracts from pages 213 and 228 of the same book plainly
show : —
"For the perfect establishment of the Christian Sabbath, as has
already been observed, there was needed a social revolution in the
Roman empire. The infant church, in its struggle through persecution
and martyrdom, had not the poicer even to keep the Lord's day perfectly
itself, much less could the sanctity of the day be guarded from desecra-
tion by unbelievers. We should expect, therefore, to find the institution
making a deepening groove on society and in history, and becoming a
well-defined ordinance the very moment that Christianity became a domi-
nant power. That such was the case, the facts fully confirm. From the
records of the early church and the works of the Christian Fathers, we
can clearly see the growth of 'the institution culminating in the famous
edict of Constantine, when Christianity became the established religion of
the empire.
"The emperor Constantine was converted, and Christianity became,
practically, the religion of the empire. It was now possible to enforce the
Christian, Sabbath, and make its observance universal'. In the year 321,
consequently, was issued the famous edict of Constantine, commanding
abstinence from servile. labor on Sunday."
As to the origin and growth of Sunday observance, and
its culmination in the famous Edict of Constantine, these
statements are strictly in accord witli the historical facts.
And that famous edict in which the Sunday observance move-
ment culminated then, was issued solely at the request of the
church managers in return for services rendered, and on their
part was but the culmination of their grand scheme to secure
control of the civil power to compel all to submit to the dis-
NO " THUS SAITH THE LORD." 7-H
cipline and the dictates of the church. Therefore, by their
own official and representative statements, we know that they
know that Cardinal Gibbons states the exact truth when he
tells them that it is the Catholic Church that has changed
the day of rest from the seventh day of the week to the first,
and that the original and only authority for Sunday observ-
ance is the authority of the papacy. This they know, and
therefore they realize that their efforts are impotent to per-
suade the consciences of men in the matter of Sunday observ-
ance. Mr. Elliott himself has borne conclusive testimony
to this in the same book above referred to (p. 263), as
follows : —
"To make the Lord's day only an ecclesiastical contrivance, is to
give no assurance to the moral reason, and to lay no obligation upon a
free conscience. The church cannot maintain this institution by its own
edict. Council, assembly, convocation, and synod can impose a law on
the conscience only when they are able to back their decree with ' Thus
saith the Lord.' "
To make Sunday observance only an ecclesiastical con-
trivance is all that he or anybody else has ever been able
to do. That is just what these official statements of those
organizations show that they know it to be. The only
edicts they are able to show for it, are the edicts of Constan-
tine and his successors, who in every instance did only the
bidding of the church. These are confessedly the only au-
thority by which they would lay the observance of Sunday
as a law upon the consciences of men. They cite no "Thus
saith the Lord " for the institution, nor for its observance.
On the contrary, they confess that "there is no such com-
mand ; " they confess that there is no command " enjoiniig
the abandonment of the seventh-day Sabbath and its observ-
ance on the first day of the week ; " they confess "complete
silence of the New Testament " so far as concerns any com-
mand to observe Sunday, or rules as to how it should be
observed; they confess that they have only "presumption,"
and "probability," and a "spontaneous growth out of
742 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
the hearts of believers," for its origin and basis, and the
church as " a dominant power" issuing "the famous Edict
of Oonstantine " for its authority. Therefore, by their own
showing and upon their own confession, the observance of
Sunday is of "no obligation upon a free conscience." Yet
council, assembly, convocation, and synod have decreed
that Sunday shall be observed by all ; and as they are not
able to back their decree with a "Thus saith the Lord,"
they are determined now, as those others were at the first, to
back it with the Thus saith the State, and lay it as an obliga-
tion upon — not free, but — enslaved consciences, compelling
men to do homage to the authority of the papacy.
Yet in the face of all this testimony and ever so much
more to the same effect, and in the face of the whole history
of the Sunday institution, they have the effrontery to present
the plea that it is only a "civil" Sunday observance that
they want to enforce ! 5 They therefore pass resolutions, and
adopt planks such as the following from the National Pro-
hibition platform of 188T : —
" 10. For the preservation and defense of the Sabbath as a civil
institution, without oppressing any who religiously observe the same or
any other day than the first day of the week."
None of those Prohibitionists, however, have attempted
to explain just why, in their efforts to preserve and defend
the Sabbath as a civil institution, they should refrain from
oppressing only those who "religiously observe" Sunday
or some other day. This betrays a lurking consciousness of
the fact that such legislation is oppressive. It likewise re-
veals the utter impossibility of either defining or defending
such a thing as a civil Sabbath. There is no such thing as
a civil Sabbath, and these organizations mean no such thing
as a civil Sunday. The whole subject is religious from
beginning to end. There never was a law enacted, nor a
single step taken, in favor of Sunday that had not a religious
5 See pages 312-319 of this book.
THAT "MISERABLE EXCUSE."
purpose and intent ; and there can never be any such thing
without such purpose ; for the institution is religious in
itself.
In this connection it will not be amiss to remember that
it was altogether for "civil" reasons that Roger Williams
was banished, that the Baptists and the Quakers were dealt
with as they were by the New England theocracy ; and that
it was for the good of the State and to preserve the State,
that is, for "civil" reasons, that the emperor Justin com-
pelled all to be Catholics, and that the alliance was first
formed with the church and such legislation enacted.6 In
the scathing words of another, this "miserable" "civil"
plea is best described: "The rulers of Massachusetts put
the Quakers to death, and banished the ' Antinomiaiis ' and
'Anabaptists,' not because of their religious tenets, but be-
cause of their violations of the civil laws. This is the
justification which they pleaded, and it was the best they
could make. Miserable excuse ! ... So the defenders of
the Inquisition have always spoken and written in justifica-
tion of that awful and most iniquitous tribunal." — £aird.'t
As the members of this whole combination taken singly
and together are wedded to the idea of a man-made
theocracy, the practical effects of the movement, if successful,
would seem to be sufficiently discernible from, the examples
that have been given in the papal, the Calvinistic, and the
Puritan theocracies. This probability is greatly strengthened
by the fact not only that it is such a perfect likeness of the
papal theocracy and is joined to the papacy itself, but that
6 Pages 603, 607, and 541, of this book.
7 "Religion in America," book ii, chap, xix, par. 14, note. "This is the
stale pretense of the clergy in all countries: after they have solicited the govern-
ment to make penal laws against those they call heretics or schismatics, and
prompted the magistrates to a vigorous execution, when they lay all the odium
on the civil power; for whom they have no excuse, but that such men suffered
not for religion, but for disobedience to law." — Buckle, " History of Civiliza-
tion," v I i, pp. 338, 339, note.
744 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
great pride is taken in appealing to the principles and prac-
tices of the Puritan theocracy. It was declared in the
Washington, D. C., convention, December 11-13, 1888,
that the object of the movement is to make Sunday "the
ideal Sabbath of the Puritans." A favorite invocation of
" Kev." M. A. Gault is that it might " rain Puritanism," all
the way from six weeks to three months. Dr. Herrick
Johnson, in his noted philippic against the Sunday news-
paper, exclaims: "Oh, for a breath of the old Puritan!"
Having so explicitly ^declared their intentions in merely
working for their much-desired laws, it were almost super-
fluous to inquire whether there will not be persecution
were it not for the singular apathy and the overweening
confidence of the people generally with regard to the
scheme. To ask the question, however, is on-ly to ask
whether they may be expected to use the power for which
they are grasping, should they succeed in their designs.
And to this it would seem to be a sufficient answer, merely
again to ask, If they do not intend to use the power, then
why are they making such strenuous efforts to get it ? For
an answer we might cite the reader to pages 714, 715 of
this book. But in addition to that, this question has been
asked to themselves, and they have answrered it. At the
Lakeside, Ohio, convention, there was asked the following
question : —
" Will not the National Reform movement result in persecution against
those who on some points believe differently from the majority, even as
the recognition of the Christian religion by the Roman power resulted in
grievous persecution against true Christians ? "
The answer given by Dr. Me Allister is as follows : —
"Now notice the fallacy here. The recognition of the Roman Cath-
olic religion by the State, made that State a persecuting power. Why ?
— Because the Roman Catholic religion is a persecuting religion. If
true Christianity is a persecuting religion, then the acknowledgment of
our principles by the State will make the State a persecutor. But if the
true Christian religion is a religion of liberty, a religion that regards the
DR. MCALLISTER AND POl'E PELAGIUS. 745
rights of all, then the acknowledgment of those principles by the State
will make the State the guardian of all men, and the State will he no per-
secutor. True religion never persecutes."
There is indeed a fallacy here, but it is not in the ques-
tion ; it is in the answer. That which made the Roman
State a persecuting power, says the Doctor, was its recogni-
tion of the Catholic religion, "'which is a persecuting relig-
ion." But the Roman Catholic religion is not the only
persecuting religion that has been in the world. Presbyte-
rianism persecuted while John Calvin ruled in Geneva ; it
persecuted while the Convenanters ruled in Scotland ; it per-
secuted while it held the power in England. Congregation-
alism persecuted while it had the power in New England.
Episcopalianism persecuted in England and in Virginia.
Every religion that has been allied with the civil power, or
that has controlled the civil power, has been a persecuting
religion ; and such will always be the case.
Dr. Me Allister's implied statement is true, that "true
Christianity never persecutes ; " but it is true only because
true Christianity never will allow itself to be allied in any
way with the civil power, or to receive any support from it.
The National Reform Association does propose to "enforce
upon all, the laws of Christian morality ; " it proposes to
have the government adopt the National Reform religion,
and then "lay its hand upon any religion that does not con-
form to it ; " and it asserts that the civil power has the right
" to command the consciences of men." The whole Sunday-
law movement does propose to enforce the observance of the
Christian Sabbath, or the Lord's day. Now any such thing
carried into effect, as is here plainly proposed by the Asso-
ciations, can never be anything else than persecution.
But Dr. McAllister affirms that the National Reform
movement, if successful, would not lead to persecution,
"because true religion never persecutes." The Doctor's
argument amounts only to this : The National Reform re-
ligion is the true religion. True religion never persecutes.
Therefore to compel men to conform to the true religion, —
746 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
that is, the religion that controls the civil power, — is not
persecution.
In A. D. 556, Pope Pelagius called upon Narses to com-
pel certain parties to obey the pope's command. Narses re-
fused, on the ground that it would be persecution. The
pope answered Narses's objection with this argument : —
" Be not alarmed at the idle talk of some, crying out against persecu-
tion, and reproaching the church, as if she delighted in cruelty, when
she punishes evil with wholesome severities, or procures the salvation of
souls. He alone, persecutes who forces to evil. But to restrain men from
doing evil, or to punish those who have done it, is not persecution, or
cruelty, but love of mankind."8
Compare this with Dr. Me Allister's answer, and find any
difference in principle between them who can. There is no
difference. The arguments are identical. It is the essential
spirit of the papacy which is displayed in both, and in that
of Pope Pelagius no more than in that of Dr. Me Allister ;
and he spoke for the whole National Reform combination
when he said it.
Another question, in the form of a statement, at the
same time and place was this : —
"There is a law in the State of Arkansas enforcing Sunday observ.
ance upon the people, and the result has been that many good persons
have not only been imprisoned, but have lost their property, and even
their lives."
To which Dr. Me Allister coolly replied : —
"It is better that a few should suffer, than that the whole nation
should lose its Sabbath."
This argument is identical with that by which the Phari-
sees in Christ's day justified themselves in killing him. It
was said : " It is expedient for us that one man should die
for the people, and that the whole nation perish not." John
xi, 50. And then says the record: "Then from that day
8 Bower's " History of the Popes," Pelagius, par. 6.
THEY DO PERSECUTE.
forth they took counsel together for to put him to death."
Verse 53.
The argument used in support of the claim of right to use
this power, is identical with that used by the papacy in in-
augurating her persecutions; the argument in justification
of the -use of the power, is identical with that by which the
murderers of Jesus Christ justified themselves in accomplish-
ing that wicked deed ; and if anybody thinks that these men
in our day, proceeding upon the identical theory, in the
identical way, joining themselves to the papacy, and justify-
ing their proceedings by arguments identical with those of
the papacy and the murderous Pharisees, — if anybody
thinks that these men will stop short of persecution, he has
vastly more confidence than the author of this book has, in
apostate preachers in possession of civil power.
Nor are we left to conjecture even in this. That they
are ready to persecute, and to justify their persecution, has
already been abun4antly demonstrated.
It may be known to the reader that there is a consider-
able and constantly growing number of people in the United
States known as Seventh-day Adventists, besides the denomi-
nation known as Seventh-day Baptists, who exercise the
right to think for themselves religiously as well as otherwise,
and to believe and decide for themselves as to what the
Bible requires with respect to their duty toward God. " They
observe the seventh day as the Sabbath according to the
plain reading of the fourth commandment, and quietly carry
on their business on Sunday as on other days. These peo-
ple are found in all the States and Territories of the Union,
in numbers ranging from a few to several thousands in
different places. And from 1885 up to the very hour in 1894
when this book went to press, in Arkansas, Tennessee, Mary-
land, and Georgia in succession, and in the last three States
both in succession and at once, these people have been
persecuted by fines, by imprisonments, and by working in
the chain-gang, for refusing to observe Sunday.
748 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
The procedure is well described in the following extract
from the speech of Senator Crockett of Arkansas, in the
State Senate, in behalf of the persecuted ones in that State.
We cannot see how any lover of justice can fail to assent to
the Senators opinion as expressed in the closing sentence.
. "Let me, sir, illustrate the operation of the present law by one or
two examples. A Mr. Swearingen came from a Northern State and set-
tled on a farm in county. His farm was four miles from town,
and far away from any house of religious worship. He was a member
of the Seventh-day Adventist Church, and after having sacredly ob-
served the Sabbath of his people (Saturday) by abstaining from all secu-
lar work, he and his son, a lad of seventeen, on the first day of the week
went quietly about their usual avocations, They disturbed no one —
interfered with the rights of no one, But they were observed, and re-
ported to the Grand Jury, indicted, arrested, tried, convicted, fined, and
having no money to pay the fine, these moral, Christian citizens of Ar-
kansas were dragged to the county jail and imprisoned like felons for
twenty-five days — and for what ? — For daring, in this so-called land of
liberty, in the year of our Lord 1887, to worship God.
" Was this the end of the story ? — Alas, no sir ! They were turned
out ; and the old man's only horse, his sole reliance to make bread for
his children, was levied on to pay the fine and costs, amounting to thirty-
eight dollars. The horse sold at action for twenty-seven dollars. A
few days afterward the sheriff came again, and demanded thirty-six dol-
lars, eleven dollars balance due on fine and costs, and twenty-five dollars
for board for himself and son while in jail. And when the poor old
man — a Christian, mind you — told him with tears that he had no
money, he promptly levied on his only cow, but was persuaded to ac-
cept bond, and the amount was paid by contributions from his friends of
the same faith. Sir, my heart swells to bursting with indignation as I
repeat to you the infamous story."
Nor did the unjust proceeding stop here. The Supreme
Court confirmed the judgments which sanctioned these in-
iquitous proceedings, and it confirmed them under a Con-
stitution which declares : —
"All men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty
God according to the dictates of their own consciences ; no man can of
right be compelled to attend, erect, or support any place of worship, or
to maintain any ministry against his consent. No human authority can,
in any case or manner whatsoever, control or interfere with the right of
" THE GOOD SEED."
conscience ; and no preference shall ever be given by tbe law to any
religious establishment, denomination, or mode of worship, above any
other."
The Supreme Courts of Tennessee and Maryland likewise
confirmed the like procedure in those States, and under
constitutions containing substantially the same provisions.
And even the United States Circuit Court for the Western
District of Tennessee confirmed it alias "due process of
law" under the United States Constitution ; and plainly and
in so many words justified it as persecution ! Here are the
words : —
" If the human impulse to rest on as many days as one can have for
rest from toil is not adequate, as it usually is, to secure abstention from
daily vocations on Sunday, one may, and many thousands do, work on
that day, without complaint from any source ; but if one ostentatiously
labors for the purpose of emphasizing his distaste for, or his disbelief in,
the custom, he may be made to suffer for his defiance by persecutions, if you
call them so, on the part of the great majority, who will compel him to
rest when they rest." 9
It is by no means certain that the strict Sunday observers
of these States are any worse than would be those of any
other State, in like circumstances. A very strong sug-
gestion in this direction is the fact, that although accounts
of these persecutions are not only a matter of public record
in the proceedings of courts and legislatures, but were pub-
lished and denounced by the secular papers throughout the
country, and too by such papers as the World and the Sun
of New York City ; the Inter Ocean, the Tribune, and oth-
ers of Chicago ; the Globe-Democrat and the Republic,^ St.
Louis ; and the Boston Magazine, the Arena ; yet not a
half-dozen religious papers in all the land ever spoke a word
against it.
9 This decision and tbe practice which -called it out, the New York Inde-
pendent, August 6, 1891, fitly described as "bad law, bad morals, and bad re-
ligion." The decision does in fact justify all persecution from that of Jesus
Christ, to this case at bar.
750 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
True, the National Keforra papers mentioned it, but only
to apologize for it or to justify it. And as a matter of
course, the National Reform leaders as well as papers, have
justified it all. The Christian Statesman of June 4, 1891,
in its leading editorial, stirring up the people of Michigan to
sow " the good seed" of Sunday-law enforcement, referred
to these persecutions, and soothingly remarked that "these
instances have occurred in three States only," and that then
only one person " ever died from such a cause."
And as for the decisions of the Supreme Courts which
we have named, they have abundant precedent in the decis-
ions of the Supreme Courts of Massachusetts, New York,
Pennsylvania, and others of the original thirteen States, which
have perpetuated the colonial Sunday legislation, which was
copied from the British system, which was derived directly
from the papal system, and which in turn has been copied
in the legislation, and perpetuated by the decisions, of the
Supreme Courts of all the younger States of the Union-
And now, instead of following the splendid example of
California and lifting the legislation of the States up to the
level of the national principles, the great effort is, and the
Circuit Court of the United States for the Western District
of Tennessee at least has fully endorsed the effort, to bring
down the national principles and procedure to the level of
those of the States, and so to turn this nation into the
Romish tide, and commit it to papal principles, to the sup-
port of papal institutions, and to the enforcement of the
chief of all papal observances.
Religious bigotry is ever the same everywhere. And the
movement to secure the enactment of National Sunday laws
is simply an attempt to spread over the whole nation the
same wicked persecutions that have appeared in these lo-
calities.
And this is but the preliminary step to the crushing out
of all freedom of religious thought and action. For, by what
right, or upon what authority, do they presume to do this?
We have seen that by their own plain statements they con-
INALIENABLE RIGHT. 751
fess that there is no command of God for Sunday observ-
ance. Yet they propose to compel all in the nation to keep
Sunday as an obligation to God. By what right, then, does
this great combination demand State and national laws com-
pelling people to observe, as an obligation to God, that for
which there is no command of God ?
Where there is no command of God, there is no obliga-
tion toward God. In this demand, therefore, they do in
fact put themselves in the place of God, and require that
their will shall be accepted as the will of God. They re-
quire that their views, without any command from the Lord,
shall be enforced upon all men ; and that all men shall be
required to yield obedience thereto as to an obligation en-
joined by the Lord.
Now it is the inalienable right of every man to dissent
from any and every church doctrine, and to disregard every
church ordinance, institution, or rite. All but papists will
admit this. Therefore, whenever the State undertakes to
enforce the observance of any church ordinance or institu-
tion, and thus makes itself the champion of the Church, it
simply undertakes to rob men of their inalienable right to
think and choose for themselves in matters of religion and
church order. Men are therefore, and thereby, compelled
either to submit to be robbed of their inalienable right of
freedom of thought in religious things, or else to disregard
the authority of the State. And the man of sound principle
and honest conviction will never hesitate as to which of the
two things he will do.
When the State undertakes to enforce the observance of
church ordinances or institutions, and thus makes itself the
champion and partisan of the church, then the inalienable
right of men to dissent from CHUKCH doctrines and to disre-
gard church ordinances or institutions, is extended to the
authority of the STATE in so far as it is thus exercised. And
that which is true of church doctrines, ordinances, and insti-
tutions, is equally true of religious doctrines and exercises of
all kinds.
752 THE GREAT CONSPIRACY.— CONCLUDED.
Now Sunday is, and is acknowledged even by them-
selves to be, but a church institution only. And when the
State enforces Sunday observance, it does compel submis-
sion to church authority, and conformity to church discipline;
and does thereby invade the inalienable right of dissent from
church authority and discipline. If the State can rightfully
do this in this one thing, it can do so in all ; and therefore in
doing this it does in effect destroy all freedom of religious
thought and action.10
Yet strictly speaking, it is not their own will nor their
own views which they propose to have enforced. Protest-
ants did not create the Sunday institution ; they did not
originate Sunday observance. Protestantism inherited both
the Sunday institution and Sunday observance. The Catho-
lic Church originated Sunday observance. The papacy sub-
stituted the Sunday institution for the Sabbath of the Lord,
enforced its acceptance and observance upon all, and prohib-
ited under a curse the keeping of the Sabbath of the Lord.
She did it and justified herself in it, precisely as these now
do. That is, by tradition and "presumptions" and "spon-
taneous growths from the hearts of believers," and by
what Christ "probably" taught, or intended to teach, or
would have taught if the matter had only been brought to
his attention.
. There is authority for Sunday observance. It is the
authority of the Catholic Church. Therefore, whoever ob-
serves Sunday, does recognize the authority of the papacy,
and does do homage to the Catholic Church. The enact-
ment of Sunday laws does recognize the authority of the
Catholic Church ; the enforcement of Sunday observance
does compel homage and obedience to the papacy. Just
what there is in this movement, therefore, is the literal ful-
fillment of that prophecy in Revelation xiii, 11-17. It is the
making of the image of the papal beast ; and the enforce-
ment of THE WORSHIP OF THE BEAST AND HIS IMAGE.
10 See page 688, par. 2, 3, of this book.
CHAPTER XXVII.
THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
first edition of this book was finished and went to
JL press in August, 1891. In this chapter in that edition,
the author discussed the probabilities that The Great Con-
spiracy would succeed. At that time we pointed out and
discussed at large the encroachments by which, in violation
of every principle of the Constitution, the religious power
had been enabled to fasten itself upon the government to
such an extent that it was confessedly " impossible " to shake
it off; namely, Government chaplaincies, religious proclama-
tions by the president, and appropriation of public money
to the churches by Congress. We also exposed the organ-
ized attempts which were -then being made in Congress,
through the proposed amendment to the Constitution recog-
nizing "the Christian religion," and the bills proposing to
require the observance of Sunday by a national law.
We cited the weighty words of Congress — both Senate
and House — spoken in 1829-30 when the same question was
before it, as follows : —
"The Jewish government was a theocracy, which enforced religious
observances ; and though the committee would hope that no portion of
the citizens of our country would willingly introduce a system of relig-
ious coercion in our civil institutions, the example of other nations
should admonish us to watch carefully against its earliest indication.
. . . Among all the religious persecutions with which almost every page
of modern history is stained, no victim ever suffered but for the violation
of what government denominated the law of God. To prevent a similar
56 [T531
754 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
train of evils in this country, the Constitution has wisely withheld from
our government the power of defining the divine law. . . .
"Extensive religious combinations to effect a political object, are, in
the opinion of the committee, always dangerous. This first effort of the
kind calls for the establishment of a principle, which, in the opinion of
the committee, would lay the foundation for dangerous innovations upon
the spirit of the Constitution, and upon the religious rights of the citi-
zens."
Knowing that extensive religious combinations to effect
a political object, are indeed always dangerous ; and know-
ing that here existed the most extensive religious combina-
tion that it was possible to form in the United States — and
formed for this very purpose ; we knew that the danger
from it was real. And in view of this dangerous situation
as it then was, we closed the book with the following
words : —
' ' CONCLUSION.
"The principles exemplified in the Constitution of the
United States as respects religion, were first announced by
Jesus Christ, and were preached to the world by his apostles
and the early Christians. For two hundred and fifty years
they were opposed by the Roman empire. But at last that
empire was compelled to confess the justice of the principles,
and so to acknowledge the victory of Christianity.
" Then ambitious bishops and political ecclesiastics took
advantage of a political crisis to secure control of the civil
power, and in the name of Christianity to pervert the victory
which Christianity had so nobly won. This created the pa-
pacy, a religious despotism, and speedily wrought the ruin
of the Roman empire, and proved a curse to the ages that
followed.
"Then came Protestantism, casting off the yoke of the
papacy, and restating the principles of Christianity respect-
ing religion and the State. Yet, from Martin Luther to
Roger Williams, in every place and in every form, wherever
it was possible, professed Protestantism, following the ex-
ample of the papacy, seized upon the civil power, and used
ENCROACHMENTS UPON THE CONSTITUTION. 755
it to restrict and repress tlie freedom of the mind, and to
persecute those who chose to think differently from the re-
ligious majority.
"Thus upon a test of ages, by paganism, Catholicism,
and false Protestantism, there was demonstrated to the
world that any connection between religion and the State is
debasing to both ; that if the religious power rises superior to
the civil power, it is ruinous to the State ; and that religious
and civil rights are both secure, and religion and liberty go
forward together, only when religion and the State are sep-
arate. And in all this there was demonstrated by every
proof, the perfect wisdom and absolute justice of the divine
principle enunciated by Jesus Christ, that religion and the
State must be entirely separate — that to Caesar there is to
be rendered only that which is Caesar's, while men must be
left free to render to God that which is God's, according to
the dictates of the individual conscience.
"In the formation of the government and in the Consti-
tution of the United States, the triumph of the principles of
Christianity respecting earthly government, was complete.
In their completeness, and by the directing providence of
God, these divine principles were thus set forth for an
example to all nations. Yet instead of these principles
having been maintained in their integrity as established by
the fathers of the New Republic, there has been allowed or
effected by those who came after, a steady encroachment,
little by little, of religion upon the State. Each successive
encroachment has been made, by the precedent, only a
stepping stone to further encroachment, until now the
demand is openly, persistently, and even powerfully made,
that the government shall formally and officially abandon
this fundamental and characteristic principle, and commit
itself to the principle of religious legislation — legislation in
behalf of the name and institutions of a professed Chris-
tianity— which is only to commit itself to the principles of
the papacy.
756 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
"If in the discussions preliminary to the establishment
of this principle as part of the supreme law of this nation,
Madison could say that, ' If with the salutary effects of this
system under our own eyes, we begin to contract the bounds
of religious freedom, we know no name which will too
severely reproach our folly,'1 how much more emphatically
can the same thing be said upon the experience of more
than a hundred years ! If in the face of all history on one
hand, and this more than a hundred years of experience on
the other, such a thing should be done, we may not only ask,
What name would too severely reproach our folly? but,
What punishment would be too severe for our wickedness ?
If such a thing should be done, what wonder should there be
if this national apostasy should be the signal of national
ruin f
"And has not the movement to accomplish this purpose
attained sufficient prominence to make the prospect of its
success worthy the serious consideration of every soul who
has any love for the genuine principles of the religion of
Jesus Christ, or any regard for the fundamental principles
of the government of the United States, or any respect for
the rights of mankind ? If that which has already been
accomplished in this direction is not sufficient to arouse
every such person to the most active and earnest diligence
in defense of the divine heritage bestowed upon the world
by Jesus Christ and bequeathed to us by our Revolutionary
fathers, what more can be required to do it ?
" We have seen the rise, the rapid growth, and the aim,
both immediate and ultimate, of the strongest religious com-
bination that could possibly be formed in the United States.
And it is evident that the combination will leave no neces-
sary means unemployed to accomplish its purpose. And,
indeed, having already the sanction of such an array of relig-
ious precedents on the part of the government, and the
^age 691, this book.
REACTION IN INTERESTS OF THE PAPACY. 757
favor, from powerful sources, of so many distinct pieces of
religious legislation, what is to hinder the complete success
of the movement in its one chief aim ?
" It is evident that even now all that remains is to bring
the question to an issue where votes shall decide. If it shall
be brought to a vote in Congress first, the probabilities are
altogether in favor of its being carried. During the Fifty-
first Congress, the New York Independent attempted a sort
of census of the Sunday standing of members. There was
not a majority of the members who replied, but the great
majority^ of those who did reply expressed themselves in fa-
vor of the governmental recognition of Sunday sacredness
by closing the coming World's Fair on Sunday.
" But even though a vote should fail in a Congress
already elected, and the question should be made the issue
in a congressional election, still the probabilities are that the
religious combination could secure enough members to carry
their scheme in some way to a successful issue. And if the
combination can succeed in causing the government to bend
to their will in a single point, everything else that they con-
template will follow. If the first step be taken, the last
step is then as certainly taken ; for the last step is in the
first.
"The government of the United States is the only one
that has ever been on earth, which, by its fundamental prin-
ciples and its supreme law, has been in harmony with the
word of God as it respects earthly government ; the only one
that was ever pledged to a distinct and positive separation
from religion ; and therefore the only government since the
papacy arose, that was ever fully separated from the princi-
ples of the papacy. Against this the papacy and those who
held to her principles, have always protested. They have
always insisted that it was an experiment that never could
758 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
be made to succeed. Yet in spite of it all and in the face
of the hoary principles of the mother of harlots, this nation
in liberty and enlightenment lias been the admiration of all
nations, and in progress has been the wonder of the world.
And the influence which by these things, and above all by
its absolutely free exercise of religious right, this govern-
ment has exerted upon other nations, has surely and steadily
weakened the hold of the papal principles upon them, till
even Spain, the home of the Inquisition, has been led to
grant toleration.
"Now if this government of such glorious principles,
shall be subverted, and shall be joined to the religion and
put under the feet of an imperious hierarchy, and its hitherto
splendid powers shall be prostituted to the vile uses of re-
ligious oppression and persecution, the reactionary influence
upon the other nations will be such as to lift the papacy to
such a position of prominence and power as it never before
possessed ; as much greater than that which it possessed in
the midnight of the Dark Ages, as the world is larger now
than it was then. In short, this reaction would lift the pa-
pacy to the place where the prophecy would be fulfilled that,
'Power was given him over all kindreds and tongues and
nations.' Rev. xiii, 7.
"As surely as this thing shall ever be done, so surely
will there be universal persecution. The exaltation of the
day of the sun has been the greatest ambition of the spirit of
the papacy from its earliest manifestation. And any one
who will pause and think a little, will clearly see that the
only religious thing there is, in the observance of which all
nations agree is THE SUNDAY. They all likewise agree that
its observance should be enforced by law. Switzerland,
Germany, Austria, Russia, France, Belgium, Holland, Spain,
Italy, Roumania, Scotland, England, the United States,
Scandinavia, Brazil and other South American States, Aus-
tralia, and even Japan — Catholic, heathen, and so-called
HYPOCRISY AND RUIN THE CONSEQUENCE. 759
Protestant alike — all agree in the exaltation of Sunday to
the highest place in human affairs, and in compelling all to
observe it. And in all alike, hatred of a Christian's observ-
ance of the Sabbath of the Lord, adds intensity to the zeal
for the ' sacredness' of Sunday.
"But, we repeat, the Sunday is the institution par excel-
lence of the papacy — that which 'the church' sets forth as
the sign of her authority. The keeping of Sunday by Prot-
estants ' is an homage they pay in spite of themselves to the
authority of the Catholic Church;' so says 'the church,'
and Protestants cannot disprove it. And when the nations
exalt Sunday and compel its observance, they thereby cause
men to honor, obey, and do homage to the papacy ; the
' man of sin ' is made once more the fountain of authority
and the source of doctrine ; all men are compelled, under
pains and penalties, to recognize it as such, and so, ' All
that dwell upon the earth shall worship him, whose names
are not written in the book of life of the Lamb slain from
the foundation of the world.' Rev. xiii, 8.
"And further saith the Scripture, 'I beheld, and the
same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against
them ; until the Ancient of Days came, and judgment was
given to the saints of the Most High ; and the time came
that the saints possessed the kingdom.' Dan. vii, 21, 22.
"Of course, in the eyes of those who demand such legis-
lation, and even many others, such proceedings would not be
considered persecution. It would only be enforcing the law.
But no State has any right either to make or to enforce any
such law. Such a law is wrong in itself ; the very making
of it is wrong. And to obey such a law is wrong. All that
any persecution has ever been, was only the enforcement of
the law.8
" And what would be the result? Precisely what it was
before. As sure as the movement to commit the govern-
2 See pages 162-164 of this book.
760 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
ment of the United States to a course of religious legislation,
shall succeed, so surely will there be repeated the history of
Rome in the fourth and fifth centuries.
"First, by hypocrisy, voluntary and enforced, there Will
be a general depravity, described by inspiration thus :
' This know also, that in the last days perilous times shall
come. For men shall be lovers of their own selves, covet-
ous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents,
unthankful, unholy. Without natural affection, truce-break-
ers, false accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those
that are good. Traitors, heady, high-minded, lovers of
pleasures more than lovers of God. Having a form of godr
liness, but denying the power thereof : from such turn away.
. . . But evil men and seducers shall wax worse and worse,
deceiving, and being deceived.' 2 Tim. iii, 1-5, 13.
"Second, As before, society will grow so utterly corrupt
that there will be no remedy, and only ruin can result.3
The principles, the proposals, and the practices of this
movement, are identical with those which characterized that
church movement in the fourth century. Two things that
are so alike in the making, can be no less alike when they
are made. And two things that are so alike in every other
respect, cannot possibly be any less alike in the final results.
The events of the history have occurred in vain, if this
is not the lesson which they teach, and the warning which
they give.
"By that 'mystic symbol of legal government,' its Great
Seal, the Government of the United States stands pledged to
'A new order of things — JVovus Ordo Seclorum /' and
by this same symbol, it is declared that ' God Has Favored
the Undertaking.' That God has favored the undertaking
is certain, and is manifest to all the world.
"Thus God has made the New Republic, the exemplar to
all the world, of the true governmental principles. To this
nation God has committed this sacred trust. How will the
8 See pages 512-516, 519 of this book.
a
THE ANSWER HAS BEEN GIVEN. 761
nation acquit itself ? how will the nation fulfill this divine
obligation ? Will it maintain the high position which God
has given it before all the nations ? or shall it be brought
down from its high estate, be shorn of its power and its
glory, and, bound and fettered, be led a captive in the ruin-
ous triumph of the papacy ? Shall the new order of things
prevail ? or shall the old order be restored ?
" These are the living questions of the hour. The fate of
the nation and of the world, depends upon the answer. The
issue out of which the answer must come, even now hangs
in the political balance. The answer itself even now trem-
bles upon the tongue of time.
"AND WHAT SHALL THE ANSWER BE?"
Such were the concluding observations and inquiry of this
book as it originally went forth in 1891. And before a year
had passed, the probability that The Great Conspiracy would
succeed had been turned into accomplished fact ; the
answer to the above questions have been given in distinct
tones by all three departments of the government — the
judiciary, the legislative, and the executive. And the answer
was and is that, The New Order of Things should not con-
tinue ; but that the Old Order of Things shall be restored,
and the principles of the papacy, and in that the papacy
itself, shall be triumphant.
The first phase of this answer came from an unexpected
source, and in an unexpected way — from the Supreme Court
of the United States, and in a wholly voluntary and an un-
called-for way.
The said decision came forth in this way : In 1887 Con-
gress enacted a law forbidding any alien to come to this
country under contract to perform labor or service of any
kind. The reason of that law was that large contractors and
corporations in the United States, would send agents to
Europe to employ the lowest of the people whom they could
get, to come over and work. They would pay their expenses
762 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
over, and because of this, require them to work at so much
the smaller wages after they arrived. This was depreciating
the price that Americans should receive for their labor, and
therefore Congress enacted a law as follows : —
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled, That from and after the passage
of this act it shall be unlawful for any person, company, partnership, or
corporation, in any manner whatsoever, to prepay the transportation, or
in any way assist or encourage the importation or migration of any alien
or aliens, any foreigner or foreigners, into the United States, its Terri-
tories, or the District of Columbia, under contract or agreement, parol or
special, expressed or implied, made previous to the importation or migra-
tion of such alien or aliens, foreigner or foreigners, to perform labor or
service of any kind in the United States, its Territories, or the District of
Columbia."
Trinity Church corporation, in New York City, hired a
preacher in England to come over here and preach for them.
They contracted with him before he came. He was an alien,
and came over under contract to perform service for that
church. The United States District Attorney entered suit
against the church for violating this law. The United States
Circuit Court decided that the church was guilty, and ren-
dered judgment accordingly. An appeal was taken to the
Supreme Court of the United States, upon writ of error.
The Supreme Court reversed the decision, first upon the
correct and well-established principle that "the intent of
the lawmaker is the law." The court quoted directly from the
reports of the Senate Committee and the House Committee
who had the bill in charge when it was put through Con-
gress ; and these both said in express terms that the term
"'laborer,'' or "labor or service," used in the statute, was
intended to mean only manual labor or service, and not
professional service of any kind. For instance, the Senate
Committee said : -
" The committee report the bill back without amendment, although
there are certain features thereof which might well be changed or modi-
fied, in the hope that the bill may not fail'of passage during the present
FEBRUARY 29, 1892. 763
session. Especially would the committee have otherwise recommended
amendments, substituting for the expression, 'labor and service,' when-
ever it occurs in the body of the bill, the words, 'manual labor' or
'manual service,' as sufficiently broad to accomplish the purposes of the
bill, and that such amendments would remove objections which a sharp
and perhaps unfriendly criticism may urge to the proposed legislation.
The committee, however, believing that the bill in its present form will be
construed as including only those whose labor or service is manual in
character, and being very desirous that the bill become a law before the
adjournment, have reported the bill without change. (6059, Congres-
sional Record, 48th Congress.)"
Such was the plainly declared intent of the law, by
those who made it, arid at the time of the making of it, there
was nothing left for the Supreme Court to do but to give
effect to the law as it was intended, by reversing the decision
of the court below. And in all reason when the court had
thus made plain the intent of the law, this was all that was
necessary to the decision of the case.
But instead of stopping with this that was all-sufficient,
the court took up a line of reasoning (?) by which it would
reach the same point from another direction, and then as the
result of each and of both, decided what the true intent of
the law was and reversed the decision of the lower court ac-
cordingly. And never was the aptness and wisdom of that
piece of advice which Abraham Lincoln once gave to a
friend — " Never say what you need not, lest you be obliged
to prove what you cannot "- — more completely illustrated
than in this unnecessary line of argument which was pursued
by the Supreme Court of the United States in this decision
of February 29, 1892.
The court unanimously declares that "this is a religious
people," "a religious nation," and even "a Christian na-
tion," and that such is "the voice of the entire people." In
support of these declarations the court offers considerable ar-
gument, which will be noticed presently. But the first thing
to be noted is that whether the court supported the declara-
tions with considerable argument or with none at all, it had
THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
no shadow of right to make any such declarations. By
the whole history of the making of the Constitution, by
its spirit, and by its very letter, the government of the
United States, and therefore the Supreme Court as a co-or-
dinate branch of the government, is precluded from declaring
or arguing in favor of the Christian religion or any religion
whatever. Let it not be forgotten that James Madison, in
persuading the Virginia Convention to ratify the Constititu-
tion, gave the assurance that "there is not a shadow of right
in the general government to intermeddle with religion. Its
least interference with it would be a most flagrant usurpa-
tion."' And it is certain that in the declarations made, in
the argument conducted, in the citations made, and in the
conclusion reached, in this decision, the Supreme Court did
"intermeddle with religion;" and in so doing did that
which it had " not a shadow of right" to do.
The first words of the Court in this line are as follows : —
"But beyond all these matters, no purpose of action against religion
can be imputed to any legislation, State or national, because this is a re-
ligious people. This is historically true. From the discovery of this
continent to the present hour, there is a single voice making this
affirmation."
Every citizen of the United States knows that it is not
true, either historically or otherwise, that this is a religious
people. Not even a majority of the people are religious.
There is not a single city in the United States in which the
people are religious — no, not a single town or village.
That is to say, this was so up to the time of the rendering
of this decision, February 29, 1892 ; since that, of course
the people are religious because the Supreme Court says so.
To be sure, some of our neighbors, and many other people
whom we meet, do not know that they are religious people,
as they have never chosen to be so and do not profess it at
all ; but all that makes no difference ; the Supreme Court of
* Page 695 of this book.
ARE ALL THE PEOPLE CHRISTIANS? 765
the United States lias by unanimous decision declared that
they are religious people, and it must be so whether they
know it or not. Nor is this all. The court not only declares
that this is a "religious nation," but that it is a " Christian
nation." The people, therefore, are not only religious but
they are Christians — yes, Jews, infidels, and all. For is not
the Supreme Court the highest judicial authority in the
United States ? and what this court declares to be the law,
is n't that the law ? and when this court lays it down as the
supreme law — as the meaning of the Constitution — that the
people are religious, and are Christians, then does n't that
settle the question ? — Not at all. The very absurdity of the
suggestion only demonstrates that the court can have nothing
at all to do with any such matters, and shows how completely
the court transcended its powers and went out of the right
way. No ; men are not made religious by law, nor by
judicial decision, nor by historical precedents.
The statement that "from the discovery of this continent
to the present hour there is a single voice " making the
affirmation that this nation is a religious people, is equally
wide of the mark. For at the time of the making of this
national government there was a new, fresh voice heard
contradicting the long, dismal monotone of the ages, and
declaring for this new nation that it "is not in any sense
founded upon the Christian religion," and that it can never of
right have anything to do with religion — that it has "not a
shadow of right to intermeddle with religion," and that "its
least interference with it would be a most flagrant usurpation. "
And this voice it was which gave rise to the "new order of
things "for this country and for the world. Why did not
the court heed this voice ?
After this deliverance the court proceeds to cite historical
evidences to prove the proposition that this is a "religious
people" and a "Christian nation." The first is as
follows : —
766 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
"The commission to Christopher Columbus, prior to his sail westward
is from ' Ferdinand and Isabella, by the grace of God, king and queen
of Castile,' etc., and recites that, 'it is hoped that by God's assistance
some of the continents and islands in the ocean will be discovered,' etc."
What religion did Ferdinand and Isabella have in mind
when they issued that document ? What religion did they
profess ? And what religion did they possess, too ? — The
Catholic religion, to be sure. And not only that, it was the
Catholic religion with the Inquisition in full swing, for it
was Ferdinand and Isabella who established the Inquisition
in Spain under the generalship of Torquemada, and who,
because Spain was a "Christian nation," sentenced to con-
fiscation of all goods, and to banishment, every Jew who
would not turn Catholic.5 And by virtue of such religious
activity as this, Ferdinand and Isabella fairly earned as an
everlasting reward, and by way of pre-eminence, the title of
"THE CATHOLICS." And this is the first piece of
" historical " authority by which the Supreme Court of the
United States adjudges American citizens " to be a religious
people," and by which that court decides that this is a
" Christian nation."
Now that is quoted to prove that this is a "religious peo-
ple " and a " Christian nation ; " and it is declared that this
language of Ferdinand and Isabella, and the language of
the Constitution of the United States, "have one meaning."
Then in view of that quotation and this decision, should
it be wondered at if the Catholic Church should claim that
this is so indeed, and should demand favors from the gov-
ernment as such? Everybody knows that the Catholic
Church already is not slow to take part in politica.1 ques-
tions, to interfere with the government, and to have the gov-
ernment recognize the Catholic Church and give it every
5 This sentence was inflicted too, after the commission to Christopher
Columbus under which he discovered this " Christian nation ."
THE PURPOSES OF THE BRITISH SOVEREIGNS. ^67
year from the public treasury nearly four hundred thousand
dollars of the money of all the people. The people know
that this is already the case. And now, when this Catholic
document is cited by the Supreme Court to prove this a
Christian nation ; and when that court declares that .this
document and the Constitution have one meaning ; should it
be thought strange if the Catholic Church should claim that
that is correct, and act upon it ?
However it is not denominational or "sectarian " Chris-
tianity that the court proposes to recognize as the national
religion here, but simply "Christianity, general Christian-
ity." Accordingly, British documents are next quoted which
designate "the true Christian faith1' as professed in the
church of England in colonial times. And here is the quo-
tation : -
"The first colonial grant, that~made to Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584,
was from ' Elizabeth, by the grace of God ; of England, Fraunce, and
Ireland, queene, Defender of the Faith,' etc.; and the grant authorized
him to enact statutes for the government of the proposed colony ;
Provided, That, ' they be not against the true Christian faith now pro-
fessed in the Church of England.'6 . . . Language of a similar import
may be found in the subsequent charters, . . . and the same is-true of
the various charters granted to other colonies. In language more or less
emphatic, is the establishment of the Christian religon declared to be
one of the purposes of the grant."7
It is true that "the establishment of the Christian re-
ligion was one of the purposes" of all these grants. But are the
American people still bound by the purposes and intentions
6 Turu to pages 584, 585, and 593 of this book and it will be seen what was
the " true Christian faith " professed in the Church of England in Queen
Elizabeth's time.
7 It may very properly be noted here, in passing, that this and the
previous quotation, just as certainly prove the divine right of rulers in this
country, as they prove that this is " a religious people " or " a Christian nation."
And this is the logic of the discussion, too ; for it is plainly declared that these
documents and the Constitution have all one language and " one meaning."
57
768 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS
of Queen Elizabeth and her British successors ? Does Britain
still rule America, that the intent and purposes of British
sovereigns shall be held binding upon the American people?
Nay, nay. After all these documents were issued there was
the American Revolution and the Declaration of Independ-
ence, by which it was both declared and demonstrated that
these Colonies are and of right ought to be free and inde-
pendent States — free and independent of British rule, and
the intents and purposes of British sovereigns in all things,
religious as well as civil.8
It is true that " the establishment of the Christian relig-
ion was one of the purposes" of these grants. But shall the
Constitution of the United States count for nothing, when
it positively prohibits any religious test, and any establish-
ment of religion of any kind ? Shall the supreme law of
this nation count for nothing in its solemn declaration that
"the government of the United States is not in any sense
founded on the Christian religion " ? Has the Supreme
Court of the United States the right to supplant the supreme
law of this land with the intents and purposes of the
sovereigns of England ? Is the Supreme Court of the United
States the interpreter of the supreme law of the United
States ? or is it the interpreter of the intents and purposes of
the sovereigns of England, France, and Ireland, "Defenders
of the Faith " ?
It is true that " the establishment of the Christian re-
ligion was one of the purposes " of these grants ; and that
purpose was accomplished in the colonies settled under those
grants. But though all this be true, what possible bearing
can that rightly have on any question under the Constitution
and laws of the national government? The national system
was not intended to be a continuation of the colonial system ;
on the contrary, it was intended to be distinct from both the
colonial and State systems. And the chief, the very funda-
mental, distinction that the national system was intended to
8 See page 683 of this book.
LOGICAL SUBSTANCE OF THE ARGUMENT.
have from both the others was in its complete separation
from every idea of an establishment of religion.
And though it be true that all the colonies except
Rhode Island had establishments of" the Christian religion"
in pursuance of the purpose of these British grants ; and
though all the States except Rhode Island and Virginia
had these same establishments of " the Christian religion "
when the national system was organized ; yet this had no
bearing whatever upon the national system except to make
all. the more emphatic its total separation from them all,
and from every conception of an establishment of "the
Christian religion."
Let us reduce to the form of a short and direct argument
this reasoning of the court. The proposition to be proved
is, "this is a Christian nation." The leading member is,
"the establishment of the Christian religion was one of the
purposes " of the British grants here. We have then the prin-
cipal statement and the conclusion. But this is not enough ;
we must know how the conclusion follows from the leading
statement. So far the argument stands merely thus : —
(a) "The establishment of the Christian religion was
one of the purposes of the British grants in America."
(5) "This is a Christian nation."
But this will never do ; there is a destructive hiatus be-
tween the two statements. This blank must be tilled, or else
there is a total absence of reasoning, and the conclusion is
nothing. With what, then, shall this blank be tilled ? It
could be filled thus : —
(a) "The establishment of the Christian religion was
one of the purposes of the British grants in America."
(b) "America is subject to British sovereignty."
(c) Consequently, in the meaning of the law, "this is a
Christian nation."
This would complete the formula, would give the conlu-
sion something to rest upon, and would connect it with the
770 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
leading statement. But the difficulty with it is that it is not
true. It is not only contrary to the history and the experi-
ence of the nations concerned, but it is contrary to the
argument of the court itself ; for the court, in its argument,
does recognize and name the Declaration of Independence,
and the national Constitution. This thought then is not
allowable in the argument.
What thought, then, will fit the place and make the for-
mula complete? There is one, and only one possible
thought, that can fit the place and make the connection be-
tween the court's premise and its conclusion. That thought
is given by the court itself as the turning-point, and is indeed,
the pivot — the very crucial test — of the argument of the
court. Here is the statement in the words of the court : —
(a) "The establishment of the Christian religion is de-
clared to be one of the purposes of the [British] grants [in
America]."
(£) " This declaration and the national Constitution have
one language and ' one meaning.' '
(c) Consequently, " this is a Christian nation."
This and this alone is the course of reasoning by which
the court reaches its conclusion that " this is a Christian na-
tion." This is the thought, and indeed those are the words
of the court. The thing is accomplished solely by making
the language of the Constitution bear "one meaning" with
these quoted declarations whose purpose was plainly "the
establishment of the Christian religion."
But some may say, This formula encounters the same
difficulty as did the other one ; viz., it is not true, and is
contrary to all the history and experience of the nation in
the times of the making of the Constitution. It is true that
9 Immediately after quoting the First Amendment to the Constitution, along
with all these other documents, the court's words are these : —
" There is no dissonance in these declarations. There is a universal language
pervading them all, having one meaning. They affirm and reaffirm that this is
a religious nation."
THE DECISIVE POINT. 771
the connecting statement between the premise and the con-
clusion in this latter formula is, in itself, as false as is that
one in the former. It is true that the Constitution was never
intended to bear any such meaning as is here given to it in
harmony with the declarations quoted. It was both intended
and declared to bear a meaning directly the opposite of that
which these declarations bear. And if any other person,
persons, or tribunal, on earth (except all the people) had
said that such is the meaning of the Constitution, it would
have amounted to nothing. Such a statement made by the
Supreme Court, however, does amount to something. And —
HERE IS THE DECISIVE POINT.
The Supreme Court of the United States is constitution-
ally authorized to interpret, and declare the meaning of, the
Constitution. Whatever the Supreme Court says the mean-
ing of the Constitution is, that is legally and constitutionally
its meaning so long as said decision stands. The meaning
which the court gives to the Constitution may be utterly
false, as in the Dred Scott decision and in this one, but that
matters nothing ; the false meaning stands as firmly as
though it were true, until the decision is reversed either by
the Supreme Court itself, or by the higher court — the people
— as was done in the matter of the Dred Scott decision, of
which this decision now under consideration is a complete
parallel.
Such then is indisputably the meaning which the Su-
preme Court of the United States has given to the Constitu-
tion of the United States — a meaning the purpose of which
is "the establishment of the Christian religion." This is a
meaning which by every particle of evidence derivable from
the makers and the making of the Constitution is demon-
strated to be directly the reverse of that which it was in-
tended to bear and which it did bear while the makers of it
lived. Therefore as certainly as logic is logic, and truth is
truth, it is demonstrated that in this decision the Supreme
772 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
Court of the United States has subverted the Constitution of
the United States in its essential meaning as regards the
Christian religion or the establishment thereof.
Nor was the court content with a little. These declara-
tions of Ferdinand and Isabella, Elizabeth, James I, et al.,
were not sufficient to satisfiy the zeal of the court in behalf
of "Christianity, general Christianity," as the established
and national religion here ; but it must needs heap upon
these fifteen more, from different sources, to the same pur-
pose. Having extracted the logical substance of the court's
argument throughout, in the foregoing analysis, it will not
be necessary for us to apply the set formula to each citation
in all the long list. This the reader can readily enough do
in his own mind. We shall, however, present all of the
court's quotations and its application of them, with such
further remarks as may be pertinent.
Next following the citations from Ferdinand and Isa-
bella, Elizabeth, and the others of Britain, the court sets
forth documents of the New England Puritans which also
plainly declare that "the establishment of the Christian re-
ligion was one of the purposes" of their settlement in the
land. Here is the language of the court and of the Puri-
tans : —
"The celebrated compact made by the Pilgrims in the 'Mayflower,'
1620, recites: 'Having undertaken for the glory of God and Advance-
ment of the Christian faith, and the honor of our King and Country, a
voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia ; Do by
these Presents, solemnly and mutually, in the Presence of God and one
another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil Body
Politick, for our better Ordering and Preservation, and Furtherance of
the Ends aforesaid.'
"The fundamental orders of Connecticut, under which a provisional
government was instituted in 1638-1639, commence with this declara-
tion:—
" 'Forasmuch as it hath pleased the Almighty God by the wise dis-
pensation of his diuyne pruidence so to order and dispose of things that
we the inhabitants and residents of Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield
"CONECTECOTTE" AND PENNSYLVANIA. 773
are now cohabiting and dwelling in and upon the River Conectecotte
and the Lands thereunto adioyneing ; and well knowing where a people
are gathered together, the word of God requires that to mayntayne the
peace and vnion of such a people there should be an orderly and decent
Government established according to God, to order and dispose of the
affayres of the people at all seasons as occasion shall require ; doe there-
fore assotiate and conioyne ourselves to be as one publike State or Com-
onwelth ; and doe, for ourselves and our successors and such as shall be
adioyned to vs att any tyme hereafter, enter into Combination and Con-
federation togather, to mayutayne and presearue the liberty and purity
of the gospell of our Lord Jesus wch we now prfesse, as also the disci-
plyne of the churches, wch according to the truth of the said gospell is
now practised amongst us.'"
It is worthy of remark in this connection, that by this
"historical" citation, the Supreme Court just as certainly
justifies the employment of the "civil body politick" for the
maintenance of "the disciplyne of the churches," as by this
and the previous ones it establishes the Christian religion as
the religion of this nation. For it was just as much and as
directly the intention of those people to maintain the disci-
pline of the churches, as it was to "preserve the liberty and
purity of the gospel then practiced " among them. Indeed,
it was only by maintaining the discipline of the churches
that they expected to preserve "the liberty and purity of the
gospell " as there and then practiced. All their history
shows that they never thought, nor made any pretensions, of
doing it in any other way. And in fact, order number four
of these very "fundamental orders" required that the gov-
ernor of that "publike State or Comonwelth " should "be
always a member of some approved congregation," and
should take an oath that he would "further the execution of
justice according to the rule of God's word ; so help me God
in .the name of the Lord Jesus Christ." 10
And we know and have abundantly shown that the main-
tenance of the discipline of the churches by the power of
10 See pages 602-604, 608 aud 620-621 of tbis book.
774 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
"the civil Body Politick" is precisely what the churches of
the United States design to accomplish through the enforce-
ment of national Sunday laws. This is what is done always
in the enforcement of Sunday laws whether State or national.
And all this purpose, the Supreme Court fully sanctions and
justifies in its (mis)interpretation of the national Constitution,
when it declares that the language of these "fundamental
orders of Connecticut " and the language of the national
Constitution is " one language " " having one meaning."
The court proceeds : —
"Iii the charter of privileges granted by William Penn to the province
of Pennsylvania, in 1701, it is recited: 'Because no People can be truly
happy, though under the greatest Enjoyment of Civil Liberties, if abridged
of the Freedom of their Consciences, as to their Religious Profession and
Worship ; And Almighty God being the only Lord of Conscience, Father
of Lights and Spirits ; and the Author as well as Object of all divine
Knowledge, Faith and Worship, who only doth enlighten the Minds, and
persuade and convince the Understandings of People, I do hereby grant
and declare,' etc."
Yes. and the same document provided that in order to
"be capable to serve the government in any capacity"
a person must " also profess to believe in Jesus Christ the
Saviour of the world." And according to the same docu-
ment, in order to be assured that "he should in no ways
be molested," etc., a person living in that province was re-
quired to "confess and acknowledge the only Almighty and
Eternal God to be Creator, Upholder, and Ruler of the
world."
Still citing proof that this is a Christian nation, the court
continues in the following queer fashion : —
"Coming nearer to the present time, the Declaration of Independence
recognizes the presence of the Divine in human affairs in these words :
'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights,
that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.' ' We,
therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General
PERVERSION OF THE DECLARATION. Y75
Congress Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for
the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name and by Authority of
the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare,' etc. :
'And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on Divine
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes,
and our sacred Honor.'"
It is undoubtedly true that the Declaration of Independ-
ence does recognize the presence of the Divine in human
affairs. But it is a hazardous piece of logic to conclude from
this that " this is a Christian nation." For what nation has
there ever been on earth that did not recognize the presence
of the Divine in human affairs ? But it would be rather risky
to conclude from this that all nations have been and are
" Christian 'nations."
But, it may be said, This recognizes the " Creator," and
"the Supreme Judge of the world," as well as "Divine
Providence." Yes, that is true, too. And so do the Turks,
the Arabs, the Hindoos, and others ; but that would
hardly justify the Supreme Court or anybody else in con-
cluding and officially declaring that Turkey, Arabia, and
Hindoostan, are Christian nations.
But it may still be said that those who made this Declara-
tion used these expressions with none other than the God
of Christianity in mind. This may or may not be true, ac-
cording to the way of thinking of the respective individuals
who signed or espoused the Declaration.11 But whatever
these expressions may have meant to those who used them
at the time, it is certain that they did not mean what the Su-
preme Court has here made them mean. Of this we have
the most positive evidence.
11 Thomas Paine, though not a signer of the Declaration, had no small part
in bringing it about, and it is certain that he did most heartily support it. And
it is evident enough that he did not use these terms with reference to Chris-
tianity, nor with the intention to establish " a Christian nation " here. Ethan
Allen, the Green Mountain hero, was another, and there were thousands oi
others.
770 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
Thomas Jefferson was the author of the Declaration of In-
dependence, and from that day and forward he exerted all his
powers to ^establish "the true Christian faith professed in
the Church of England," which according to the purpose of
Elizabeth and her successors had been established in Vir-
ginia for more than a hundred and fifty years. When this
was accomplished, and an attempt was made to establish
"Christianity, general Christianity," under the title of "the
Christian religion," Jefferson again enlisted all his powers
to defeat the attempt, and it was defeated. And to the day
of his death, the one thing in all his career upon which he
looked with the most satisfaction was this disestablishment
of " the Christian religion " in Virginia. And now, lo ! this
document of which Jefferson was the author is quoted by the
Supreme Court of the United States and classed with docu-
ments "one of the purposes" of which was "the establish-
ment of the Christian religion," and, as having " one mean-
ing " with these, is used to prove a proposition with reference
to this nation which Jefferson spent all his powers and the
best part of his life in combating ! What would Jefferson
himself say to this use of his language were he Jiere to read
this decision ( la
Except in the matter of the Dred Scott decison, a more
perverse use of the language of the Declaration of Independ-
ence certainly never was made, than is thus made in this
"Christian nation" decision, February 29, 1892.
Next the court says : —
"If we examine the constitutions of the various States, we find in
them a constant recognition of religious obligations. Every constitution
of every one of the forty-four States contains language which either
directly or by clear implication recognizes a profound reverence for
religion and an assumption that its influence in all human affairs is
essential to the well being of the community."
This is all true enough in itself ; but even though it be
true respecting all the States, that can have no bearing what-
1 - Pages 693, 694, this book.
WHAT IS THE NATION? 777
ever in any matter respecting the nation or the national
jurisdiction or the consideration of any national question.
The Constitution declares that -
"The powers not delegated to (he United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to States respectively, or
to the people."
No power in, over, or concerning religion has been dele-
gated to the United States — the nation — by the Constitution,
nor has such power been prohibited by it to the States. On
the contrary, any such power has actually been prohibited
to the United States by the Constitution. All power and
jurisdiction, therefore, in all questions and all matters of
whatever kind concerning religion, are reserved, and belong
exclusively to the States or to the people. And even though
all the forty-four States had one and the same religion
and that specifically and by law established, this would
mean absolutely nothing, and could never rightly be made
to mean anything, to the United States, i. e., to the nation.
The Supreme Court of the nation therefore has no right to
cite religious characteristics of the States, and then from
these draw conclusions and make official declarations that
the nation is "• religious" or "• Christian " or anything else
in the way of religion. This is why Madison said that
"there is not a shadow of right in the general government
to intermeddle with religion." And this is why he also
declared that the " least interference " of the general govern-
ment with religion "would be a most flagrant usurpation."
This, because in so doing it would be intruding into a field
and entering upon the consideration of that which is not
only reserved but positively prohibited.
The United States — the nation indeed — is not composed
of the States. The original thirteen States did not compose
the nation, nor do the forty-four now compose it. The
United States, the nation, is that power, that system, that
organization, above all the States and distinct from them,
which was created to perform in behalf of the States and the
778 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
people, what neither the people, nor any State, nor yet all
the States together, could do for themselves. When the
thirteen colonies, by conquering the British forces and se-
curing the recognition of their independence, had demon-
strated that "these colonies are, and of right ought to be,
free and independent States," that is exactly what they were.
They were not only free and independent of Great Britain,
but they were free and independent of each other. Each
State was as free and independent of all the others as though
it stood alone on this continent. True, Articles of Confed-
eration had'been entered into under which a Congress acted.
But the Congress had no real power. It could recommend
to the States, measures to be carried into effect, but the States
could and did do just as they pleased as to paying any atten-
tion to the recommendations. If the measure suited them,
they would act upon it, but if not, they would n't. And if it
suited part of them and did not suit the rest, even if it met
the approval of all but one, only the ones that chose would
comply with the recommendation, and as to the others, or
the other one, there was no power on earth that could require
them or it to act with the States that chose to comply.
Washington described the situation by saying : " We are
one nation to-day, and thirteen to-morrow." This is the
exact truth. Practically they were thirteen independent
nations, just as those of Europe are.
Finding that they could not long exist with such a fast-
and-loose order of things as that, "a federal nation" was
created to perform, by delegated powers, in behalf of the
States and the people, what could not be performed by them-
selves. Such is the origin and purpose of this nation. And
this is the nation. As is well stated by another: "From
1776 to 1789 the United States were a confederation ; after
1789 it was a federal nation."— Fiske. ls
Yet in the nation each State respectively retains its own
full sovereignty, and each citizen individually his own full
13 " Civil Government," p. 234.
RELIGION IN THE STATES. 779
freedom, in all things "not delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States." Arid
as no power in matters of religion has been delegated to the
nation, but on the contrary all such power has been posi-
tively prohibited to the nation, so the Supreme Court of the
nation was doubly precluded from drawing from the example
of the States anything on the subject of religion, and was
also doubly precluded from ever making any such declara-
tion as that "this is a Christian nation."
It is worth while however to give the citations which the
court makes from the State constitutions, that the use which
the court makes of the national Constitution in connection
therewith may be clearly seen. So here they are exactly as
the court sets them forth, except italics : —
"This recognition may be in the preamble, such as is found in the
Constitution of Illinois, 1870: 'We, the people of the State of Illinois,
grateful to Almighty God for the civil, political, and religious liberty
which He hath so long permitted us to enjoy, and looking to Him for a
blessing upon our endeavors to secure and transmit the same unimpaired
to succeeding generations,' etc.
"It may be only in the familiar requisition that all officers shall take
an oath closing with the declaration ' so help me God.' It may be in clauses
like that of the Constitution of Indiana, 1816, Article XI, section 4 :
'The manner of administering an oath or affirmation shall be such as is
most consistent with the conscience of the deponent, and shall be es-
teemed the most solemn appeal to God.' Or in provisions such as are
found in Articles 36 and 37 of the Declaration of Rights of the Constitu-
tion of Maryland, 1867: 'That as it is the duty of every man to itorship
God in such manner as he thinks most acceptable to Him, all persons
are equally entitled to protection in their religious liberty ; wherefore,
no person ought, by any law, to be molested in his person or estate on
account of his religious persuasion or profession, or for his religious
practice, unless, under the color of religion, he shall disturb the good order,
peace, or safety of the State, or shall infringe the laws of morality, or injure
others in their natural, civil, or religious rights; nor ought any person to be
compelled to frequent or maintain or contribute, unless on contract, to
maintain any place of worship, or any ministry ; nor shall any person,
otherwise competent, be deemed incompetent as a witness, or juror, on
account of his religious belief: Provided, He believes in the existence of
God, and that, under His dispensation, such person will be held morally
780 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
accountable for his acts, and be rewarded or punished therefor, either in
this world or the world to come. That no religious test ought ever to be
required as a qualification for any office of profit or trust in this State,
other than a declaration of belief in the eiisten.ce of God; nor shall the leg-
islature prescribe any other oath of office than the oath prescribed by this
constitution." Or like that in Articles 2 and 3, of Part 1st, of the Con-
stitution of Massachusetts, 1780: 'It is the right as well as the duty of all
men in society publicly and at stated seasons, to worship the Supreme Be-
iny, the Great Creator and Preserver of the universe. . . . As the happiness
of a people and the good order and preservation of civil government essen-
tially depend upon piety, religion, and morality, and as these cannot be gen-
erally diffused through a community but by the institution of the public
worship of God and of public instructions in piety, religion, and morality;
Therefore, to promote their happiness and to secure the good order and
preservation of their government, the people of this commonwealth have
a right to invest their legislature -with power to authorize and require, and the
legislature shall, from time to time, authorize and require, the several towns,
parishes, precincts, and other bodies-politic or religious societies to make
suitable provisions, at their own expense, for the institution of the public
worship of God and for the support and maintenance of public Protestant
teachers of piety, religion, and morality in all cases where such provision
shall- not be made voluntarily.' Or as in sections 5 and 14 of Article 7,
of the Constitution of Mississippi, 1832: ' No person who denies the being
of a God, or a future state of rewards and punishments, shall hold any
office in the civil department of this State. . . , Religion, morality, and
knowledge being necessary to good government, the preservation of
liberty, and the happiness of mankind, schools, and the means of educa-
tion, shall forever be encouraged in this State.' Or by Article 22 of the
Constitution of Delaware, 1776, which required all officers, besides an
oath of allegiance, to make and subscribe the following declaration: 'I,
A. B., do prof ess faith in God the Father, and in Jesus Christ His only Son,
and in the Holy Ghost, one God, bkssed for evermore; and I do acknowl-
edge the Holy Scriptures of ftie Old and New Testaments to be given by divine
inspiration.' "
And the doctrine that is held all through the decision,
that these quotations and the Constitution speak the same
language and have one meaning, is just at this point em-
phasized in the following words : —
"Even the Constitution of the United States, which is supposed to have
little touch upon the private life of the individual, contains in the First
Amendment a declaration common to the constitutions of all the Slates, as
DOES THE CONSTITUTION MEAN THIS? 781
follows: 'Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of re-
ligion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.' And also provides that
the Executive shall. have ten days (Sundays excepted) within which to
determine whether he will approve or veto a bill. [Here is a sly indica-
tion that the enforcement of Sunday observance is constitutional.]
" There u no dissonance in these declarations. There is a universal lan-
guage pervading them all, having one meaning; they affirm and re-affirm
that this is a religious nation. These are not individual sayings, declara-
tions of private persons ; they are organic utterances; they speak the voice
of the entire people. "
According to this interpretation, then, when the Consti-
tution of the United States declares that "no religious test
sJiall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public
trust under the United States," it means that "no religious
test ought ever to be required .... other than a belief in
the existence of God" and of " a future state of rewards and
punishments," and a profession of " faith in God the Father,
and in Jesus Christ his only Son, and in the Holy Ghost,
one God, blessed forevermore ; and I do acknowledge the
Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments to be given
by divine inspiration." For this is what the Constitutions of
Maryland, Mississippi, and Delaware plainly mean ; and
these and the Constitution of the United States are pervaded
by a "universal language," "having one meaning" ! ! !
And when-the Constitution of the United States declares
that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment
of religion, "it means that the Congress " shall, from time
to time, authorize and require the several towns, parishes, -
precincts, and other bodies-politic, or religious societies,
to make suitable provisions, at their own expense, for the
institution of the public worship of God, and for the support
and maintenance of public Protestant teachers of piety,
religion, and morality, in all cases where such provisions
shall not be made voluntarily " ! ! ! For plainly that is what
the Constitution of Massachusetts means, and behold that
and the Constitution of 'the United States are pervaded by
" a universal language " " having one meaning" !
782 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
How the court could present such a string of quotations,
every one of which distinctly contemplated an establishment
of religion and the prohibition of the free exercise thereof,
and then quote this clause of the national Constitution, which
in every feature and every intent, absolutely prohibits any
establishment of religion, and any interference with the free
exercise thereof — how the court could do all this and then
declare that "there is no dissonance " in the declarations,
that they all have the same language, and " one meaning,"
is a most astonishing thing. If such a thing had been done
by any of the common run of American citizens, it could
have been considered as nothing less than wildly absurd ;
but coming as it does from such a source as the Supreme
Court of the whole nation, it is as far worse as could be
possible. To say that it is absurd is not enough, it is
simply preposterous. And yet, preposterous as it is, it is
expected to, and, so far as the great mass of the people are
concerned, it undoubtedly will, carry with it all the weight
of supreme national law.
All this is bad enough, and preposterous enough, in itself;
but there is another consideration that even magnifies it, —
that is, the leaving out, the complete ignoring, of all of the
history and all the essential facts which are pertinent to
the question.14 Why should the court leave out Jefferson,
Madison, and Washington from the place where they only and
wholly belong, and drag Ferdinand, Isabella, and Elizabeth
into the place where they do not and cannot by any shadow
of right belong? Why should Jefferson, Madison, and
Washington not only be allowed no place by the court, but
be compelled by the court to give place to Ferdinand, Isa-
bella, and Elizabeth ? Why should the purposes of Jefferson,
Madison, and Washington, and the other fathers who made
this nation, be completely ignored, and the purposes of
Ferdinand, Isabella, Elizabeth, and the Puritans be taken up
and exalted to their place ? Why should all the history of the
u Glance again at pages 682-696 and consider this point.
THE ABSURDITY OF IT. 783
making of the national Constitution be ignored as completely
as though there were no such history, and all this other stuff
be taken up and discussed and approved as though this were
the only historical evidence there is on the subject? Why
should the national Constitution be interpreted and construed
according to the purposes of Ferdinand, Isabella, Elizabeth
and her successors ; the Puritans ; and the constitutions of
the States; instead of the purposes of Jefferson, Madison,
Washington, and the other fathers who made it ? Why
should the real meaning which our Fathers gave to the Con-
stitution be supplanted with a meaning that is as foreign
to it as the sovereigns of Spain and England are foreign to
the nation itself to-day ? Why should the only history that
is pertinent to the question be wholly ignored, and that
which in every element is absolutely impertinent be exalted
and honored in its stead ?
The language in which Abraham Lincoln characterized
the position of Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott decis-
ion, and of Stephen A. Douglas in the defense of it, is the
language that is most fitting to the position of the Supreme
Court in this "Christian nation" decision; for here the
two decisions are perfectly parallel. Lincoln's words are
as follows : —
"I ask, How extraordinary a ^ing it is that a man who has occupied
a seat on the floor of the Senate [or on the bench of the Supreme
Court — A. T. j.] of the United States . . . pretending to give a truthful
and accurate history of the slavery question [or of the question of re-
ligion and the nation — A. T. j.] in this country, should so entirely ignore
the whole of that portion of our history — the most important of all !
Is it not a most extraordinary spectacle, that a man should stand up and
ask for any confidence in his statements, who sets out as he does with
portions of history, calling upon the people to believe that it is a true
and fair representation, when the leading part, the controlling feature,
of the whole history is carefully surpressed ?
"And now he asks the community to believe that the men of the
Revolution were in favor of his ' great principle,' when we have the
naked history that they themselves dealt with this very subject-matter
of his principle, and utterly repudiated his principle — acting upon a
58
784 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
precisely contrary ground. It is as impudent and absurd as if a prose-
outing attorney should stand up before a jury, and ask them to convict
A as the murderer of B, while B was standing alive before them."
But the court does not stop even here. Having estab-
lished "the Christian religion" for "the entire people, "and
settled all the appurtenances thereto as within the meaning
of the Constitution, the court cites and sanctions the declara-
tion of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania that "Christian-
ity, general Christianity, is, and always has been, part of the
common law," and then proceeds to sanction also the doc-
trine that it is blasphemy to speak or act in contempt "of
the religion professed by almost the whole community."
This is done by citing the pagan decision of "Chancellor
Kent, the great commentator on American law, speaking as
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of New York " which
"assumes that we are a Christian people." Here is the lan-
guage of the court on that strain : —
"While because of the general recognition of this truth the question
has seldom been presented to the courts, yet we find that in Updegraph
vs. The Commonwealth (11 Serg. and Rawle, 394, 400) it was decided
that 'Christianity, general Christianity, is, and always has been a part of
the common law of Pennsylvania; . . . not Christianity with an estab-
lished church, and tithes, and spiritual courts ; but Christianity with lib-
erty of conscience to all men.' And in The People vs. Ruggles (8 Johns.
290, 294, 295), Chancellor Kent, the great commentator on American law,
speaking as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of New York, said :
' The people of this State, in common witii the people of this country,
profess the general doctrines of Christianity, as the rule of their faith and
practice ; and to scandalize the Author of these doctrines is not only, in
a religious point of view, extremely impious, but, even in respect to the
obligations due to society, is a gross violation of decency and good order.
. . . The free, equal, and undisturbed enjoyment of religious opinion,
whatever it may be, and free and decent discussions on any religious
subject, is granted and secured ; but to revile, with malicious and blasphe-
mous contempt, the religion prof essed by almost the whole community, is an
abuse of that riyJit. Nor are we bound, by any expressions in the Con
stitution, as some have strangely supposed, either not to punish at all, or
to punish indiscriminately, the like attacks upon the religion of Mahomet
or of the Grand Lama; and for this plain reason, that the case assumes that
STATE AUTHORITY NOT NATIONAL AUTHORITY. 785
we are a Christian people, and the morality of the country is deeply in-
grafted upon Christianity, and not upon the doctrines or worship of those
impostors.' And in the famous case of Vidal vs. Girard's Executors (2
How., 127, 198), this court, while sustaining the will of Mr. Girard, with
its provision for the creation of a college into which no minister should
be permitted to enter, observed: 'It is also said, and truly, that the
Christian religion is a part of the common law of Pennsylvania.'"
But even though it be decided, and declared, and ad-
mitted, that "Christianity, general Christianity, is and al-
ways has been " not only a part but the whole of the common
law, and the statute law also, of Pennsylvania ; and that it
is "blasphemy" in New York to speak or act in contempt
of the established religion ; that never can rightly be made
to mean anything to the nation. And even though all this
were a fact within the legitimate consideration of the Su-
preme Courts of Pennsylvania. New York, and all the other
State Supreme Courts in the land, it never could by any kind
of right be a fact within the legitimate consideration of the
Supreme Court of the nation in the construction of any na-
tional law or the decision of any national question.
There remains but one thing more to complete the per-
fect likeness of the whole papal system, and that is the direct
and positive sanction of Sunday laws. Nor is this one thing
lacking. As before, observed, it is indirectly indicated in
the quotation from the national Constitution. But the court
does not stop with that ; it makes Sunday laws one of the
"organic utterances," which prove conclusively that "this
is a Christian nation." The words are as follows : —
"If we pass beyond these matters to a view of American life as ex-
pressed by its laws, its business, its customs, and its society, we find
everywhere a clear recognition of the same truth. Among other matters,
note the following : The form of oath usually prevailing, concluding with
an appeal to the Almighty; the custom of opening sessions of all deliber-
ative bodies, and most conventions, with prayer; the prefatory words of
all wills, 'In the name of God, Amen;' the laics respecting the observance
of the Sabbath with the general cessation of all secular business, and the
closing of courts, legislatures, and other similar public assemblies on that
day. . . . These, and many other matters which might be noticed, add a
786 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
volume of unofficial declarations to the mass of organic utterances that THIS
is A CHRISTIAN NATION.
Here we may properly reduce to the simple and direct
form again this whole discussion as presented by the court.
So stated it stands thus : -
(a) "The establishment of the Christian religion,"
" Christianity, general Christianity," " is one of the purposes
of all these " documents.
(5) "Even the Constitution of the United States, . . .
contains in the First Amendment a declaration common to"
all these ; for " there is a universal language pervading tltem
all, having one meaning; they affirm and re-affirm that this
is a religious nation. . . . They are organic utterances ;
they speak the voice of the entire people."
(c) Consequently, "this is a Christian nation."
And therefore the decision concludes, —
"The construction ["of this statute"] invoked cannot be accepted
as correct. It is a case where there was presented a definite evil, in view
of which the legislature used general terms with the purpose of reach-
ing all phases of that evil, and thereafter, unexpectedly, it is developed
that the general language thus employed is broad enough to reach cases
and acts which the whole Instory and life of the country affirm could not
have been intentionally legislated against. It is the duty of the courts,
under those circumstances, to say that, however broad the language of
the statute may be, the act, although within the letter, is not within the
intention of the legislature, and therefore cannot be within the statute.
"The judgment will be reversed, and the case remanded for further
proceedings in accordance with this opinion."
"In accordance with this opinion " then let us recapitu-
late, and see what has been done by it. "The Christian re-
ligion," that is, "Christianity, general Christianity," is
legally recognized and declared to be the established religion
of this nation, and that consequently "this is a Christian
nation." With this also, "in language more or less em-
phatic," there is justified by the "meaning" of the Con-
stitution of the United States, (1) the maintenance of the
discipline of the churches by the civil power; (2) the require-
THE "NEW ORDER OP THINGS" REVERSED. 787
ment of the religious oath; (3) the requirement of the relig-
ious test oath as a qualification for office; (4) public taxation
for the support of religion and religious teachers; (5) the re-
quirement of a belief in the Trinity and the inspiration of
the "Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments;" (0)
the guilt of blasphemy upon every one who speaks or acts
in contempt of the established religion; and (7) laws for
the observance of Sunday, with the general cessation of
all "secular business."
All this is declared by unanimous decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States to be the meaning of the Consti-
tution of the United States. And what the Supreme Court
says the meaning of the Constitution is, that is its meaning
and that is the law until the decision is reversed. Therefore,
again we say, and it is not too much to say; as certainly as
logic is logic, and truth is truth, it is demonstrated that in
this decision the Supreme court of the United States has sub-
verted the Constitution of the United States in its essential
meaning as regards the Christian religion or the establish-
ment thereof.
Now what more was ever required by the papacy, and
all phases of the old order of things, than is thus brought
within the meaning of the national Constitution by this de-
cision ? What more was ever required by the papacy itself,
than that "the Christian religion" should be the national
religion ; that the discipline of the Church should be main-
tained by the civil power ; that the religious test-oath should
be applied to all ; that the public should be taxed for the
support of religion and religious worship ; that there should
be required a belief in the doctrine of the Trinity, and the
inspiration of the "Holy Scriptures of the Old and New
Testament; " that the guilt of "blasphemy " 16 should be vis-
15 It will not be amiss right here to recall the fact that Martin Luther, by
an official edict issued by the Emperor Charles V, was made an outlaw in all
Europe, because he had " sought to destroy the holy church by means of books
flllfd with blasphemy."
788 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
ited upon every one who should speak or act "in contempt
of the religion professed by almost the whole community ; "
and that everybody should be required by law to observe
Sunday? Indeed what more than this could be required or
even desired by the most absolute religious despotism that
could be imagined ? Therefore it is pertinent here to inquire,
Does this decision maintain the "New Order of Things"
to which this nation stands pledged by the Great Seal of the
United States ? — No, no, twenty times no. On the contrary
it sanctions, and restores, and fastens upon this nation, the
old order of things which our revolutionary fathers hoped
that we should forever escape, through their sublime efforts
which culminated in the creation of this nation and the
formation of the national Constitution — as it reads, and as
they meant it.
What more could be done to create the very image of the
papacy in this nation, in the principle of the thing, than is
done in this decision? In principle we say ; not in its posi-
tive workings of course, because the decision in itself, on
this point, does not bear the force of a statute that can be
made at once obligatory upon all by the executive power of
the nation. But it does sanction and justify beforehand any
and every encroachment that the religious power may make
on the civil, and every piece of legislation that Congress
might enact on the subject of religion or religious observ-
ances ; so that by it the national door is opened wide for the
religious element to enter and take possession in whatever
way it chooses or can make effective. And there stands at
the door ready and determined to enter and take possession,
the strongest religio-political combination that could be
formed in the land.
Therefore we say that although life is not by this given
to this image that it should of itself speak and act (Rev.
13 : 15) ; yet so far as the making of the evil thing, and the
establishment of the principle of it, are concerned, it is cer-
THE IMAGE OF THE PAPACY. 789
tainly done. The tree does not yet stand with its branches
widespread bearing its pernicious fruit, but the tree implanted.
And as certainly as the branches and the fruit are all in the
natural stock that is planted, and it is only a question of
time when they will appear, so certainly the widespreading
branches and the pernicious fruit of the full-grown tree of
religious despotism are in the evil stock of Church and State,
of "the establishment of the Christian religion," that has
been planted by the Supreme Court in and for this nation ;
and it is only a question of time when these fruits will inevit-
ably appear.
Look again at pages 281-293 of this book ; and see how,
and how rapidly too, this same thing progressed before.
There it is seen how that there was in the Roman Empire,
as there is now in the. United States, a powerful ecclesiastical
organization, the leaders and managers of which were "only
anxious to assert the government as a kind of sovereignty
for themselves." And as we have seen, the Edict of Milan,
which among other things ordered that the confiscated church
property should be restored "to the whole body of Chris-
tians," was no sooner issued than this hierarchy seized upon
it and made it an issue by which to secure the imperial
recognition and legal establishment of the Catholic Church of
the Christians, by asserting her arrogant claim that she only
is Christian and all others are heretics and therefore not
Christians at all. And we have seen how fully she succeeded
in this arrogant and insidious enterprise. Nor was* she long
in accomplishing it. The Edict of Milan was issued in
March, A. D. 313. Before that month expired, the de-
cision was rendered that the imperial favors were for the
Catholic Church only. In the autumn of the same year —
313 — the first council sat to decide which was the Catholic
Church. In the summer of 314 sat the second council on
the same question. And in 316 the decree was sent to
Cecilianus empowering him to distribute that money to the
790 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
ministers of "the legitimate and most holy Catholic religion,"
and to use the civil power to force the Donatists to submit
to the decision of the councils and the emperor.
The Edict of Milan, March, 313, named "the whole body
of Christians" as the beneficiaries, without any qualification
or any sectarian designation. Before the expiration of that
month, the provisions of the edict were confined to "the
Catholic Church of the Christians" alone. In the autumn
of the same year, when the emperor wrote to the* bishop of
Rome, appointing the first council, he defined the established
church as "the holy Catholic Church." The following sum-
mer, 314, when he called the second council, he referred to
the doctrine of the Catholic Church as embodying the "most
holy religion." And when it had been decided which party
represented this " most holy religion," then in 316 his letter
and commission to Cecilianus defined it as "the legitimate
and most holy Catholic religion."
Nor was this all. While this was going on, also about
the year 314, the first edict in favor of Sunday was issued,
though it was blended with "Friday." It ordered that on
Friday and on Sunday " no judicial or other business should
be transacted, but that God should be served with prayers
and supplications," and in 321, Friday observance was
dropped and Sunday alone was exalted by the famous Sun-
day-rest law of Constantirie; all in furtherance of the am-
bition of the ecclesiastics to assert the government as a kind
of sovereignty for themselves. In 323, by the direct and
officious aid of the Catholic Church, Constantine succeeded
in defeating Licinius and making himself sole emperor. No
sooner was this accomplished than the religious liberty as-
sured to "the Christians" by the Edict of Milan, like the
provisions of the same Edict restoring confiscated property
to the Christians, was by a public and express edict limited
to Catholics alone.
Thus in less than eleven years from the issuing of the
Edict of Milan, the Catholic Church stood in full and exclu-
A. D. Slil-323 AND 1893. 791
sive possession of the authority of the empire both in the
rights of property and the right to worship under the profes-
sion of Christianity ; and with a specific and direct commis-
sion to use that power and authority to compel the submission
of "heretics." Thus was made the papacy — the beast of
Revelation 13:1-10 — and all that ever came in its career
from that day to this has been but the natural and inevitable
growth of the power and the prerogatives which were then
possessed and claimed by the Catholic Church.
And it all came from the Edict of Milan bestowing gov-
ernmental favors upon "the Christians." No man can fairly
deny that in the Edict of Milan and in the religio-political
intrigue that lay behind it, there was contained the whole
papacy. No man can successfully deny that the Edict of
Milan, though appearing innocent enough upon its face,
contained the whole papacy, or that the things that followed
in the ten years up to 323, which we have sketched, were
anything else than the logical and inevitable development of
the evil that lay wrapped up in that.
Now here is a question that is worthy of the most serious
consideration by the American people. If a thing appearing
so just and innocent as does the Edict of Milan, could so
easily be made to produce such a world of mischief in so
short a time, and be a curse to the world forever after, what
then can be the result of this decision of the Supreme Court
of the United States to tJie same purpose as that, but which
has not, in any sense, any appearance of justice or innocence ?
Behind this "Christian nation" decision lies an arro-
gant and meddling ecclesiastical organization "only anxious
to assert the government as a kind of sovereignty for them-
selves," and ready to push the arguments and the conclusion
of the decision to the utmost limit of their logic, as certainly
as there was the same thing behind the Edict of Milan ready
and determined to push it to the furthest possible limit in
their own favor. And as certainly as the situation here is the
same as it was there, so certainly will the same course in
792 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
principle and in practice be followed here as was there, and
so certainly the evil results which sprung from that will again
appear before the country and before the world. "Old con-
troversies which have apparently been hushed for a long
time will be revived, and new controversies will spring up ;
new and old will commingle, and this will take place right
early." And when they do, then, with national prestige
and political as well as ecclesiastical power and preferment,
the prizes to be contended for, all the bitterness and inten-
sity of the old controversies will be revived and manifested,
and even intensified. Commotion, strife, violence, persecu-
tion, and all the evil accompaniments of an established relig-
ion, will afflict and even ruin the nation, even as that former
thing afflicted and finally ruined the Roman Empire.
This is why Jefferson, Madison, and their wide-awake
associates in Virginia, so strongly and persistently opposed
the movement to establish "the Christian religion " in that
State. This is why they pertinently and forcibly inquired,
" Who does not see that the same authority which can estab-
lish Christianity, in exclusion of all other religions, may
establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christians
in exclusion of all other sects ? " This is why they denounced
that bill as " a signal of persecution," as " differing from
the Inquisition only in degree," and as "the first step in the
career of intolerance," in which the Inquisition is "the last
step." This was all true, every word of it. But if this was
true of only an attempt to establish the Christian religion,
how much more is it true of this decision, which actually es-
tablishes the Christian religion as the national religion, and
upon "proofs" and "authorities" presented, positively de-
clares that " this is -a Christian nation.'"
Those wise men, then, "saw all the consequences in the
principle, and they avoided the consequences by denying
the principle." It is certainly true now, as it was then,
that all the consequences are in the principle. And as the
principle stands established and justified by the supreme
THE RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE. 793
judicial authority in the nation, so in that all the conse-
quences are established and justified. In short, as certainly
as in the Edict of Milan there was wrapped up the papacy,
just so certainly in this Supreme Court decision there is
wrapped up the image of the papacy. And as truly as
the issuing of the Edict of Milan was in principle and in
embryo the making of the papacy — the beast — so truly
this decision is in principle and in embryo the making of the
image of the papacy — the image of the beast. Both are
described in their career and in their end in Kev. 13 : 1-17 ;
14:9-16; and 19 : 11-21.
It is too late now to avoid the consequences by denying
the principle, as the principle is already established, and all
the consequences are in the principle ; too late, unless the
whole people should rise up as one man and reverse this
decision, and with one voice repudiate it as it deserves, even
in the words in which United States Senator William Pitt
Fessenden, denounced the famous Dred Scott decision, as
"utterly at variance with all truth, utterly destitute of all
legal logic, founded on error, and unsupported by anything
resembling argument." 19
For, " The people of these United States are the rightful
masters of both congresses and courts, not to overthrow the
Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert the
Constitution.'1 — Abraham Lincoln. n
The right of the people of the United States to appeal
from any action of the government of the United States,
when it touches any of their reserved rights, is an inalien-
able right.
The authority of the government of the United States is
delegated, and not absolute. The authority of the govern-
ment of the United States is not the supreme authority in the
United States, because the people have not delegated all
16 Elaine's "Twenty Years of Congress," vol. i, p. 133.
17 Speech "To the Kentucklans," Cincinnati, Ohio, September, 1859.
794 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
their rights. In the Constitution the people have declared
and established that —
"The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be
construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people."
The government is but the creature of the Constitution.
The people made the Constitution with the delegation only of
certain rights to be exercised by the government. Therefore
the people are the supreme authority in the United States,
and the source of final appeal in all questions of their re-
served rights. And "prudent jealousy" in the guardian-
ship of these rights against encroachment on the part of the
government, is the first duty of American citizens; and relig-
ious rights are the chief of all these reserved rights, no less
than the chief of all natural rights.
The government, being but a creature of the Constitution,
is subject to the Constitution. Having been created by the
people, through the Constitution, it is bound by the limita-
tions prescribed by the people in the Constitution.
In the Constitution the people have declared that —
"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people."
No power concerning religion has been delegated to the
United States by the Constitution, nor has such power been
prohibited by it to the States.
All questions, and all matters of religion, therefore, are
withheld from the government of the United States, and are
reserved and belong exclusively to the States or to the
people.
As no power concerning religion has been delegated to
the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it
to the States ; as all power and jurisdiction in matters of
religion has been reserved exclusively to the States or to
the people, it follows that the government has no power or
SUCS A DECISION PROHIBITED. 795
authority or jurisdiction in, over, or concerning the subject
of religion, and that therefore the Supreme Court of the
United States had no authority or right to declare the
American people "a religious people," or this nation "a
Christian nation."
Again : not only has no authority or jurisdiction in
matters of religion been delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, but all such authority or jurisdiction
has actually been prohibited to the United States by the
Constitution.15
Therefore, as all religion, and specifically the Christian
religion, is prohibited the government of the United States
by the supreme law ; and as the Supreme Court is but a co-
ordinate branch of the government of the United States,
it follows that the Supreme Court not only had no right
or power to declare, but was directly and positively pro-
hibited by the supreme law from declaring, the American
people "a religious people," or this nation "a Christian
nation." And it never can be legitimate for the court to
undertake to tell in what sense it used the expression, ;' This
is a Christian Nation," because the court had no shadow of
right to use the expression at all.
Finally : As the government is but the creature of the
supreme law, it is subject to the supreme law, and is bound
by the limitations thereof. And though the Supreme Court
is the official interpreter of the supreme law, the court
itself is bound by the limitations of the supreme law, — the
Constitution, — and must act within the limitations therein
set to its powers as a co-ordinate branch of the national
government. For any branch of the government to go
beyond these limitations, is to take official action without
authority, and is therefore usurpation. This is why Madison
said, and most truly, that the " least interference " or ''inter-
meddling of the general government with religion, would
be A MOST FLAGRANT USURPATION."
15 Pages 675, 676 of this book.
796 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
NOTE ON THE DRED SCOTT DECISION.
In the preceding discussion, mention has been several times made
of the Dred Scott decision and the parallel between it and this "Chris-
tian nation '' decision. Space will not permit a full showing of this
parallel, but a synopsis may be given.
The principle of the Dred Scott decisio*h was the establishment of
slavery as a national institution by the meaning of the Constitution.
The key-note of the decision which aroused the popular mind, and upon
which the popular opposition to the decision was conducted, was the
statement that the black man "had no rights which the white man
Was bound to respect." To prove this the court cit<'d "historical
facts" from "the public history of every European nation," from "the
legislation of the different colonies," and from " the plain and unequivo-
cal language of the laws of the several States," — Massachusetts, Con-
necticut, etc. To sustain the proposition, the court also cited " Chan-
cellor Kent, whose accuracy and research no one will question." In
addition to all this, the court rung in part of the Declaration of Indepen-
clence, — that "all men are created equal and are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness," — even this was made to support that
proposition by the court's declaring that in these words the Declaration
did not refer to persons of the African race; that in this the Declaration
meant the same as those European, colonial, and State documents. And
then the court reached the climax and conclusion of its argument by
finding and deciding that the Constitution meant the same as all these
other documents meant — that the\T had all one language and one mean-
ing. The ground covered was precisely the same as that covered in
this "Christian nation " decision, the sources of the "historical facts"
were precisely the same as in this, the course of the argument was the
same, and the conclusion was reached in the same way that this "Chris-
tian nation" conclusion was reached.
In the legal and analytical discussion which was carried on over the
decision, the keynote was the proposition that "the right of property
in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution."
This was a queer proposition to make, in view of the fact that "neither
the word ' slave ' nor ' slavery ' is to be found in the Constitution, nor the
word 'property ' even, in any connection with language alluding to the
tilings slave or slaver}-." But the court made the proposition, and sup-
ported it by "argument " built up from the " history of every European
nation," the colonies, the several States, Chancellor Kent, and the per-
version of the Declaration of Independence; and then upon all this and
as the connecting link, deciding that all these other documents and the
Constitution have all one language and one meaning; and then from
THE DECISIONS OF 1S',G AND LW2. 797
this reaching the grand climax and conclusion tliat " the right of prop-
erty in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution,"
and that persons of the African "race were "so far inferior" to the
white race "that they had no rights which a white man was bound to
respect; and that a negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery
for his benefit." This all sounds singular enough now, and to some peo-
ple it sounded surprisingly singular then; but the Supreme Court of the
United States actually made those singular propositions, and rendered
its official decision accordingly. And yet that decision and those
propositions were no more surprisingly singular, than is in truth this
"Christian nation" decision, and in fact hardly so much so as is this;
for slavery was not in specific terms excluded from the cognizance of
the national authority as is religion, and especially the Christian relig-
ion, by the, irordx of the Constitution, and the supreme la/r.
Those propositions, the arguments by which in the opinion of the
court they were sustained, and the decision which was rendered ac-
cordingly, were afiirmed and defended by a large number of people.
They were denied and opposed by another large number. Stephen A.
Douglas was the champion of the decision and of those who maintained
its rightfulness. Abraham Lincoln was the leader of those who denied
and opposed the decision, its propositions, and the arguments by which
it was sought to be sustained. Those who opposed it were charged by
the other side with "resistance to the decision;" were denounced as
"the enemies of the Constitution;" as aiming "a deadly blow to our
whole representative system of government;" "the enemies of the su-
premacy of the laws;" and the foes of governmental order in placing
"all our rights and liberties at the mercy of passion, anarchy, and
violence."
From the history of the making of the Constitution, and from the
declarations and express purposes of those who made the Declaration of
Independence and the national Constitution, — from the plain words
and public acts of -Jefferson, Madison, and Washington, — the oppo-
nents of the decision showed conclusively that the "assumed his-
torical facts "cited by the court " were not really true," were really
"not facts at all " as used by the court; that the decision was inac-
curate in the historical statements cited, and "very much more inac-
curate by the suppression of statements that really belong to the
history." They therefore maintained that "It is not resistance, it is
not factious, it is not even disrespectful, to treat it as not having yet
quite established a settled doctrine for the country." They declared,
"We think the Dred Scott decision erroneous. We know that the court
has overruled its own decisions, and we shall do what we can to have
it overrule this. We offer no resistance to it." " Somebody has to
reverse that decison, since it was made, and we mean to reverse it, and
we mean to do it peaceably." The court did not reverse its decision.
798 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
But in the war, and in the Fourteenth .and Fifteenth Amendments to
the Constitution, THE PEOPLE did reverse that decision.
Another argument used by those who supported the decision, and
especially by those who really sympathized with it, but who had not the
courage openly to take their stand upon it and support it, by which
they supported it in all its effects and purposes through seeking to allay
all suspicion of it, was by insisting on a distinction — Lincoln pro-
nounced it a "quibble" — between the words "dicta" and "decision."
They pleaded that only that portion of the court's discussion that
applied directly and definitely to the case of Dred Scott as it was before
the court, and that decided Ids status — this only was the decision;
while all the rest was obiter dicta, mere passing remarks, immaterial,
and of no force or authority. This indeed was altogether a quibble ;
for the very things that these persons pleaded were dicta only, were the
very things wherein lay all the mischief. In that part it was where the
arguments were made, the conclusions reached, and the principles recog-
nized and established, which threatened all the danger to the country
that was seen and feared by the opponents of the decision. And it was
upon these very things that Lincoln and his party made their fight from
beginning to end. The mere deciding that Dred Scott and his family
were slaves, and had no standing in a court of the United States, and
must remain slaves, was the smallest part of the decision as compared
with the propositions announced and the principle established in the
discussion of the question, and which these secret partisans sought to
cover up under the quibble that all this was mere dicta.
This point is made clear in Lincoln's speech at Columbus, Ohio,
September, 1859, in these words: —
" That decision lays down principles, which, if pushed to their log-
ical conclusion, would decide that the constitutions of free States, for-
bidding slavery, are themselves unconstitutional. Mark me, I do not
say the judges said this, and let no man say I affirm the judges used
these words. I only say, It is my opinion that what they did say, if
pressed to its logical conclusion, will inevitably result thus. ... So be-
lieving, to prevent that incidental consummation is the original and
chief purpose of the Republican organization.'' "In my judgment
there is no avoiding that result, save the people see that constitutions
are better construed than our Constitution is construed in that decision.
They must take care that it is more faithfully and truly carried out
than it is there expounded. . . . Take it just as it stands-, and apply it
as a principle; extend and apply that principle elsewhere, and consider
where it will lead you. ... I say, if this principle is established, . . .
when this is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers
will have formed public opinion for the slave-trade. They will then be
ready for Jeff. Davis, and Stephens, and other leaders of that company,
to sound the bugle for the revival of the slave-trade, for the second Dred
Scott decision, for the flood of slavery to be poured over the free States,
while we shall be here tied down, and helpless, and run over like
sheep."
THE DECISIONS OF 1856 AND 1892. 799
The other side confessed that if the principle were admitted, then
this result might follow, and to escape this dangerous conclusion, they
turned all that part of the decision into mere dicta. This subterfuge
Lincoln exposed as follows: —
" There is no sort of question that the Supreme Court has decided
that it is the right of the slave-holder to take his slave and hold him in
the territory: and saying this, Judge Douglas himself admits the con-
clusion. He says, If this is so, this consequence will follow; and be-
cause this consequence would follow, his argument is: ' The decision
cannot, therefore, be that way. ... It might be, if it were not for the
extraordinary consequences of spoiling my humbug.' " — Id.
Thus the original organization of the Republican party; the political
campaign in which Lincoln was made president of the United States;
the four years' war of the Rebellion; and the Fourtee-nth and Fifteenth
Amendments to the Constitution — the whole of this ten years of the
most critical history of the nation — was carried through upon that
part of the Dred Scott decision, and the logic of that part of the decis-
ion, which in the quibble was pronounced mere dicta and not pertinent
nor material to the question in issue before the court. And this same
quibble between the words "dicta" and "decision" is now sought to
be established by the sympathizers with a religious despotism, as a valid
distinction with reference to this "Christian nation " decision. And
this with the purpose of silencing opposition to it. And when this
is done, where this doctrine prevails, the miners and sappers will have
formed public opinion for a religious despotism. They will then be
ready for Gibbons, Ireland, McAllister, George, and other leaders of
that companyto sound the bugle for a revival of religious despotism,
for the second Christian nation decision, for the flood of persecution to
be poured over the nation, while we shall be here tied down, and help-
less, and run over like sheep. This is the situation to-day under this
decision as certainly as it was the situation in 1859 under the Dred
Scott decision. So that as a matter of fact there is not only .a
complete parallel between the argument, the proofs, the conclusion,
and the principle of the Dred Scott decision and those of this "Chris-
tian nation" decision; but there is also a complete parallel between
the position and the course of the sympathizers with the Dred Scott
decision and the position and course of the sympathizers with this
"Christian nation " decision.
As certainly as the principle recognized and established in the Dred
Scott decision carried in it the fact and all the consequences of the civil
despotism which Abraham Lincoln clearly saw and uncompromisingly
opposed, so certainly in principle this "Christian nation " decision car-
ries in itself the fact and all the consequences of the religious despot-
ism in the living likeness of the f>apacy, which we have pointed out,
which we clearly see, and which we uncompromisingly oppose. And
59
800 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.
in our opposition to this we say with Abraham Lincoln in his opposi-
tion to that, "We have to fight this battle upon principle, and upon
principle alone. . . . So I hope those with whom I am surrounded have
principle enough to nerve themselves for the task, and leave nothing
undone that can fairly be done, to bring about the right result. "-
Speech, at Springfield, III., July 17, 1858.
There is another point in parallel that is well worth noticing,
though it is only indirectly connected with the Ured Scott Decision.
Lincoln always insisted that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise
was to establish a principle to be used in the future for "the planting
of slavery wherever in the wide world local and unorganized opposition
could not prevent it ; " and therefore earnestly advocated its restora-
tion. Yet he said, "Some men, . . . who condemn the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, nevertheless hesitate to go for its restoration,
lent they be thrown in company with THE ABOLITIONIST." The other side
also diligently used this argument as a scarecrow to prevent as many as
possible of the timid ones from acting upon their real convictions.
Even so now there are many people who in principle and from con-
viction are opposed to this "Christian nation " decision, and all the
purposes of this combination to secure national religious legislation
and the full establishment of a religious despotism ; yet they hesitate
to act openly and positively in opposition lest they be thrown in company
icitJi THE ADVENTISTS. And those who are urging on this religious
despotism are diligently using this argument to prejudice the idea of
opposition beforehand, and as a scarecrow to frighten the timid ones.
Lincoln's words to those persons in that day are ours to these in
this day: "Will they allow me to tell them, good-humoredly, that I
think this [hesitation to show their opposition] is very silly. STAND
WITH ANYBODY THAT STANDS RIGHT. Stand with him while
he is right, and part with him when he goes wrong. ... To desert
such ground because of any company ... is to be less than a man —
less than an American." — Speech, at Peoria, III., October 10, 1854. And
on this question, before us to-day, to desert such ground becauSe of any
company, is to be less than a man — less than an American — less than
a Christian.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
IT is not only too late to avoid the consequences of that
"Christian nation1' decision by denying the principle,
because the principle is established, and all the consequences
are in the principle ; but it is even more than doubly too late,
because the consequences of the principle have already be-
come a fixture in the legislative precedents and procedure
of the nation.
The great religious combination for political purposes
whose history we have traced in Chapters XXV and XXVI,
has already seized upon it and made it to do service in se-
curing what the National Reform Association has always
been aiming at, that is, the establishment of Sunday as the
national Sabbath. This is the one thing that they had in
view above all other things, in their efforts to obtain an
amendment to the Constitution declaring this a Christian
nation. And when the Supreme Court unanimously de-
clared that "this is a Christian nation" even now, and that
this is the "meaning" of the Constitution as it is now, they
were only too glad to have and to use this decision as the
basis of their demand upon Congress that Sunday should
be set up as the national Sabbath by an act of the national
legislature.
One of the very first uses that was ever made of that
"Christian nation" decision was when, in the month of
April, 1892, the president of the American Sabbath Union
took it in his hand, and went before committees of the
[801]
802 TUB CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
United States Senate and House of Representatives, recited
its '"argument," and demanded the closing of the World's
Fair on Sunday, by Congress, "because this is a Christian
nation."
The Pearl of Days, the official organ of the American
Sabbath Union, May 7, 1892, arguing for Sunday legis-
lation by Congress, said that this decision —
•'Establishes clearly the fact that our government is Christian. Tim
decision is vital to tlie Sunday question in nil its aspects, and places that
question among the most important issues now before the American
people. . . . And this important decision rests upon the fundamental
principle that religion is imbedded in the organic structure of the
American government — a religion that recognizes, and is bound to main-
tain, Sunday as a day for rest and worship."
The Christian Statesman, which has always been the offi-
cial organ of the National Reform Association, and which
was then the mouthpiece of the whole combination, in the is-
sue of May 21, 1892, said : -
" 'Christianity is the law of the land.' 'This is a Christian nation.'
- U. 8. Supreme Court, February 20, 1802. The Christian church,
therefore, has rights in this country. Among these is the right to one
day in seven protected from the assaults of greed, the god of this world,
that it may be devoted to worship of the God of heaven and earth."
From December, 1888, to December, 1891, the National
Reform combination had tried repeatedly to secure the pas-
sage of some sort of bill by Congress, requiring the observ-
ance of Sunday. They knew that any such act of Congress
would be unconstitutional. The leading National Reformers
had so declared continuously for more than twenty-five
years. But that made no difference to them, they were de-
termined to have it, even though it were unconstitutional.
They tried to secure it by a national bill, and failed. They
then tried to secure it by a bill relating only to the District
of Columbia, in order that if successful they might use this
as a lever to secure the passage of their coveted national law.
"PETITIONING" BY THREATS. 803
But in this also they failed. They desired the recognition of
the principle of religion in legislation by Congress ; and they
cared not in what shape it might be brought about, nor how
slightly the principle was recognized, just so it was done.
As one of their number told congressional committees and
the public repeatedly : " We will take a quarter of a loaf, half
a loaf, or a whole loaf. If the government should do noth-
ing more than forbid the opening of the post-offices at church
hours, it would be a national tribute to the value of religion,
and would lead to something more satisfactory."
Having repeatedly failed to get what they wanted, by di-
rect legislation, they welcomed the proposition of a con-
gressional appropriation in aid of the World's Columbian
Exposition, as the means of securing indirectly that which
they had failed to accomplish directly. They therefore
unanimously declared in favor of a governmental appropri-
ation of $5,000,000 in aid of the Exposition, but coupled in-
separably with the provision that the gates of the Exposition
should be closed on "the Lord's day," " the Christian Sab-
bath," "the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday."
They first petitioned Congress according to this scheme ; but
as Congress seemed to be slow in responding, they soon pro-
ceeded to add threats to their "petitions." And these
threats were of such a nature that more than one of the Sena-
tors openly in the Senate rebuked them as "an abuse of the
right of petition."
This however did not cause those "petitioners" to cease
their threats. The National Reform Bureau, whose head-
quarters were at Pittsburg, Pa., sent out to pulpits all over
the land, a form of threatening resolution to be adopted by
the respective churches, and. sent up to the senators and rep-
resentatives in Congress. And here is a true copy of that
threatening resolution : —
" Resolved, That we do hereby pledge ourselves and each other, that
we will from this time henceforth refuse to vote for or support for any
804 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
office or position of trust, any member of Congress, either senator or
representative, who shall vote for any further aid of any kind to the
World's Fair, except on conditions named in these resolutions." l
This particular resolution was sent up by certain Presby-
terian churches of the State of New York ; but with slight
variations, or none at all, the like resolution was sent up by
different churches throughout the country. And in all cases
the "conditions named" were that the gates of the Exposi-
tion should be closed on "the Sabbath," "the Christian
Sabbath," or "the Lord's day," according as different
churches chose differently to express their thought as to the
best name for Sunday.
Under the influence of these resolutions, the Congress of
the United States surrendered to the dictate of the churches,
and did for them what the leaders and lobbyists of this com-
bination knew to be an unconstitutional thing. And the
matter was treated by Congress in such a way as to preclude
the charitable supposition that the members did not know
that it was unconstitutional, even though its unconstitu-
tionally had not been definitely pointed out to them. The
question was treated as religious and religious only.
It is true that the Expotition was not closed all the time
on Sunday (it was closed three or four Sundays); but this
does not affect the action of Congress. Besides, in the cases
and decisions of the courts by which the Exposition was
opened on Sunday, the question of the constitutionality or
unconstitutionally of the action of Congress was not con-
sidered at all. The whole procedure was on other points
exclusively. The non-enforcement of an act of Congress, or
any other law, does not affect the act itself. As a matter of
legislation, therefore, and of fact, this action of Congress
stands just as though the Exposition had been closed all the
time.
That particular phase of the subject which produced the
legislation to close the "World's Columbian Exposition on Sun-
1 Congressional fiecord, May 25, 1892, page 5144.
A SENATORIAL THEOLOGICAL DISCUSSION. 805
day, was introduced in the United States Senate by Senator
Quay, July 10, 1892. He did it by offering an amendment
to the appropriation bill, requiring that provision should be
made " by the proper authority for the closing of the Expo-
sition on the Sabbath day." With this he also sent up to
the secretary of the Senate a Bible with the fourth com-
mandment marked in brackets, and had that commandment
read by the secretary as giving the reasons for this legisla-
tion. This introduced the legislation with a positive relig-
ious character, and this idea was never forsaken from begin-
ning to end. The chaplain of the Senate, who took an
active interest in the matter throughout, said of the discus-
sion in the Senate : —
"During this debate you might have imagined yourself in a general
council or assembly or synod or conference, so pronounced was one
Senator after another." a
As these are all ecclesiastical terms, it is evident that in
the mind of the chaplain, the Senate, for this occasion at
least, had transformed itself into an ecclesiastical body. Nor
indeed is the chaplain alone in this view ; from the speeches
as they appear in the Congressional Record, it is plain that
some at least of the senators were impressed with this
notion too.
Senator Hawley said : —
"Everybody knows what the foundation is. It is founded in relig-
ious belief."
And Senator Peffer said of it : —
"To-day we are engaged in a theological discussion concerning the
observance of the first day of the week."
As Senator Colquitt was a National Reformer of years'
standing, nothing else was to be expected of him, and he
fully sustained this character in his speech, about half of which
was made up from extracts from a sermon by Father Hya-
cinthe, Old Roman Catholic of France. The rest of his
aNew York Independnit, July 28, 1892.
806 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
speech was National Reform sentiment of his own manafact-
ure. Altogether it was of such a sort that he himself began
to see how incongruous it was in that place, and halted with
these words : —
" But I shall continue this no farther, Mr. President, for it may to
some sound like cant, like preaching, as though we were undertaking to
clothe ourselves in over-righteous habiliments, and pretend to be better
than other men."3
In speaking further, Senator Hawley greatly regretted
that he was not enough of an ecclesiastic to do justice to the
subject, and exclaimed : —
"I wish, Mr. President, that I were the most eloquent clergyman,
the most eloquent of those staunch old sturdy divines who have honored
American citizenship, as well as American Christianity, that I might give
something more than this feeble expression of my belief in the serious
importance of this vote."5
And because he could not have his wish to be, for the
occasion, "the most eloquent clergymen," " the most elo-
quent of those staunch old sturdy divines " (such as John
Cotton, and John Davenport, and Cotton Mather, perhaps),
he did what evidently he counted the next best thing, and
presented the views of Archbishop Ireland, Archbishop
Gross, and Archbishop Riordan, of the Catholic Church, all
the bishops of the Episcopalian Church, and most, if not all,
the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, both North
and South.
This is evidence enough to demonstrate that the question
was treated altogether and consciously as a religious or
ecclesiastical one. It is in order, and it is important too,
now to present the evidence that this constitutionally for-
bidden question was taken up and considered and acted
upon, out of deference to the demands and threats of the
combined churches.
3 Congressional Record, Fifty-second Congress, p. 6755.
5 Congressional Record, July 12, 1892, p. 6700.
THE WORDS OF THE SURRENDER. 807
In the Senate, the two most influential advocates of the
measure were Senators Hawley and Hiscock. And Senator
Hiscock set forth the matter thus :; —
"If I had charge of this amendment in the interest of the Columbian
Exposition, I would icrite tfie provision for the closure in any form that the
religious sentiment of the country demands, and not stand here hesitating
or quibbling about it. Rather than let the public sentiment against the
Exposition being opened on Sunday be re-enforced by the opposition in
the other house against any legislation of this kind in the interest of the
Exposition, I say to the junior senator from Illinois [Mr. Palmer], he
would better yield to this sentiment, and not let it go out to the country that
there is the slightest doubt that if this money shall be appropriated, the
Exposition will be closed on Sunday. ... If I were interested in this
measure, as I might be interested if it were located in my own State, /
should make this closure provision satisfactory to those petitioners who have
memorialized us against the desecration of the Lord's day. ... I
would not leave it uncertain whether the government might engage in
business or not upon the Sabbath day." 6
Senator Vest, though professedly speaking for an open
Fair, was constrained to say : —
"If I abhorred anything, it would be any public act of mine which
would say to the honest, religious people of the United States, ' I am pre-
pared to flout your opinions, to entirely disregard them, and to stamp
upon them my disapprobation by giving a vote directly in conflict with
what you have asked.'" 7
Senator Hawley, however, was the most outspoken of
all. He first stated that "there are more than 13,000,000
people recorded as members of churches in the United
States." He then added to these "attendants," "asso-
ciates," and "sympathizers," "who go to church or send
their wives and children, and subscribe for it, and have a
profound respect for it, whether they believe in it or not," and
thus he made up the number of "from forty to fifty mill-
ions," who "have more or less of religious profession or
6 Congressional Record, July 13, 1892, p. 6755.
7/d., July 12, p. 6697. Thomas Jefferson and James Madison would have
said it. They did say it in their day.
808 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
sympathy " in this country, and then upon all this argued
thus : —
"There is no use in endeavoring to escape responsibility. If the
Senate to-day decides that it will not close that Exposition on Sunday,
the Exposition will be opened on that day, and you will have offended
more than 40,000,000 of people — seriously and solemnly offended them.
No wise statesman and monarch of modern times, no satrap of Rome,
would have thought it wise to fly in the face of a profound conviction
of the people he governed, no matter if he thought it a profound error.
It is not wise statesmanship to do it. . . . Now, if gentlemen repudiate
this, if they desire to reject it, if they deny that this is in the true sense
of the word a religious nation, I should like to see the disclaimer put in
white and black, and proposed by the Congress of the United States.
Write it. How would you write it ? How would you deny that from
the foundation of the country, through every fiber of their being, this
people has been a religious people ? Word it, if you dare ; advocate it,
if you dare. How MANY WHO VOTED FOR IT WOULD EVER COME
BACK HERE AGAIN? — None, I hope."8
It was the same way in the House. A dispatch from
Washington to the Chicago Daily Post, April 9, 1892, gave
the following from an interview with a member of the
House Committee on the World's Fair : —
"The reason we shall vote for it is, I will confess to you, a fear that
unless we do so, the church folks will get together and knife us at the
polls ; and — well you know we all want to come back, and we can''t
afford to take any risks."
"Do you think it will pass the House ?"
"Yes; and the Senate too. We are all in the same boat. lam
sorry for those in charge of the Fair ; but self-preservation is the first
law of nature, and that is all there is about it."
At this subservient attitude of Congress, the Sunday-law
managers chuckled with great satisfaction. In the Union
Signal, October 20, 1892, there was published an editorial
interview with Joseph Cook, on Congress and Sunday-
closing of the World's Fair, in which occurs the following
passage from Mr. Cook : —
" In Boston the first question asked a stranger is, ' Have you written
a book ? ' in New York, ' How much are you worth ? ' in Chicago, ' How
8 Congressional Record, July 12, 1892, p. 6700, and July 13, p. 6759.
"THE SABBATH DAT." 809
much do you expect to be worth ?' in Washington, 'Do you hope to be
re-elected?' The American people have convinced Congress that this
latter question is of great and growing importance in connection with
votes on Sunday-closing."
And so the threats of the churches were not in vain.
For fear that they could not "come back here again,"
United States senators and representatives in Congress
violated the Constitution ; entered the field of religion ;
discussed a religious question ; committed the government
of the United States to the decision of a religious contro-
versy ; and assumed the prerogative of interpreter of the di-
vine law for the people of the United States.
That this may be seen the more clearly, let us look again
at the official proceedings. There we find the following ac-
count : —
" Mr. Quay. — On page 122, line 13, after the word 'act,' I move to
insert, ' and that provision has been made by the proper authority for
the closing of the Exposition on the Sabbath day.'
"The reasons for the amendment I will send to the desk to be
read. The secretary will have the kindness to read from the Book of
Law I send to the desk, the part enclosed ia brackets.
" The Vice- President. — The part indicated will be read.
"The secretary read as follows : —
" ' Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy ; six days shall thou
labor and do all thy work ; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the
Lord thy God ; in it thou shalt not do any work, thou, nor thy son, nor
thy daughter, thy manservant, nor thy maidservant, nor thy cattle, nor
thy stranger that is within thy gates ; for in six days the Lord made
heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh
day ; wherefore the Lord blessed the Sabbath day, and hallowed it.'" 10
The foregoing is all that was said or done in relation to
the question that day. The next legislative day, however,
the question was taken up and discussed. The debate was
opened by Senator Manderson, of Nebraska, who used the
following language : —
"The language of this amendment is, that the Exposition shall be
closed on the 'Sabbath day.' I submit that if the senator from Pennsyl-
10 Congressional Record, July 10, 1892, p. 6614.
810 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
vania desires that the Exposition shall be closed upon Sunday, this lan-
guage will not necessarily meet that idea. . . .
" The word ' Sabbath day ' simply means that it is a rest day, and it
may be Saturday or Sunday, and it would be subject to the discretion of
those who will manage this Exposition, whether they should close the
Exposition on the last day of the week, in conformity with that observ-
ance which is made by the Israelites and the Seventh-day Baptists, or
should close it on the first day of the week, generally known as the
Christian Sabbath. It certainly seems to me that this amendment should
be adopted by the senator from Pennsylvania, and, if he proposes to close
this Exposition, that it should be closed on the first day of the week,
commonly called Sunday. . . .
''Therefore I offer an amendment to the amendment, which I hope
may be accepted by the senator from Pennsylvania, to strike out the
words 'Exposition on the Sabbath day,' and insert 'mechanical portion
of the Exposition on the first day of the week, commonly called
Sunday.' . . .
"Mr. Quay. — I will accept the modification so far as it changes the
phraseology of the amendment proposed by me in regard to designating
the day of the week on which the Exposition shall be closed.
" The Vice- President. — The senator from Pennsylvania accepts the
modification in part, but not in whole. . . .
"Mr. Harris. — Let the amendment of the senator from Pennsyl-
vania, as modified, be reported.
" The Vice- President. — It will be again reported.
" TJie Chief Clerk. — On page 122, line 13, after the word 'act,' it is
proposed to amend the amendment of the committee by inserting, —
" ' And that provision has been made by the proper authority for the
closing of the Exposition on the first day of the week, commonly called
Sunday.' " u
This amendment was afterward further amended by the
insertion of the proviso that the managers of the Exposition
should sign an agreement to close the Fair on Sunday before
they could receive any of the appropriation ; but this which
we have given is the material point.
All of this the House confirmed in its vote, accepting the
Senate amendments. Besides this, the House had already,
on its own part, by a vote of 131 to 36, decided that Sunday
11 Id., July 12, 1892, pp. 6694, 6695, 6701.
CONGRESS INTERPRETS THE BIBLE. 811
is the " Christian Sabbath ; " and by a vote of 149 to 11 that
the seventh day is not the Sabbath. And thus did the Con-
gress of the United States, at the dictate of the churches, not
only take sides in a religious controversy, and discuss and
decide a religious question, but put itself in the place, and
assumed to itself the prerogative of authoritative interpreter of
the divine law ; for, from the official record of the proceed-
ings, there appear these plain facts : —
1. The divine law was officially and in its very words
adopted as containing the "reasons" and forming the basis
of the legislation. In other words, the legislation proposed
only to enforce the divine law as quoted from the Book.
2. Yet those to whom the legislation was directed, and
who were expected to execute its provisions, were riot al-
lowed to read and construe the divine law for themselves,
and this for the very reason that there was a possibility that
they might take the divine word as it reads, and as it was
actually quoted in the official proceedings, and shut the
Exposition on the day plainly specified in the divine word,
which was cited as the basis and authority for the action
taken.
3. Therefore, to preclude any such possibility, Congress
assumed the prerogative of official and authoritative inter-
preter of the divine law, and declared that ik the first day of
the week, commonly called Sunday," is the Sabbath of the
fourth commandment of the divine law — that "• the first day
of the week, commonly called Sunday," is the meaning of
the wrord of the Lord which says, ' ' The seventh day is the
Sabbath of the Lord thy God."
This is what the Congress of the United States has done,
and, in the doing of it, has violated every rule and every
principle that governs in the interpretation of law. A lead-
ing rule for the interpretation of law, is this : —
" In the case of all law, it is the intent of the lawgiver that is to be
enforced."
812 THE CONSPIRA CT 8 UCCEEDS. — CONCL UDED.
What, then, was the intent of the Lawgiver when the
Sabbath commandment was given ? Did the Lawgiver de-
clare, or show in any way, his intention? — He did. He
declared in plain words that the seventh day is the one in-
tended to be observed. Nor did he leave them to decide
for themselves which day they would have for the Sabbath.
He did not leave it to the people to interpret his law for
themselves, nor to interpret it at all. By three special acts
every week, kept up continuously for forty years, the Lord
showed his intent in the law. The people were fed on the
manna in their forty years' wanderings between Egypt and
Canaan ; but on the seventh day of the week no manna ever
fell. On the sixth day of the week there was a double por-
tion, and that which was gathered on the sixth day would
keep over the seventh day, which it could not be made to
do on any other day of the week. By this means the Law-
giver signified his intent upon the subject of the day men-
tioned in the law quoted by Congress, and by keeping it up
so continuously, and for so long a time, he made it impos-
sible for the people then to mistake his intent, and has left
all future generations who have the record of it, without ex-
cuse in gathering anything else as his intent than that the
seventh day is the Sabbath. Therefore, when Congress
decided that "the first day of the week, commonly called
Sunday," is the meaning of the divine law which says "the
seventh day is the Sabbath," it plainly set itself in contra-
diction to the word and intent of the Most High.
Another established rule is this : —
"When words are plain in a written law, there is an end to all con-
struction ; they must be followed." And, "Where the intent is plain,
nothing is left to construction."
Are the words of this commandment, quoted by Con-
gress, plain words? — They are nothing else. There is not
an obscure nor an ambiguous word in the whole command-
ment. Then, under the rule there is no room for any con-
CONGRESS AGAINST THE WORD OF GOD. 813
struction ; much less is there room for any such construction
as would make the expression "the seventh day" mean
"the first day of the week, commonly called Sunday.7'
Fitting to the point, the New Testament has given us an
instructive and important piece of narrative. In Mark
16:1, 2, are these words : —
"And when the Sabbath was past, Mary Magdalene, and Mary the
mother of James and Salome, had brought sweet spices, that they might
come and anoint him. And very early in the morning, the first day of
week, they came unto the sepulcher at the rising of the sun."
These people arose very early in the morning of the first
day of the week ; yet the Sabbath was past. Now Congress
legislated to secure respect for the Sabbath on "the first
day of the week." Such a thing can never be done, how-
ever, because Inspiration has declared that the Sabbath is
past before the first day of the week comes. It matters not
how early our illustrious and devout Congress or anybody
else may get out and around "on the first day of the week,
commonly called Sunday," they will be too late to find the
Sabbath there, for the Lord says that then it is "past."
And it is the Sabbath according to the commandment,
too, that is'past when the first day of the week comes — the
Sabbath according to this very commandment which Con-
gress has officially cited. Here is the record : —
" And they returned, and prepared spices and ointments ; and rested
the Sabbath day according to the commandment. Now upon the first
day of the week, very early in the morning, they came unto the sepul-
cher, bringing the spices which they had prepared, and certain others
with them. And they found the stone rolled away from the sepulcher.
And they entered in, and found not the body of the Lord Jesus." Luke
23 : 56 ; 24 : 1-3.
Here is the plain word of the Lord, stating plainly and
proving conclusively that "the Sabbath day " according to
the very commandment which Congress has officially cited,
is the day before "the first day of the week, commonly
called Sunday," and that the Sabbath day according to this
814 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
commandment is past before "the first day of the week,
commonly called Sunday," comes at all, no matter how
early they may get up the first day of the week.
It is true that the churches are at the head of all this,
and that Congress did it at the dictation and under the
threats of the churches. It is true that the churches have
put this false interpretation upon the commandment, and
then saddled it off thus upon Congress. This is all true, but
that does not relieve Congress from one whit of the guilt of
perverting the law of the Most High, of forcing into that
law a meaning that was never intended to be there, and of
putting itself in the place of God and assuming the office of
interpreter of his laws. Congress had no business to allow
itself to be forced into such a position. An eminent law
writer and legal authority has justly observed that —
"A court or legislature which should allow a change of public sen-
timent to influence it in giving to a written constitution a construction
not warranted by the intention of its founders, would be justly charge-
able with reckless disregard of official oath and public duty." 12
The theologians gave to the Sabbath commandment a
construction which was not in any sense warranted by the
intention of the Author of the commandment. They then
went to Congress and demanded with threats that it allow
itself to be influenced by these theological sentiments and
political threats, to give to the written Constitution of the
government of the living God a construction which is not
in any sense warranted by the intention of the Founder of
that Constitution. And our national Legislature did allow
this sentiment to influence it into doing that very thing.
Such a thing done to a human constitution, an earthly
statute, being justly chargeable to reckless disregard of
official oath and public duty, what must be chargeable
against such an action with reference to the divine Constitu-
tion and the heavenly law ? The national Legislature, the
Congress of the United States, has allowed the churches to
12Cooley, " Constitutional Limitations," p. 67.
THE SUBJECTION OF THE PEOPLE. 815
draw it into the commission of an act with reference to the
Constitution and laws of the living God, which, if done only
with the laws of men, would be reckless disregard of official
oath and public duty. And both Congress and the churches
are without excuse in the doing of it.
By this legislation, at the dictate of the churches, Con-
gress has distinctly and definitely put itself and the gov-
ernment of the United States into the place where it has
established, and proposed to enforce, the observance of an
institution as sacred, and as due to the Lord, which not
only the Losd has neither established nor required, but
which is directly contrary to the plain word of the Lord
upon the subject of this very institution, and its observance
as due to the Lord. And in the doing of this, Congress
has also been caused to assume to itself the prerogative of
authoritative interpreter of the Scriptures for the people of
the land, and for all who come into the land, and has put
itself in the place of God, by authoritatively deciding that an
observance established and required by the State, and which
it calls the Lord's, is the Lord's indeed, although the Lord
plainly declares the contrary.
In thus submitting to the dictates of the churches, and
making itself the official and authoritative mouthpiece for
the theological definitions and interpretations of the divine
law, the Congress of the United States has given over the
government of the United States into the hands of the com-
bined churches. A forcible American writer has long ago
stated the principle thus : -
"To permit a church — any church — . . . to dictate, beforehand,
what laws should or should not be passed, would be to deprive the peo-
ple of all the authority they have retained in their own hands, and to
make such church the governing power, instead of them." 1S
This is precisely what has been done before the eyes of
the people of the tTnited States in this Sunday legislation
of the Fifty-second Congress. The combined "evangelical "
13 Hon. Richard W. Thompson, '-The Papacy and the Civil Power," p. 45.
60
816 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
churches, joined with the Catholic Church, as a united body
on this question, did dictate under threats that this law
should be passed. Congress did permit it, and did yield to
the dictation, and in so doing, it did deprive the people of
the governmental authority which they had retained in their
own hands by the Declaration and the Constitution, and did
make the churches the governing power in the government
instead of the people. " Government of the people, by the
people, and for the people," is gone, and there has been
established, in its stead, the subjection of tJie people by the
churches and for the churches.
And under the mistaken notion that he was pledged to
maintain the government of the United States, rather than
the Constitution of the United States, President Benjamin
Harrison approved this unconstitutional procedure on the
part of Congress.14
Thus in the year- A. D. 1892, the government of the
United States, by specific official acts of the three depart-
ments— the Judiciary, the Legislative, and the Executive —
of which that government is composed, was turned from the
" New Order of Things " to which it was committed by our
Revolutionary Fathers, and to which it stands pledged by the
14 This is a fact. In a personal interview with the author of this book, the
reason (?) and the only reason which he gave., for approving this legislation, was
that it was " part of the general appropriation bill for the running expenses of
the government; that to disapprove, this he would have to disapprove the whole
bill ; and if that were done, all the machinery of the government would have to
stop, and the whole government itself be brought to a standstill." This, too,
while admitting that if this Sunday legislation had come before him separated
from other legislation, so that it might be considered upon its merits alone, the
result might be different. This was nothing else than to argue that he was re-
sponsible for the maintenance of the government. But this was altogether a
mistake. The maintenance of the government devolves altogether upon Con-
gress. And if the president were to veto a general appropriation bill because of
an unconstitutional piece of legislation which had been tacked to it; and If the
whole government should in consequence be brought Indeed to a standstill, he
would be no more responsible for it than would any private citizen. President
Harrison's assumption, therefore, was altogether a mistaken one, and this plea
wholly irrelevant.
" THE VOICE OF RELIGION." 817
Great Seal of the government itself, and was thrown into
the evil tide of the old order of things. And thus this en-
lightened nation, the example and glory of the world, was
caused to assume the place and the prerogatives of the gov-
ernments of the Middle Ages in embodying in the law the
dogmas and definitions of the theologians, and executing
the arbitrary and despotic will of the church.
As we have seen, the Legislative branch, the law-making
power, of the government not only acted a most responsible
part in -this evil-laden thing, but openly confessed and pub-
licly announced that it did so, and that it did not "dare" to
do otherwise. This, too, the church power was quick to see
and prompt to boast of. As soon as the Senate had passed
the measure, even before the House had agreed to it,
"Rev." J. D. Sands, of the Seventh United Presbyterian
Church, Pittsburg, Penn., seizes the occasion to declaim
from his pulpit in a sermon preached July 17, 1892, as
follows : —
"That the church has weight with great political or governing
bodies has been demonstrated most effectually in the late World's Fail-
matter, when the United States Senate, the highest body in the country,
listened to the voice of religion, and passed the World's Fair $5,000,(XK)
appropriation bill with the church instituted proviso that the gates of the
great Exposition should not be opened upon Sunday. That grand, good
fact suggests to the Christian's mind that if this may be done, so may
other equally needful measures. The church is gaining power con-
tinually, and its voice will be Jieard in the future much oftener than in the
past."
And the Christian Statesmen, October 1, 1892, cele-
brating the twenty-fifth anniversary of its founding for this
very purpose, joyfully exclaimed : —
"The forty millions in the Christian homes of the land, the ruling
majority when they assert themselves, have won at least one great moral
victory in each of the recent sessions of Congress. . . . The Sabbath -
closing victory with which the quarter century closes, shows the way to
others that will make the nineteenth century go out in glory eight years
hence. For the great Christian majority lias learned, by response to its
great petition, and its host of letters with reference to the World's Fair,
818 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
that it can have of national and State governments whatever legislation
against immorality it will ask unitedly and earnestly."
It was not long before they had an opportunity to
"assert themselves" again. For no sooner had this act of
religious legislation been done than a movement was set on
foot to have it undone. Men who had all along declared
that no such thing would ever be done ' ' in this enlightened
land," and especially under a Constitution prohibiting it,
were compelled to admit that just such a thing had been
done "in this enlightened land," and in spite of a Constitu-
tion that prohibited it. They who before had refused to take
any part in opposing the movement because there was "no
danger of such a thing ever being done," were ready to op-
pose it with all their might, after it had been done.
The Seventh-day Adventists had been uncompromisingly
opposed to this movement in all its phases and in all its pur-
poses from its very beginning. Accordingly, as soon as the
first measure for religious legislation was introduced in
Congtess, by Senator Blair in 1888, they took steps to coun-
teract it as far as possible. Accordingly, they circulated a
petition which was in effect, and was intended to be, a
remonstrance against anything of Jthe kind forever. That
petition runs as follows : —
" To the Honorable, the Senate of the United States [Duplicate to the House
of Representatives] : —
"We, the undersigned, adult residents of the United States, twenty-
one years of age or more, hereby respectfully, but earnesly petition your
Honorable Body not to pass any bill in regard to the observance of the
Sabbath, or the Lord's day, or any other religious or ecclesiastical institu-
tion or rite ; nor to favor in any way the adoption of any resolution for
the amendment of the national Constitution, that would in any way tend,
either directly or indirectly, to give preference to the principles of any
religion or of any religious body above another, or that will in any way
sanction legislation upon the subject of religion ; but that the total
separation between religion and the State, assured by the national Con-
stitution as it now is, may forever remain as our fathers established it."
THOSE WHO PROTESTED. 819
To this petition, or remonstrance, they obtained more
than three hundred and fifty thousand bona-fide individual
signatures. By these and hearings before congressional
committees the Blair legislation was delayed till it died, and
the Breckinridge bill was defeated.
When the demand was made that Congress should close
the World's Columbian Exposition on Sunday, this too was
opposed with the former protest, and with the following
one direct : —
"We, the undersigned, citizens of the United States, hereby respect-
fully, but decidedly, protest against the Congress of the United States
committing the United States government to a union of religion and the
State, in the passage of any bill or resolution to close the World's Colum-
bian Exposition on Sunday, or in any other way committing the govern-
ment to a course of religious legislation."
While these petitions were being circulated, many peo-
ple were found who would not allow that the cause was of
sufficient importance to justify them in taking the time even
to write their names to a protest, even though they were in
full harmony with the protest in itself. These men said :
"I am in favor of what that says, as much as you are;
but it is all nonsense to be circulating such a thing as that
for signatures to be sent to Congress. Although I agree
with it all, I would not take the time to sign my name to it.
There is not the least danger that any such thing as that
protests against, will ever be done. You would better go
home and spend your time at more profitable business."
And just because so many people were so sure that it never
would be done, it was done. One member of Congress in
response to one of these petitions that had been sent to him
to be presented, said that if any such measure as this op-
posed were ever proposed in Congress, he did not "believe
that there could be found a dozen members in the House
who would favor it." And just three weeks from the day
that he wrote this letter, the question came to a vote in the
820 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
House of Representatives, and this gentleman saw more
than a dozen dozen men vote for it.
Then the unbelieving ones awoke to the fact that they
had mistaken the importance of the issue, and immediately
set out to retrieve this mistake by making another, — they
Demanded that the Exposition should be opened on Sunday
by act of Congress. This was only to ask for further relig-
ious legislation ; because Congress had no more right to say
that the Exposition should be opened on Sunday than it had
to say that it should be closed on that day.
Those who had been protesting all the time against letting
Congress have anything to do with the question in any way
whatever, insisted that now Congress should simply undo
what it had done, that it should repeal its Sunday legisla-
tion, because of its unconstitutionality , thus putting the gov-
ernment back in harmony with the Constitution on its own
part, and leaving the matter of Sunday observance, with all
other religious matters, to the States or to the people where
the Constitution itself placed it.
Any question of the full propriety of the legislation,
however, gave to the church managers their coveted oppor-
tunity further to "assert themselves." And they did it to
the utmost of their power, and in the same way as at the
first — by threats of the "boycott" and whatever else they
could bring to bear. And as in the first instance, so in
this, Congress yielded to the requirements of the combined
churches, instead of to the requirements of the Constitution.
This, too, for religious reasons, which alone were urged, and
which were supported by frequent reference to the Su-
preme Court decision that " this is a Christian nation."
A hearing was held at Washington City, January 10-13,
1893, before the House Committee on Columbian Exposition,
at which were present leading representatives of the whole
National Reform- American Sabbath Union combination, the
Evangelical Alliance, and the Young People's Society of
Christian Endeavor. There were present also representa-
THE CONSTITUTION EXCLUDED. 821
lives of those who wanted the Exposition opened by act of
Congress ; and of those who were and always had been un-
compromisingly opposed to letting Congress have anything to
do with the question one way or the other. About sixty
speeches in all were made. All argument, however, based
on the unconstitutionality of the original legislation was
positively excluded,15 while arguments based upon religion
and religion only, in consideration of "heavenly things'" and
to the exclusion of "earthly things," were heard for hours.
The president of the American Sabbath Union opened
the discussion on that side with words as follows : —
"I approach this subject with great reverence. When we come to
deal with heavenly things, we should put aside earthly things, and should do
very much as the Jews used to do in the temple at Jerusalem ; before
they made their offerings, before they entered upon the service, they pre-
pared themselves by ablution and by prayer for the proper discharge of
their duties. Now when we come to consider the Sabbath, that it rests
upon the law of God, that it is a revelation to mankind which no one
would have thought of, that we owe it entirely to our Father which is in
heaven, we ought therefore to come with the same reverential spirit to
its consideration ourselves. . . . We represent the Christian sentiment
of the United States of America. . . .
"We hope that Congress will maintain its dignity. We have re-
solved not to say one single word as to the constitutionality or unconsti-
tutionality of this law before this committee ; for to claim that it is
unconstitutional here would be a reflection upon the committee, upon
both Houses of Congress, and upon the president of the United States
who approved this law. And you yourself very wisely took that last
consideration entirely out from before the committee, when you stated
this was not the place to argue that question. Therefore we dismiss it
without saying a single word. . . .
"When our blessed Lord was incarnate in Palestine, he approved
and magnified that law, saying, ' I come not to destroy, but to fulfill.
And then he gives another point on the Sabbath, which was, that the
'Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath ;' and that
'the Son of man,' our Lord, 'is Lord also of the Sabbath.' In other
words, it is a part of his patrimony, given to him by our Father who is
in heaven, and every one who attempts to cut it off in any way, robs Jesus
himself. . . .
15 See " Captivity of the Republic," p. 34.
822 THE CON8PIRA CY S UCCEEDS. — CONCL UD ED.
"And on the other hand, when we talk of elevating the people and
lifting them up higher, can we get any higher principle, or any higher
method of doing this, than that which was adopted by our blessed Lord
himself ? — Not at all. And is it not rather to be thought that these people
icho are especially consecrated to the service of God, are better able, through
their consecration, and through their education, to inculcate what will best
elevate the people, than those who are ignorant of that sort of connection,
and approach the subject from a lower and entirely different standpoint?
"Now this day we are to present to you in brief speeches, the senti-
ments of the Christian Church and common people of the United States
in the various branches of that church, and without any further intro-
duction, I will ask that the roll should now be taken up." 16
This was followed by many others of the same tenor, in
which the committee and Congress were exhorted as in the
presence of death and in view of the judgment to " stand by
the side, and to the "preservation, of God's holy day ; " and
were warned that "if we touch that fourth commandment,
God will bring a curse upon us as a nation."17
The result of this hearing, and the situation as it stood
at the close of the hearing, was reported from Washington
to the Chicago Herald the day that the hearing was ended
— January 13. And everybody who was at the Capitol at
that time can certify to the absolute correctness of the re-
port. Here is the material portion of it : —
" The churches and the ministers are at work again quite as ear-
nestly as they were a year ago, and with equal effectiveness. While
there was no doubt a month ago that if a vote could have been taken
upon the question of Sunday opening at once, a comfortable majority
would have been found in both houses of Congress for opening, it is
not now likely that the Durborow resolution can be carried through
either body. . . .
" The odds are decidedly against the resolution ever getting into the
House, and even if it shall be reported, no one can find a majority in its
favor. The trouble is that a large number of members who believe in
Sunday opening on principle and as a matter of right, are too timid to
vote their convictions in the face of the organized opposition from the churches
and ministers. These statesmen argue that the men who want the Fair
open on Sunday are reasonable men, who will not permit their judg-
ment or their votes to be affected by failure to get what they want.
J6 " Captivity of the Kepublic," pp. 41, 42. " Id., pp. 42-47,
HOW THEY "ASSERTED THEMSELVES." 823
While, on the other hand, the church people icho are for Sunday dosing
will, if their wishes are thwarted, lose their tempers, and at the next election,
make trouble for those who wte against them.
"This sort of cowardice or caution, combined with the fact that the
ministers who are making Sunday closing a sort of stock-in-trade have no
hesitancy about bulldozing their congressional representatives or any one else
they can get hold of, offers an explanation of the changed condition of
affairs with reference to this question."
Lest anybody should be inclined to pass this by as a
mere newspaper report, and perhaps prejudiced at that, we
shall present the deliberate judgment of two members of
the House. Representative Reilly, of Pennsylvania, made
a statement which was printed in the same issue of the Her-
ald as was the foregoing, as follows : —
"The present agitation, if continued, can only result in injury to the
Fair. Attempts to have the law repealed only result in stirring up ani-
mosity toward the Fair, and creating antagonism on the part of the
church people. They can do the Fair much harm if they decide to carry
out the threats they have already made, and I think the friends of the Ex-
position who favor Sunday opening would act wisely in ceasing their
efforts."
And Representative George W. Houk wrote a letter on
on this subject to President Higinbotham of the Exposition,
which was printed in the Chicago Tribune, February 5, 1893.
After stating his "deliberate conviction that Congress was
and is without any constitutional power or authority what-
ever to impose such a condition upon the grant of the appro-
priation," he states the case thus : —
" At this point I now beg to call your attention to certain existing
facts. A most extensive religious agitation has been made to prevail all
over the country, upon this question. Concerted action has been taken
by the clergy and upon the question as presented by them to their
congregations, as to whether they were in favor of ' the desecration of
the Sabbath.' An entire unanimity of sentiment has been obtained, of
course, among the Protestant Christian churches at least, and other
large organizations of Christian workers, against the repeal of the con-
dition requiring the closing of the Exposition Sundays.
"From the nature, extent, and character of the opposition, based
as I think it is, upon an erroneous, though conscientious sentiment,
rather than upon a deliberate and rational judgment, it occurs to me
824 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
that in case it were possible to have the existing law repealed, it might
after all ultimately result in serious detriment to the final success of the
Exposition.
" It is of the first importance, in my judgment, to the final success of
the Exposition that there should be a harmonious co-operation on the
part of all the people of the United States in its support. If the present
law requiring the gates to be closed Sundays to the public, should be re-
pealed by a vote of a majority in both the House and Senate, which does
not seem to me at all probable, and the act should receive the sanction
of the president, which seems to be equally improbable, it is certain that
the religious element of the country, through all its organizations,
would be deeply offended, and would array itself in antagonism to
the Fair.
"It is not a question whether such a course would be reasonable or
not ; and, while such action might be regarded as an exhibition of re-
ligious fanaticism, most remarkable under the circumstances, it is never-
theless true that a large number of good, conscientious, Christian people
throughout the country, in their excited state of feeling upon this ques-
tion, would be likely to pursue that course.
"I am in a position to have reliable information in regard to this
matter, and although I firmly believe that the refusal to permit the Ex-
position to be opened to the public Sundays under the regulations I
have suggested, will be a most deplorable mistake, I am also fully pur-
suaded that the repeal of the existing law closing its gates would array
the whole religious element of the United States (Protestant at least)
against it. ...
"The question now to be decided by the management is, whether it
is advisable further to urge a doubtful contest, upon a matter that is aga
gravating an already extensive and bitter hostility against Chicago and
the Exposition, which even if ultimately successful, would be as likely to
be fraught with disaster as benefit to the enterprise."
Now the Constitution of the United States is the only
thing in existence that gives to any member of Congress,
either senator or representative, any power or authority.
He owes his very existence as a member of that body, to the
Constitution. The Constitution defines his powers and sets
the limitations of the exercise thereof. This is his only legiti-
mate guide. To take any other thing as his guide in legisla-
tion, is to repudiate the Constitution and to put that other
THE UNDENIABLE RECORD. 825
thing in its place ; and, as shown before, is to rob the people
of all the governmental authority which by the very idea of a
written constitution, they have retained in their own hands, and
is to make this other thing the governing power, instead of the
people. It makes the caprice and arbitrary will of a few the
only guide in legislation and governmental affairs, instead
of the deliberate judgment of the majority as expressed in
the Constitution.
The undeniable record in this case shows that —
1. The leaders of the combined churches of the United
States asked Congress to do what they knew, and had de-
clared for years, to be an unconstitutional thing.
2. When Congress did not respond readily enough, they
turned their petitions into demands under threats.
3. Congressmen did yield to these threatening demands,
openly announced that they did so, and that they did not
dare to do otherwise.
4. When an attempt was made to have Congress undo
this legislation and take its stand once more on the Constitu-
tion only, the chairman of a congressional committee deliber-
ately ruled out all discussion based upon the Constitution, and
admitted, unquestioned, discussion based only upon religion
and the consideration of " heavenly things."
5. To the threats and demonstrations of violence on
the part of the church leaders, Congress yielded the second
time, thus confirming its unconstitutional course instead of
correcting it.
6. Congress thus confirmed its repudiation of the Con-
stitution, its only legitimate guide, and its choosing as its
guide instead the church power — the very thing above all
others that the Constitution and the fundamental principles
of the government were intended forever to exclude.
7. And in confirmation of the known unconstitutionally
of this whole high-handed procedure, the chief managers of
this religious combination have since declared in print that
826 THE CONSPIRACY SUCCEEDS.— CONCLUDED.
" the Constitution furnished no guarantee for such legis-
lation. v 18
How could there possibly be a more complete reversal of
the order of things established and intended by those who
made our national government and its Constitution ? How
could there possibly be a more direct and complete revolu-
tion of the principles of our government than has been ac-
complished in this case, in its inception, its intent, its
conduct, and its successful issue as it stands to-day through
the decision of the Supreme Court, the action of Congress,
and the approval of the president of the United States ?
The Great Conspiracy has succeeded. It has accom-
plished its avowed purpose "to change that feature of our
fundamental law" which declares that "governments derive
their just powers from the consent of the governed ; " and in
its place they have set up that feature of the papacy which
insists that governments derive their powers from " the will
of God" as expressed through the church. The government
founded by our fathers according to the divine principles
which Jesus Christ announced for civil governments, has
been swept away ; and in its place there has been set up, in
principle, and in procedure so far, THE LIVING IMAGE OF THE
PAPACY.
is u The National Reform Movement," a leaflet distributed at the annual
convention of the National Reform Association, held in Allegheny, Pa., Novem-
ber, 1893.
CHAPTER XXIX.
WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
AS to what shall be the results of this success of The Great
Conspiracy, we might with perfect safety refer the reader
to Chapters XII- XXI inclusive, of this book, as at the be-
ginning of Chapter XXVII, and leave the matter there, well
assured that the course of events will be in substance as
there developed in the history of the like procedure before.
However, as there are important developments already, it
may be helpful and certainly not in vain to consider them.
It is worthy of note that it is not merely to the church
power in itself, but to the principle of violence and lawless-
ness that the government of the United States has been sur-
rendered. And that principle asserted by the professed
Protestantism, the professed Christianity indeed, of the
country — by that which professes to represent, and in name
does represent, all the elements of righteousness, peace, and
gentleness ! This is what makes the situation so much
worse than it otherwise would be.
The facts set forth in the previous chapter, as well as the
statements from representatives in Congress on the subject,
show that the church people who were engaged in this cam-
paign for national Sunday legislation, are worse than the
people who do not belong to church. For "these states-
men " argued that the people who were opposed to this legis-
lation "are reasonable men who will not permit their judg-
ment or their votes to be affected by failure to get what they
want. While on the other hand, the church people who
[827]
828 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
are for Sunday closing will, if their wishes are thwarted,
lose their tempers, and at the next election make trouble for
those who vote against them." What is this, then, but to
say, and to say truly, that the church people who demand
Sunday legislation are more unruly and more dangerous to
public interests than the people who do not belong to the
church ? For, generally speaking, the people who are op-
posed to Sunday legislation are not church people ; and such
church people as are opposed to it are not considered by
these others to be "orthodox."" And in consideration of
the mischief, the trouble, and the damage to the country,
that they would do if they should not have their own way,
the government itself must be surrendered to, and run in the
interests of, this dangerous element !
Nor is it in Congress alone that this principle is recog-
nized. It has been given a place in the judicial procedure of
the United States courts. On page 749 reference is made
to the decision of the United States Circuit Court for the
western district of Tennessee giving legal sanction to the
practice of persecution to secure the recognition of Sunday.
In that same connection, the court said : —
"By a sort of factitious advantage, the observers of Sunday have
secured the aid of the civil law, and adhere to that advantage with great
tenacity, in spite of the clamor for religious freedom and the progress
that has heen made in the absolute separation of Church and State. . . .
And the efforts to extirpate the advantage above mentioned by judicial
decision in favor of a civil right to disregard the change, seem to me
quite useless."
The court was composed of Circuit Judge Howell E.
Jackson, now a member of the Supreme Court of the United
States, and District Judge E. S. Hammond. The opinion
was written by Judge Hammond, and was filed August 1,
1891. Then in the Memphis Appeal- Avalanche of August
30, there was published a four-column article by Judge
Hammond, dated August 12, and entitled "The Sunday
"PRESERVING THE PUBLIC ORDER." 829
Habit," which is little if anything else than a defense of the
decision that had been rendered on this subject August 1.
In this article the judge confesses that "the logic of this
[his] position may lead to a union of Church and State un-
doubtedly ; " but that the support of Sunday by the civil
power and by persecutions " is a necessityof statesmanship "
upon " the policy of securing the public peace." The dan-
ger to the public peace, and the source of it, if Sunday laws
were disregarded by those who have a "distaste for, or a
disbelief in, the custom ; " or if they were attacked by a
proposal to abolish them, is set forth as follows : —
" We have lived so free of it in modern days that we forget the force
of religious fanaticism, and he who supposes that its fury cannot be
again aroused may be mistaken. . . .
"Christians would become alarmed, and they might substitute for
the stars and other symbols of civil freedom upon the banners of their
armed hosts, the symbol of the cross of Christ, and fight for their re-
ligion at the expense of their civil government. They have done this
in times that are passed, and they could do it again. And he is not a
wise statesman who overlooks a possibility like this, and endangers the
public peace. . . .
" The civilian, as contradistinguished from the churchman, though
united in tJie same person, may find in, the principle of preserving the public
order a satisfactory warrant for yielding to religious prejudice and
fanaticism the support of those laws, when the demand for such a sup-
port may become a force that would disturb the public order. It may
be a constantly diminishing force, but if it be yet strong enough to create
disturbance, statesmanship takes account of it as a factor in the prob-
lem.''
This statement and those of representatives Reilly and
Houk, cited in the previous chapter, are the deliberate
opinions of representative men, and officials in official place
— men who were in position not only to know, but in which
they were obliged to consider the question in all its bearings.
And when, having so considered the question, they set forth
this as their deliberate conclusion, then nothing more is
needed to demonstrate that the church element that is
830 WUAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
managing and supporting the Sunday cause in the United
States is one of the most dangerous elements in the United
States.
This thought was so well presented before the House
Committee on Columbian Exposition, January 12, 1893, by
Mrs. Marion Foster Washburne, of Chicago, that her earnest
and weighty words are worthy of a place in this or any other
book. In referring to the speeches and representations of the
clergy before the same committee the day before, she said: —
"Moreover, they threatened — and of all things, the boycott! The
very tactics they preach against from their pulpits. And one man said
that the 'religious boycott was justified by the deep prejudices of
the people.'
"I have a profound respect and reverence, as all fair-minded people
must have, for the man who believes in his religion and stands upon it
against the world ; but I have precious little respect for the clergyman,
who, when he wants to win a worldly advantage, uses a worldly argu-
ment, making the admission that the heavenly one is insufficient for
practical purposes. The man who claims to have faith in prayer, and
yet descends to the boycott !
"... I know that we cannot possibly make as good a showing as
some church societies, and the reason is that we are not organized as
they are. The great mass of liberal and thoughtful people all over the
country are not so organized that they can act as one, before such a com-
mittee, but their numbers may be — nay, are — even greater than those
contained in the societies here represented. They are simply quiet and
tolerant private citizens, who, for the most part, are rather amused that
any one should be intolerant. But while this organization of the evan-
gelical churches gives them an advantage in being able to present
petitions and speakers, it is, gentlemen, a danger ! Our forefathers fore-
saw the danger of an organized minority coercing an unorganized
majority, and forbade this country a standing army ; there is as much
danger, or, as the history of religious persecution shows, more danger, in
the interference of an organized body of churchmen in tlie affairs of the
State, than in a standing army." x
That the government and people of the United States
should be deliberately surrendered into the power of this
most dangerous and destructive element, is bad enough.
1 "Captivity of the Republic," pp. 50, 51.
IT IS NOT CHRISTIANITY. 831
That this pandering to this most dangerous and destruc-
tive element, and this deliberate surrender of the govern-
ment and the nation to it, should be advertised and exalted
as "wise statesmanship" by those who have done it, is far
worse.
It is not statesmanship of any kind, either wise or other-
wise. It is shameful cowardice. It is a base betrayal of
the supreme public trust — the rights of all the people.
But that this most dangerous and destructive element
should be advertised and exalted and respected as Chris-
tianity, by those who have surrendered to it, as well as by
those who manifest it and impose it on the government, is
simply abominable. Eead Luke 23 : 23, 24 ; Matt. 27 : 24.
It is not Christianity in any sense. It is deviltry.
Yet in the face of the indubitable evidence that the ele-
ment that manages the Sunday cause is of such dangerous
proclivities that the government of the United States must
be surrendered to it in order "to preserve the public peace,"
these same ones evidently take great pride in advertising
and exalting themselves as "the best people of the land,"
and the " law-abiding people of the country ! "
The truth is, however, that this claim, like the claim of
their Sunday Sabbath, is absolutely fraudulent. The undeni-
able fact is that these very ones are of the least law-abiding
people in the United States. They have demonstrated that
they have no respect for any law but such as their own
arbitrary will approves. For without the slightest hesi-
tation, yea, rather, with open persistence, they have know-
ingly disregarded and overridden the supreme law — the
Constitution — of the United States.
Their action is as much worse than that of the average
law-breaker, and their offense as much greater, as the supreme
law of the land is greater and more important than local
statutes. The average law-breaker damages the individual /
these supreme law-breakers damage the whole nation. The
average law-breaker invades the rights of the individual;
61
832 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
these supreme law-breakers have invaded and even swept
away the rights of all the people. The average law.-breaker
disregards social order only in the locality where he is ;
while these supreme law-breakers strike at the very exist-
ence of social order by breaking down the chief govern-
mental safeguard. For the average law-breaker, there is
always a ready remedy in the regular forms of governmental
order ; but for these supreme law-breakers, these who have
overridden the Constitution, and so have broken down the
established safeguards of governmental order itself, where
is the remedy ?
These facts demonstrate that instead of their being truly
the law-abiding portion of the people, these men are among
the chiefest law-breakers in the land — the most lawless of
all the nation. Nor is this at all to be wondered at. For
in order to accomplish this their bad purpose, they "gladly
joined hands" and hearts with the papacy — that power
which the Lord designates as the "lawless one" and as the
very "mystery of lawlessness" itself. 2 Thess. ii, 3, 7
(R. V.). '
Nor is it to be considered at all strange that they should
show themselves so lawless as to- disregard and override the
supreme law of the nation, and join themselves to the very
"mystery of lawlessness" to accomplish this lawless pur-
pose. For, for all these years they have openly, both in
actions and words, disregarded and overridden the supreme
law of the universe, — the law of God which he proclaimed
with a voice that shook the earth, and wrote with his own
finger of fire on the tables of stone, — and they have fol-
lowed the preaching, the precedent, and the authority of the
mystery of lawlessness in the doing of it.
The Sabbath of the Lord, the seventh day, which he him-
self has named and appointed, which he declared with his
own voice from heaven, which is his own, upon which he
placed his blessing, which he made holy, and which he
sanctified — this, the Sabbath of the Lord, is the sign of
SUPREME LAWLESSNESS. 833
what Jesus Christ is to those who believe in him. The ob-
servance of it by faith — the true observance of it — brings
into the life of the believer in Jesus, as nothing else can,
the living presence and power of Jesus Christ. This is true,
and every man may know it by faith in Jesus.
All these years they and the people have been told in
the words of God that "the seventh day is the Sabbath of
the Lord." But instead of believing it, or allowing the peo-
ple to believe it, they have disregarded it and declared that
it is not so. They have taught the people that it is not so.
They have put no difference between the holy and the pro-
fane (Ezek. xxiii, 36), by telling the people that it makes no
difference what day they keep. Thus they disregard the law
of the living God, and teach the people to disregard it.
Then after teaching the people to disregard the plain word
of the law of God as to the observance of the day which he
has commanded, and telling all that there is no command of
God for the observance of Sunday, they join heart and hand
with the Mystery of Lawlessness to force upon all the Sunday
which the papacy lias established instead of the Sabbath of
the Lord. They set the sign of the Mystery of Lawlessness
above the sign of the living God, and would compel all to
receive it.
Having thus forsaken the Lord, and all true allegiance to
his law, and gone over bodily and heartily and " gladly '' to
the Mystery of Lawlessness — having g'one to such lengths as
this in despising the law of the living God, it is not at all to
be wondered at that they would despise the supreme law of
the government of the United States, nor that they should
require Congress, in violation of its solemn oath, to join in
their high-handed enterprise, and establish their lawless pur-
pose by the surrender of the power of the national govern-
ment into their hands to be used at their lawless will, and
to enforce upon all their lawless decrees.
In view of such an example as this, should it be thought
surprising that lawlessness should be manifested by others
834 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
throughout the whole country as never before, and that vio-
lence should cover the land from ocean to ocean ? In view
of such an example as this set by " the best people " of the
land, should it be thought strange that the example should
be followed by the "Industrials," " Common wealers,"
"Coxeyites," or the worst people of the land? If it is
proper for the preachers and churches of the country to
threaten Congress till their confessedly unconstitutional de-
mands are complied with, why is it not equally proper for
the " Commonwealers," and everybody else, also to threaten
Congress till their demands are complied with ? If Con-
gress can guarantee to the people religion, even on Sunday,
why shall it not also guarantee to the people money on
every day of the week ? When the principle of the petition
by threat, and legislation by clamor, and the surrender of
governmental prerogative to preserve the public peace, has
been once recognized in favor of one class, then why shall
not the principle be applied in behalf of any and every other
class, on demand? Why should Coxey, Browne, Kelly,
Frye, and company be denounced, prosecuted, fined, and
imprisoned, while simply following the example of Crafts,
Cook, Shepard, George, and company, in which these latter
were listened to and honored by the preference of Congress.
There is another result, or rather, phase of the same re-
sult, which has appeared promptly upon this action of the
professed Protestantism of the United States ; that is, the
bold and rapid strides of the papacy to take advantage of
that which has been done, and through this to take posses-
sion of the country itself. Nor indeed should any one be
surprised at this ; it was only to be expected. For when
the professed Protestantism of the country, to accomplish
its lawless purpose to gain control of the national power,
gladly joined hands with the Mystery of Lawlessness ; what
else could be expected than that she should at once lay
claim to all the "benefits" to be derived from the trans-
TO SAVE THE NATION. 835
action in itself, and press the principles of the transaction
to the utmost limit of their logic in her own behalf ?
As we have before shown, the aim and purpose of the
National Reform combination was identical with the aim
and purpose of the papacy. It was therefore with great
gladness that Rome heard the declaration of the Supreme
Court of the United States that "this is a Christian nation,"
with the citation of Catholic documents to prove it, and also
saw Congress set up the sign of her authority — the Sunday
— as the holy day of the nation in express exclusion of the
Sabbath of the Lord. It was with supreme satisfaction that
she saw her own sign of her own salvation, set up in the
United States by a national act as a symbol of the salva-
tion of the nation.2 In our opposition to the National Re-
2 That it was for the salvation of the nation was definitely expressed in the
Senate. Senator Hawley said : —
"This very day and this hour, I would not for the wealth of ten exposi-
tions, have upon my shoulders the responsibility of having decided this question
wrongly upon what may be a turning-point in the history of the United States.
Open the Exposition on Sunday, and the flood-gates are opened. ... I ask you
to regard that which is of immeasurable importance in the salvation of a nation,
the great, profound sense of religious obligation." — Congressional Record, July
12, 1892, pp. 6699-6700.
Senator Colquitt said : —
" Without legislation relating to the great contests that are going on in this
country, without the interference of bayonets, without calling upon the militia,
without the marshaling of armed forces, if there is one palliative, if there is one
preventive, if there is one check, if there is one remedy that is g^ing to cure all
of these discordant elements of strife and bloodshed, it is tht observance of the
Sabbath day and the observance of the restraints of our home in addition." —
Id., July 13, 1892, p. 6755.
Senator Frye said : —
" I believe that the salvation of this country depends upon the nearness to
which it approaches the Sabbath of the early days. We have been wandering
from it from time to time, getting away from it. The sooner we get back
to it the better it will be for this republic." — Id., July 12, 1892, p. 6703.
It is a forcible comment on Senator Colquitt's speech, that whereas Sunday was
thus set up to save the nation from " the interference of bayonets," etc., one of
the very first things done by the church leaders after the passage of this act, was
836 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
form movement we told the National Reformers and all the
people, over and over, that in all their efforts and argu-
ments they were but playing into the hands of Rome ; and
that their success would be the assured success of Rome in
this country. In December, 1886, the author of this book
published in the American Sentinel the following passage
on this subject : —
"Although the Catholic Church apparently takes no very active in-
terest in this movement itself, we may rest assured that there is not a
single writer nor a single official of the Catholic Church, from the pope
to the lowest priest in America, who ever ' for an instant' loses sight of
the movement, or of the 'prescriptions 'which the pope has given in view
of it.
"Then when the matter comes to the enforcement of the laws, what
is to hinder the Catholics from doing it, and that, too. in the Catholic
way ? Every priest in the United States is sworn to root out heresy.
And Monsignor Capel, in our own cities and at our very doors, defends
the 'Holy Inquisition.'3 When the refusal to observe Sunday becomes
heresy that can be reached by the law, what, then, is to hinder the
Catholics from rooting out the heresy ? Certainly when the National
Reformers shall have been compelled by the necessity of the situation to
join hands with the Catholics to secure the laws which they desire, it
would not be in their power, even were it in their disposition, to repeal
the laws ; so there would then be nothing left but the enforcement of the
laws — by Catholics, if by nobody else. This view of the case alone
ought to be sufficient to arouse every Protestant and every American to
the most uncompromising opposition to the National Reform party.
" It is of no use for the National Reformers to say that they will not
allow the Catholics to do these things. For when the National Reform-
ers, to gain the ends which they have in view, are compelled by ' the
to call upon the president to enforce it at the point of the bayonet ; and in the year
1894 the principal part of the country from ocean to ocean was marked with
" the interference of bayonets," with " calling upon the militia," and with " the
marshaling of armed forces." The Pharisees of oLl rejected the Lord of the
Sabbath, and chose a robber instead to save that nation; but their action de-
stroyed the nation. The Pharisees of our day rejected the Sabbath of the Lord
and chose a robber — Sunday — in its stead, to save this nation. But like
the efforts of the Pharisees before, instead of saving the nation, it will destroy
the nation.
3 Archbishop Corrigan and others did it again at the Chicago Catholic
Congress, 1893.
THE POLITY OF ROME. 837
necessity of the situation,' to unite with Rome, having, by the help of
Rome, gained those ends, it will be impossible, without the help of Rome,
either to make them effective or to reverse them, or to hinder Rome
from making them effective in her own way. When the thing is done,
it will be too late to talk of not allowing this or that. The whole thing
will then be sold into the hands of Rome, and there will be no
remedy.
" Lord Macaulay made no mistake when he wrote the following : —
" 'It is impossible to deny that the polity of the Church of Rome is
the very masterpiece of human wisdom. . . . The experience of twelve
hundred eventful years, the ingenuity and patient cure of forty genera-
tions of statesmen, have improved that polity to such perfection that,
among the contrivances which have been devised for deceiving and op-
pressing mankind, it occupies the highest place.' *
"And it is into the hands of this mistress of human deception and
oppression that the National Reformers deliberately propose to surrender
the United States government and the American people. But just as
surely as the American people allow the National Reform party, or any-
thing else, out of seeming friendship for Christianity, or for any other
reason, to do this thing, they are undone.
"We know that a good many people have regarded the American
Sentinel as exerting itself to no purpose, because they think there is no
danger of the success of National Reform. But in the National Reform
party, allied with Home, there is danger. Then put with this the almost
universal demand for more rigorous laws, more vigorously enforced, for
the stricter religious observance of Sunday, — the very thing above all
others at which the National Reform movement aims, — the danger is in-
creased and is imminent. In view of these facts, there is great danger
that through the sophistry of the National Reform arguments, the ill-
informed zeal of thousands upon thousands of people who favor Sunday
laws will be induced to support the National Reform movement, and so
they and the whole nation be delivered into the hands of Rome. There
js danger in the National Reform movement. We know it, and by the
evidences we here give in their own words, it is high time that the
American people began to realize it.
"We say that if the National Reformers and the Catholics, or any
others, want to keep Sunday, let them do it. But Heaven forefeud that
they shall ever succeed in securing the laws that they ask, by which they
will compel others to do it. And we do most devoutly pray, God forbid
that they shall ever succeed in their scheme of putting into the hands of
Rome the power to enforce religious laws, and to correct heresy. God
forbid that they shall ever succeed in making free America a slave to
Rome.
4 " Essays," Von Rankc.
838 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
"The success of the National Reform movement is the success of
Rome. How many, then, of the American people are ready to enter
into the National Reform scheme ? "
Bear in mind that this quotation was printed in 1886.
And now in view of this we ask a careful consideration of
the following important facts and statements : All these
years, and even to the very latest document issued Novem-
ber, 1893, the National Reform combination has constantly
presented as the basis, and the. leading argument, for the
governmental recognition of their religion, that "this coun-
try was settled by Christian men having Christian ends in
view." And now that they have secured their long-desired
governmental recognition of "the Christian religion," the
Catholic Church appropriates the argument bodily, and
boldly declares that America was first discovered and settled
by Catholic Christian men, having Catholic Christian ends
in view. At the late World's Congress of Religions,
Chicago, 1893, this was made plain beyond all chance for
question. In a paper read by Professor Thomas O 'Gor-
man, of the Catholic University of Washington, D. C., it
is presented more fully and compactly than in any other
place we have found, and we shall therefore quote largely
from it. On this point of the discovery and settlement of
America "by Christian men having Christian ends in
view," he says : —
"By right of discovery and possession, dating back almost nine hun-
dred years, America is Christian. On the waters of Lake Michigan,
close to the Convent of La Rabida are moored three Spanish caravels
and a little farther away one Viking ship. All three — convent,
caravels, and Scandinavian craft — are evidences of an acquaintance
between America and the church in times when the only Christianity in
existence was Catholic. This fact is sufficient justification for a change
I have allowed myself to make. In the programme, this paper has for
title, 'Relation of the Catholic Church to America.' For wider
latitude and juster account, I make it, ' Relation of Christianity to
America.'
"The strange Viking boat carries the relation to a period antedating
Columbus by almost five hundred years. About the year 1000, Christian
THE CA TIIO LIC CHURCH AND AMERICA. 839
colonists from Norway founded in Greenland a Christian community,
which for four hundred years — that is, almost down to the days of
Columbus — possessed a body of Catholic priests and a continuous line
of bishops in communion with the popes of Rome. From Greenland,
traders and missionaries pushed westward to the mainland. Trading
posts and mission stations, if not permanent settlements, arose on the
coasts of New England, and the natural products of this country found
their way to Europe and even to Rome, the capital of Christendom, as
payment of the Peter pence from the Catholic people of far-away Green-
land and Vinland. In the showcases of the Convent of La Rahida in
your White City are some of the many contemporary documents which
prove these facts, and imply a relation existing long before Columbus,
between Rome and the land that was to become in later ages the cradle
of the American Republic. For reasons which it is not my present task
to indicate, the intercourse had gradually grown intermittent, and had all
but ceased when Columbus appeared. At any rate, it had never dawned on
the mind of Europe that the far-away Scandinavian colony was in a new
continent. Greenland and Vinland were supposed to be connected in
some way with northern Europe, and to be a southern dip of the
known continent into habitable western latitudes from uninhabitable
polar regions. So much for the older acquaintance between the church
and America.,
"AMERICA DISCOVERED BY CATHOLICS.
"The Spanish convent and caravels indicate a relation that began
four hundred years ago ; a relation which was to Europe the revelation
of a new world, what the Scandinavian relation had not been ; a relation
that has not ceased since, as had the Scandinavian ; a relation that at
first flitted like some distant dream before the eyes of Spain in the
solemn halls of Salamanca, that gradually took on some faint reality be-
neath the walls of Granada, in the quiet port of Palos, that finally be-
came fact on the newly-found shores of San Salvador, in the shadow of
the cross raised on American soil by the successful discoverer. The
books, pamphlets, lectures, and articles written in this Columbian anni-
versary prove beyond a candid doubt that the discovery of America
was eminently a religious enterprise, and that the desire to spread
Christianity was, I will not say the only, but the principal motive that
prompted the leaders engaged in that memorable venture. Before you
can strip the discovery of its religious character, you must unchristen
the admiral's flagship [Santa Maria], and tear from her bulwarks the
painting of the patroness [the Virgin Mary], under whose auspices the
gallant craft plowed her way through the terrors of the unknown
ocean.
840 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
" MOTIVES OF THE EARLY COLONISTS.
"The inspiration that gave the Old World a new continent was
also the cause of its colonization and civilization. Various popes from
Alexander VII, 1493, to Leo XI, 1514, approved aud legalized discovery
and occupation in America. The purpose of their bulls was to prevent
or settle difficulties aud wars between rival claimants to the new lands.
The indirect results of their intervention were of untold benefit to hu-
manity. That intervention promoted the geographical study and knowl-
edge of the globe, instigated Magellan's voyage around the world, created
the partition of the continent, and hence also the colonial system out of
which this great nation is born."
Thus the National Reformers see their fundamental argu-
ment appropriated by Rome and used to her sole advantage;
and not one of them, nor yet all of them together, can suc-
cessfully dispute it for a moment. And so we and they see
fulfilled to-day that which we have told them all the time,
that in all their efforts they were but playing into the hands
of Rome.
Again: The National Reform combination .has always
made the fallacious claim that the union of religion and the
State is not the union of Church and State ; and vice
verm, the separation of Church and State does not mean the
separation of the State from religion. This claim the
Catholic Church now appropriates, and declares : —
"We may truly say that with us separation of Church and State is
not separation of the nation from religion." *
And thus again we and they see fulfilled that which we
told them long ago, and repeatedly.
Again : The National Reform combination has argued
that Sunday laws, Thanksgiving proclamations, and other
official documents of presidents and governors, laws which
upheld "Christian marriage" by prohibiting polygamy,
chaplains in army and navy, in Congress and legislatures,
and decisions of courts that Christianity is part of the com-
mon law. — all prove that this is a Christian nation. All
"THE STATE'S CHRISTIANITY." 841
this also the Catholic Church has adopted as proof of her
claims upon the nation. Professor O'Gorrnan continues : —
" Of what I should call the State's Christianity, I give the following
evidences : —
"Not only does the federal government make Sunday a legal day
of rest for all its officials, but the States have Sunday laws which do not
enforce any specific worship, but do guard the day's restfulness. More-
over, certain religious holy days are made legal holidays.
"Presidents and governors in official documents recognize the depen-
dence of the nation on God and the duty of gratitude to him. . . .
"The action of Congress in regard to Mormonism is an upholding of
the Christian marriage, and in all the States bigamy is a crime. Immor-
ality is not allowed by the civil power to flaunt itself in public, but is
driven to concealment, and the decalogue, inasmuch as it relates to the
social relations of man, is enforced.
"Celebrations of a public and official character, sessions of State
legislatures and Congress are opened with prayer. Chaplains are ap-
pointed at public expense for Congress, the army, the navy, the military
and naval academies, the State legislatures and institutions. . . .
"More than once it-has been decided by courts that we are a Chris-
tian people, and that Christianity is part of our unwritten law, as it is
part of the common law of England.
"Such, briefly, is the relation of Christianity to the American
Republic, when we consider only its internal life. Are we not justified
in concluding that here Christianity has added to her domain a nation
which is the most active, the most progressive, and not the least intel-
lectual in this nineteenth century ! "
When it is borne in mind that by the term " Chris-
tianity." Professor O'Gorman means Catholicism, and
Catholicism alone, the force of this array of National Re-
form "evidences'"' is clearly seen and appreciated.
Again : The Supreme Court of the United States de-
clared that " we are a religious people," and that " this is a
Christian nation." This the National Reform combination
hailed as containing "all that the National Reform Asso-
ciation seeks ; " and this they have been using ever since as
the official and ultimate authority that must settle every ques-
tion and silence every word of doubt or dissent. As proofs
of its declaration that "this is a Christian nation," and that
842 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
this is the meaning of the Constitution, the Supreme Court
not only cited the commission of Ferdinand and Isabella to
Columbus, but also "the form of oath universally prevail-
ing ; " the laws respecting the observance of the Sabbath ;
the constitutional proviso "that the Executive shall have ten
days (Sunday excepted) within which to determine whether
he will approve or veto a bill," etc. This whole ground is
covered in just two sentences by Professor O'Gorman, with
direct reference to the Constitution, as follows : —
" Our political charter presupposes God and Christianity, presup-
poses the main facts and the past history of Christianity, and is bound to
them " by discovery and colonisation. The oath required from all officers of
the federal government, the exemption of Sunday from their working
days, the subscription, ' In the year of our Lord ' are a recognition of
God, and imply that the Lord Jesus Christ is the turning-point of hu-
manity, the source and beginning of a new order."
Once more : The Supreme Court also cited the Declara-
tion of Independence as proof that this is a Christian nation.
Professor O'Gorman follows to the same extreme, and then
declares that the Catholic Church is the foundation of it all.
Here are his words : —
"Look at the fundamental articles, the formative principles of the
republic, — 'All men are created equal; they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable rights ; among these are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness ; to secure these, governments are insti-
tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed.' These are Christian principles asserting God, creation, the
rights of the creature, and by implication the duties that are correl-
ative to those rights. To these principles the Catholic Church gave an im-
pregnable foundation when in the Council of Trent, she defined that
reason is not totally obscured, and will is not totally depraved."
Then in his closing sentences he sums up all, covers the
whole ground, and swallows up everything into the Catholic
Church, as follows : —
"Our roots are in the good ; our up-growth must needs be toward
the better. The affirmation of any one truth, logically followed out,
leads to the knowledge and affirmation of all truth. The American
Republic began in the affirmation of certain fundamental evident truths
THE NATION'S PERFECTION. 843
of reason ; our dominant tendency, therefore, the law of our progression,
is toward complete truth, if we but remain true to the spirit that called
us into being, and still, thank God, animates our present living.
"We believe that divine Providence led to the discovery of this con-
tinent and directed its settlement and guided the birth of this nation, for
a new and more complete application to political society of the truths
affirmed by reason and Christian revelation, for the upbuilding of a
nation as great religiously as it is politically, of a nation that shall find
its perfection in Catholic Christianity. With that freedom allowed every
speaker in this Parliament of Religions, I affirm my sincere conviction that
Catholic Christianity is the fullness of truth, natural and supernatural,
rational and revealed ; that Catholic Christianity is the strongest bulwark
of law and order in this republic. If ever our country should fail
and fall, it is not from the Catholic Church that shall come the shout of
triumph at the failure and the fall, for never has she had a fairer field of
work than the United States of America."
Thus Rome sets herself forward as the end and all, and
hers the prior and supreme right, in all things pertaining
to this union of '.'religion and the State," in this "Chris-
tian nation of the United States.". And the blindness
of professed Protestants and of the Supreme Court
has given her the complete legal, legislative, and gov-
ernmental basis for all her claims. And we say again
that there is not one person in the National Reform combi-
nation, nor in the whole combination together ; not one
member of the Supreme Court, nor yet the whole court to-
gether; who can successfully dispute the argument or the
claim Rome is now making upon the foundation which they
themselves have so surely laid for her. And so we and
they see fulfilled to-day before the eyes of the whole nation,
and of the world, that which we have all the time told them,
that they were only playing into the hands of Rome. To-
day Rome is profiting by that in which the National Re-
formers have always fondly hoped they themselves might
be profited.
And Rome knows it ; and all these assumptions and
logical claims from National Reform and Supreme Court,
premises, arguments, and declarations, she also backs up
844 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
with the publicly-announced plan of Leo XIII, with respect
to the United States and through this for Europe and "all
humanity," as follows : —
"In hia [Pope Leo's] view, the United States has reached the period
when it becomes necessary to bring about the fusion of all the heteroge-
neous elements in one homogeneous and indissoluble nation. ... It is
for this reason that the pope wants the Catholics to prove themselves
the most enlightened and most devoted workers for national unity and
political assimilation. . . . America feels the need of this work of in-
ternal fusion. . . . What the church has done in the past for others, she will
do for the United States. . . . That is the reason the Holy See encourages
the American clergy to guard jealously the solidarity, and to labor for
the fusion of all the foreign and heterogeneous elements into one vast
national family. . . .
"Finally, Leo XIII desires to see strength in that unity. Like all
intuitive souls, he hails in the united American States and in their young
and flourishing church, the source of new life for Europeans. He wants
America to be powerful, in order that Europe may regain strength from
borrowing a rejuvenated type. Europe is closely watching the United
States. . . . Henceforth we [Europeans] will need authors who will
place themselves on this ground ; ' What can we borrow, and what
ought we to borrow from the United States for our social, political, and
ecclesiastical reorganization f ' The answer depends in great measure
upon the development of American destinies. If the United States suc-
ceed in solving the many problems that puzzle us, Europe will follow her
example, and this outpouring of light will mark a date in the history not
only of the United States, BUT OF ALL HUMANITY.
"That is why the holy father, anxious for peace and strength, col-
laborates with passion in the work of consolidation and development in
American affairs. According to him, the church ought to be the chosen
crucible for the moulding and absorption of races into one united family.
And that, especially, is the reason why he labors at the codification of
ecclesiastical affairs, in order that this distant member of Christianity may
infuse new blood into the old organism." 6
And this was swiftly followed by the establishment of
Satolli as permanent apostolic delegate here to carry out this
plan ; and, Satolli openly declared at the Catholic Congress
in Chicago, September 5, 1893, not only that this is his place
and work here, but commanded the Catholics of the United
6 Letter from the Vatican to the New York Sun, July 11, 1892.
LEO'S CHARGE AND 8ATOLLFS MISSION. 845
States to carry out this scheme. His words are as
follows: —
"In the name of Leo XIII, I salute the great American republic,
and I call upon the Catholics of America to go forward, in one hand
bearing the book of Christian truth, and in the other the Constitution of
the United States. . . .
"To-day this is the duty of the Catholics: To bring into the
world the fullness of supernatural truth and supernatural life. This
especially is the duty of a Catholic Congress. There are the nations
who have never separated from the church, but who have neglected
often to apply in full degree the lessons of the gospel. There are the
nations who have gone out from the church, bringing with them many of
her treasures, and because of what they have brought, shedding partial
light. But cut off from the source, unless that source is again brought
into close contact with them, there is danger for the future.
"Bring them in contact with their past by your action and teaching.
Bring your fellow-countrymen, bring your country into immediate contact,
icith that great secret of blessedness — Christ and 7iis church. And in
this manner shall it come to pass the word of the psalmist shall be
fulfilled: 'Mercy and justice have met one another, justice and peace
have kissed.' . . .
"Now all these great principles have been marked out in most
illuminous lines in the encyclicals of the great pontiff, Leo XIII. He has
studied them. Hold fast to them as the safest anchorage, and all will be
well. These several questions are studied the world over. It is well
they be studied in America, for here in America do we have more than
elsewhere the key to the future. [Applause.]
" Here in America you have a country blessed specially by Provi-
dence in the fertility of field and the liberty of its Constitution. [Loud
applause.] Here you have a country which will repay all efforts [loud
and prolonged applause] not merely tenfold, but, aye a hundredfold.
And this no one understands better than the immortal Leo. And he
charges me, his delegate, to speak out to America words of hope and
blessing, words of joy. Go forward ! in one hand bearing the book of
Christian truth — the Bible — and in the other the Constitution of the
United States." [Tremendous applause, the people rising to their feet.]
The Constitution of the United States as it was made,
and as it was intended by its makers to remain, was directly
opposed to every principle and every purpose of Rome.
The founders of the government of the United States said
that " to judge for ourselves and to engage in the exercise of
846 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
religion agreeably to the dictates of our own consciences is
an unalienable right, which, upon the principles on which
the gospel was first propagated, and the reformation from
popery carried on, can never be transferred to another."
They said further that " it is impossible for the magistrate
to adjudge the right of preference among the various sects
which profess the Christian faith, without erecting a claim to
infallibility which would lead us lack to the Church of Rome."
Thus certainly did the makers of this government intend that
the people of the United States should never, by any act of
the government, be led back to the Church of Rome ; and
thus certainly did they intend that the government of the
United States should never touch any question of religion,
and specifically ' ' the Christian religion, " in order that their
expressed purpose might prevail, — that the people should
not be led back to the Church of Rome and popery.
And the Constitution, as our fathers made it and in-
tended it, no Catholic was ever commanded by any pope to
take in one hand, with the Catholic Bible in the other.
But when that Constitution was interpreted to mean that
"this is a Christian nation;" when that Constitution was
interpreted according to Rome's principles, and the sign of
her authority, with Catholic documents, was cited to support
this interpretation, then it was, and not till then, that all
Catholics were commanded to take this Catholic Constitu-
tion in one hand, and the Catholic Bible in the other, and,
with Satolli at their head, go forward to their "hundred-
fold " reward in the United States, and through this bring
again " all Europe " and " all humanity " back into immedi-
ate contact with " the church."
And now with the Catholic Bible in one hand, and the
Catholic Constitution of the United States in the other, the
Catholic Church steps forth and declares that this is a Catho-
lic Christian nation. The arguments which the National
Reformers have used all these years to prove that this is
-STAMPED FOR A CATHOLIC LAND." 847
a Christian nation, she now boldly appropriates, and says
that they mean that this is a Catholic Christian nation.
All the claims which the National Reform combination
has presented for the governmental recognition of religion,
the Catholic Church now adopts, and declares as the conse-
quence that it is governmental recognition of the Catholic
religion.
And with all this prestige and power already within her
grasp, she grows enthusiastic, and is now circulating official
documents in the United States, in which she openly an-
nounces the "collapse of Protestantism,'' and her hope to
"missionize" the United States "in half a decade;" and
at the same time abruptly challenges all Protestants to show
why they keep Sunday. And to cap it all, she publishes to
the people of the United States the following, which she
herself pronounces "bold doctrines to preach to Ameri-
cans : " —
" The friends of Catholicity assure us that, as God in his providence
creates a new soul for every human body that is born into the world,
so the American republic was no sooner born from the womb of time
than he in like manner created a spiritual republic to be its com-
panion, its protector, and infallible guide through all the years of its
existence.
"They tell us furthermore that as the soul can live without the
body, but the body cannot live without the soul, so the church can live
without the republic, but the republic cannot live without the church.
In a word, that the church is necessary to the republic, and without her
spiritual guidance, the republic must inevitably fail, as have all the
ancient republics of history before her. . . .
"Is not this whole country stamped for a Catholic land ? With the
great doctor, St. Augustine guarding the Atlantic Coast, and the heroic
missionary, San Francisco, the Pacific ; with the indomitable apostle,
St. Paul, kindling zeal and enthusiasm in the North, and the gentle San
Antonio inspiring love and peace in the South ; with the warrior king,
St. Louis, in the center, and the great St. Joseph and Notre Dame, the
gracious queen of heaven, hard by, — with all these powerful intercessors
pleading for her, can we, I say, expect anything less than a glorious
triumph for Catholicity in America ?
62
848 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
"Surely God's plans are manifest. America is the last and greatest
of nations, and he means to possess her for himself. . . . The nets of
St. Peter will drag this continent from ocean to ocean, till they are filled
to breaking with the souls of men that shall be saved." 7
Immediately following these manifestations in the
World's Parliament of Religions, carne the celebration of
Cardinal Gibbons's jubilee, October 18, 19, 1893, at which
the union of the Catholic Church and the American State
was deftly announced, by Archbishop Ireland, with some
other statements that are worthy of note in this connection.
At the celebration, Archbishop Ireland delivered a pane-
gyric upon Cardinal Gibbons, in which he joined Leo XIII
and the cardinal together as links which are to bind together
"the church and the age," and himself gave the definition
of his expression, "The church and the age," thus : "Rome
is the church; America is tfie age. " With this specific defini-
tion, there will be no difficulty in seeing the archbishop's
meaning in the extracts which we shall present.
Speaking evidently of the cardinal, the archbishop said : —
" I indicate the opportunity for the great and singular churchman.
His work is to bridge the deep valley separating the age from the
church, to clear off the clouds which prevent the one from seeing the
realities of the other, to bring the church to the age and the age to
the church."
With Rome as the church, and America as the age, it is
clear that the archbishop's speech is in the direct line of
SatollTs instructions from Leo to the Catholics of America
to bring their "country into immediate contact with" "the
church."
The archbishop continues : —
"I preach the new, the most glorious crusade. Church and age !
Unite them in mind and heart, in the name of humanity, in the name of
God. Church and age ! Bring them into close contact ; they pulsate
alike ; the God of humanity works in one, the God of supernatural reve-
lation works in the other — in both the selfsame God."
7 " The Catholic Church and the American Republic, Historically, Analytic-
ally, and Prophetically Considered," 1893, pp. 2, 3, 15, 16.
ROME AND AMERICA. 849
And of course for all the purposes of this design, this
"crusade," and of those engaged in it, the pope is this god
who works in both "the church and the age."
This is more clearly indicated in another place in the
archbishop's speech, as follows : —
" Surely much yet is to be done before the union of age and church
is complete, but the work has begun and has progressed to a surprising
degree. Let us pray that Leo may live yet many years, and that when
death at last comes, Leo's spirit may yet dominate in the Vatican, and all
will be well. Meanwhile, in America, let Catholics of America cluster
around him, inhale his ideas and work with him, as Americans should
work, in energy and earnestness. We are especially favored by him.
He lives among us in an especial manner, having sent to us his chosen rep-
resentative, who makes Leo known to us as no other could, whose words,
whose acts, prove to us daily how truly Leo is pontiff of the age. Mon-
signor Satolli, the church and the age ! ROME IS THE CHURCH ;
AMERICA IS THE AGE ! And Monsignor Satolli's command to
Catholics of America is : ' Go forward, on the road of progress, bear-
ing in»one hand the book of Christian truth — Christ's gospel — and in
the other the Constitution of the United States.'"
Next the archbishop turns personally to the cardinal,
and defines his place, thus : -
"I have spoken of the providential pope of Rome. I speak now of
the providenital archbishop of Baltimore How oft, in past years, I
have thanked God that in this latter quarter of the nineteenth century,
Cardinal Gibbons had been given to us as primate, as leader, Catholic of
Catholics, American of Americans, a bishop of his age and to his country;
he is to America what Leo is to all Christendom. ... A particular
mission is reserved to the American cardinal. . . . America is watched?
The prelate who in America is the representative of the union of church
and age is watched. His leadership guides the combatants the world
over. . . . The ripplings of Cardinal Gibbons's influence cross the
threshold of the Vatican. . . . The historic incident of the Knights of
Labor, whose condemnation Cardinal Gibbons averted by personal in;
terview with Leo, was one of the preparations to the encyclical on the
Condition of Labor.
"The work of Cardinal Gibbons forms an epoch in the history of
the church in America. He has made known, as no one before him did,
the church to the people of America ; he has demonstrated the fitness of
the church for America, the natural alliance existing between the church
850 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS/
and the freedom-giving institutions of America. Through his action the
scales have fallen from the eyes of non-Catholics, prejudices have van-
ished. He, the great churchman, is the great citizen. Church and country
unite in him, and the magnetism of the union pervades the whole land,
teaching laggard Catholics to love America, teaching well-disposed non-
Catholics to trust tJie church."
Nor is this all theory, nor simply the grandiloquence of a
set panegyric. For before that celebration was over, there
was furnished an object-lesson, which, whether it was pre-
arranged or .not, was seized upon and made to tell for all the
occasion was worth, and in Rome's hand it is worth a great
deal. The next night after this speech was made, a grand
banquet was held in honor of the cardinal and the occasion.
At that banquet the vice-president of the United States sat
at the right hand of the cardinal. And in response to loud
calls for a speech at the table, Archbishop Ireland made use
of this situation to the following effect : —
*
"I do not know whether or not you appreciate the full value of THE
UNION YOU SEE TYPIFIED HERE TO-NIGHT, THE UNION OP
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND AMERICA, the fraternity between
the church and the non-Catholics of the nation. The vice-president of
the United States comes here and takes his seat alongside the cardinal.
This spirit of fraternity BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE, THUS
TYPIFIED, is the result of the work of our American cardinal. . . .
In this freest of democracies it was his providential mission to prove
that the Catholic Church is at home. . . . Of this our cardinal is proof to
all men, to all the world. ... I wish for him many years of life for the
sake of the church and for the sake of the country — that he may go to
work even more vigorously, bringing into closer contact the old church
and the new democracy." 8
Another thing which is giving the papacy an opportunity
constantly to put itself forward in the United States both to
magnify itself and to exalt Sunday, is the universal labor
troubles and their attendant lawlessness. When in March,
1890, the emperor of Germany appointed his "International
Labor Conference," he not only appointed the Roman
8 These quotations are all taken from the Catholic Times, of Philadelphia,
October 21, 1893.
ROME AND LABOR TROUBLES. 851
Catholic prince-bishop, of Breslau, as his personal dele-
gate, but sent a personal letter to the pope, asking him to
take an interest in the conference; to " follow with sym-
pathy the progress of the deliberations;" and to lend his
"benevolent support to the work." In reply, the pope took
particular pains to remind the emperor of "the teaching of
the Catholic Church of which We are the head ; " to suggest
among other subjects for consideration by the conference
the subject of " rest on the Lord '«<? day / " and to inform his
majesty that "the successful solution of a matter of this im-
portance will require, besides the wise intervention of the
civil authority, the powerful co-operation of religion and the
benevolent intervention of the church." Accordingly, the
conference made a demand for Sunday observance a part
of its platform.
In his Encyclical of May 15, 1891, on "The Condition
of Labor," which was evidently written with an eye toward
the United States more than any other country, the pope
again takes occasion to declare to all the world that —
"No practical solution of this question will ever be found without the
assistance of religion and the church. It is we who are the chief
guardian of religion, and the chief dispenser of what belongs to the
church ; and we must not by silence neglect the duty which lies upon
us. ... We affirm without hesitation that all the striving of men will be
vain if they leave out the church. It is the church that proclaims from
the gospel those teachings by which the conflict can be put an end to,
or at least made far less bitter; the church uses its efforts not only to
enlighten the mind, but to direct by its precepts the life and conduct of
men ; . . . and acts on the decided view that for these purposes recourse
should be had, in due measure and degree, to the help of the law and of
State authority.
"No man may outrage with impunity that human dignity which
God himself treats with reverence, nor stand in the way of that higher
life which is the preparation for the eternal life of heaven. Nay, more,
a man has here no power over himself. To consent to any treatment
which is calculcated to defeat the end and purpose of his being, is be-
yond his right ; he cannot give up his soul to servitude ; for it is not
852 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
man's own rights which are here in question, but the rights of God,
most sacred and inviolable. From this follows the obligation of the cessa-
tion of work and labor on Sundays and certain festivals. This rest from
labor is not to be understood as mere idleness ; much less must it be an
occasion of spending money and of vicious excess, as many would desire
it to be ; but it should be rest from labor consecrated by religion." •
In times of such difficulties as these, it is with peculiar
force that the papacy suggests itself to the minds of rulers
and statesmen as the source of the greatest help. In
times of anarchy and revolution, when the very foundations
of States, and even of society itself, seem to be moved, it is
almost instinctively that the European statesman grasps the
hand of the papacy. The papacy has passed through revo-
lution after revolution, and complete anarchy itself is no
terror to her. She saw the fall of the Roman empire. And
as that empire was the "mightiest fabric of human great-
ness " ever seen by man, so its fall was the most fearful ever
seen in history. Yet the papacy not only passed through
it all, but she gathered new strength from it all.
The papacy thrives on revolutions ; the perplexities of
States are her fortune ; to her, anarchy is better than order,
unless she can rule. Therefore, when revolution is immi-
nent, and anarchy threatens, it is almost instinctively that
the European statesman grasps the hand of her who has sur-
vived the anarchy of the Middle Ages and the revolutions of
fifteen centuries. And when America is seen accepting
her offices, and recognizing her power, Europe will readily
follow the example. Thus lawlessness of every kind only
aids in the aggrandizement of the papacy.
The labor troubles are deepening everywhere each suc-
ceeding year ; as also socialism becomes more widespread
and anarchy more bold. As these troubles deepen, the
influence of the papacy rises ; and as the influence of the
papacy rises, the enforced observance of Sunday is more
generally and more strongly insisted upon.
THE "SAVIOUR FROM THE VATICAN." 853
All this only gives the papacy the opportunity to
announce as she did by Bishop Watterson at the Catholic
Congress at Chicago, that —
" If society is to be saved from a condition worse in some respects than
that of pagan times, it is from the Vatican the saviour must come."
Thus all these statements concerning the close relations
between "the church," "Christianity," "religion," etc.,
and America, the United States, etc., are made and repeated
upon every possible occasion for a definite and set purpose.
The spirit of aggression and usurpation is the very life
of Romanism. And all these are but the first soft, pur-
ring steps in the carrying forward to complete accom-
plishment, the aims and orders of Leo, through Satolli,
to bring this " country into immediate contact with the great
source of blessedness," the Catholic Church. These state-
ments, which taken alone, and merely by themselves, might
appear quite harmless, when taken in view of the definite
orders of Leo, the presence of Satolli, and the very spirit of
life of the papacy which is aggression and usurpation, then
every one has in it a world of meaning.
These statements are made and often repeated for the
purpose that they shall be hereafter used as the foundation
upon which to build open, positive, and decided movements
in matters of interference in governmental affairs and use of
governmental power. And then when these later move-
ments shall have been made so openly that their evident
purpose can be clearly seen by all, and any protest is raised,
she will calmly point to these statements and claims so often
made in the presence of all without any protest; and then
she will say that silence when these statements were so often
and so openly made, was consent that they were true ; and
those things being thus confessedly true, the later and open
movements follow as the natural consequence. Upon this
ground she will impudently claim as of divine and natural
854 WHAT SHALL BE TUB RESULTS?
right, that which she has usurped from beginning to end,
and will coolly observe to all who then resent it, that they
ought to have let their voices be heard at the beginning ;
but that having by silence, already and so long, consented,
now it is too late ; possession has been acquired, and it is too
late for dispute.
This is precisely what this is done for, and this is the use
that will be made of it in later situations. This is the work-
ing of the Romish spirit from the beginning of her exist-
ence. Concession in order to exaction ; insinuation in
order to usurpation ; aggression in order to domination ;
everything in order to absolute possession for purposes of
unmitigated oppression — this is the history of Rome and
Romanism from the beginning, and this is and will be her
disposition and her course in connection with the United
States government to-day and forward.
Thus by all the evidence on the question, it is demon-
strated that upon the arguments furnished, and the govern-
mental action secured by the National Reform combination,
the Catholic Church now claims, and with all her native
arrogance assumes, actual possession of the United States.
With the mouths of the Protestants, and Congress, and the
Supreme Court, and the executive, completely stopped by
their own arguments and actions flaunted in their faces and
before the whole country, by the Catholic Church, this
country to-day is practically held by the Catholic Church,
to be used for the furtherance of her designs concerning
Europe and all humanity.
Some at least of the prominent ones in this National
Reform combination were able soon to see the advantage
that Rome had so promptly taken of their success and the
use that she proposes to make 'of it, and began at once to cry
out against it.
One of these is Arthur Cleveland Coxe, Protestant
Episcopal Bishop of Western New York. In the winter of
1893-'9-i Bishop Coxe addressed to Satolli a series of " Open
BISHOP COXE TO SATOLLI. 855
Letters " which were published widely in the papers, in
which he told some wholesome truths and stated some im-
portant facts, as well as forcibly described Rome's attitude
toward the United States.
After mentioning some points from the past as between
France and the Church of Rome, the bishop asks Mr. Satolli
to take a look at himself in the mirror of these things, and
proceeds as follows : —
"After considerable pulse-feeling as to the admission of a nuncio
at Washington ; after strong denials of any such idea ; after evasions
and experiments and contradictions by the press ; after your preliminary
visit to this country and your exulting report abroad, that persons of
your quality are here received and treated 'like sovereign princes,' you
arrived here last year just before our great presidential crisis and were
received, indeed, 'like sovereign princes.' The politicians managed to
get up a reception for you in a national vessel. You were landed in
New York like another La Fayetle. Monetary objections were removed
by explanations that 'it was only as a visitor to the Great Exposition a
Chicago ' that such a reception was tendered to you. Of course ; no
doubt ! Who can imagine any other motive ! But, all the same, you
have ever since posed not as a visitor to Chicago, but as a sovereign prince
and a general meddler with affairs everywhere and chiefly among Jesuits
at the national capital.
"But even had you confined your attention to their immediate con-
cerns, you could not but entangle them more and more, and make
affairs worse and worse,, with respect to their relations with their coun-
trymen. Your interposition is a wedge, which, if it has divided them
into factions, is not less likely to split our entire population into embit-
tered and hostile camps, endangering a social war. Your apologists
assert your great friendship for everything in America, and your disposi-
tion to settle everything in our behalf, so as to prevent future disturb-
ances. As to the future, I am not so sanguine, especially when I observe
that even your concessions are pro tempore. They are a temporary sop
to the American Constitution and dust for the eyes of dotards. The
Cahensly doctrine is reserved for a time when things shall be right for its
enforcement. The ' Syllabus ' settles that. The Roman court consents never
to enforce its dogmas by persecution — where it is not strong enough.
" Hildebrand himself was equally pacific in such cases. 'But see,'
cry the newspapers, ' how liberal the modern papacy has become.' Just
so ! It will not put us into the Inquisition — till we are first drugged
and then chained.
856 WHA T 811 A LL BE THE R ES UL T8 ?
"The aggressions of the Roman court upon the liberties of nations
have always been begun by this sort of liberality. ' Concede that you
may exact.' Such is the inveterate maxim of the pontiffs. Concessions
once accepted with thanks, tJie principle of intervention becomes an estab-
lished fact. It grows and becomes a nuisance. Then it is too late. The
people remonstrate ; they try to break loose, but no, as in ^Esop's fable,
the horse has called in a rider to revenge him on other beasts. The plan
succeeds, and now with expressions of obligation, the rider is requested
to dismount. But not so. He is firm in his saddle ; and has a bridle in
the horse's jaws; and has spurs and a whip besides. The 'ablegate'
is a fixture in his seat, and let the horse throw him if he can."
This is as complete a statement as could be made, of the
plans and the situation of Rome with respect to the United
States government to-day. And the statement is complete
even to the full meaning of the fable cited. In fact, it is
the citation of the fable, especially by Bishop Coxe, which
gives point to the whole statement. It is true that Rome, in
her " ablegate," is a fixture in the American saddle, with
the Romish bridle in the horse's mouth, and spurs and a
whip besides. And it is equally true that Arthur Cleve-
land Coxe, Protestant Episcopal Bishop of Western New
York, helped to put the American horse in this place under
the Romish rider. Bishop Coxe took a part in calling in this
papal rider for the American horse to revenge him on other
beasts. And now the bishop asks the rider to " dismount."
But no, " the ablegate is a fixture in his seat, and let the
horse throw him if he can."
Let us have the evidence on this point. The United
States government was established, with the total separation
of religion and the State. It was one of the fundamental
principles of the government that it should never recognize
any religion in any way, and never by any governmental act
have anything to do with any religion, and specifically the
Christian religion. And this government was established
upon this principle for the definitely expressed purpose that
the American people should not be led back to the Church
of Rome, that the American people might be kept forever
A PERTINENT FABLE. 857
free from the domination of Rome and of popery. This
was the perfect freedom and the glory of the American
governmental horse.
But for years there has been a powerful combination
which has endeavored to persuade this perfectly free and
powerful horse that he needed a religious rider, so that he
might properly be revenged on certain other "atheistic"
and "godless" beasts, and chiefly that particular beast
called " Sabbath-breaking." To make their persuasions more
forcible, this combination called to its aid the Catholic
Church. This being precisely what Rome wanted most of
all, she gladly accepted the call, and prepared to mount as
soon as the horse should be persuaded by the other parties
to accept the proffered rider. By diligence and persistent
effort, and at last under threats, 'the horse was " persuaded "
to accept the proffered religious rider, in order that, at the
World's Fair especially, and for all time to come, he might
be revenged upon all " urigodly and Sabbath-breaking"
beasts. The horse being thus " persuaded " to accept the
proffered religious rider, allowed himself to be saddled and
bridled, and placed in position for the rider to mount. The
"Protestant" would-be rider is just placing his foot in the
stirrup to seat himself upon the horse, when, lo ! Rome, in
the person of Satolli, at a single bound vaults into the saddle,
seizes the reins, braces herself in the stirrups, and rides
boldly. See Rev. xvii, 3.
And anybody who will take the time to turn to the Con-
gressional Record of July 12, 1892, pp. 6700-6701, will find
the evidence that Bishop Coxe was one of the persons who, in
company with Catholic ecclesiastics, had a part in the per-
suading of this horse to accept a religious rider, and in sad-
dling and bridling him for the rider. There, in the last
three inches on page 6700 will be seen the words of Arch-
bishops Ireland, Gross, and Riordan of the Catholic Church,
calling for this arrangement. And in the first three or four
inches on page 6701 will be found the names of the bishops
858 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
of the Protestant Episcopal Church who called for the same
thing. And the name of Bishop Coxe, of Western New
York, is named among them. All are presented by United
States Senator Joseph K. Hawley, of Connecticut, as fol-
lows : —
"Archbishop Ireland (Roman Catholic), known to everybody for
eminent general sense in statesmanlike as well as ecclesiastic affairs,
says : —
" ' I beg leave to say that I maintain very decided opinions as regards
the opening of the World's Fair on Sunday. I .believe the doors should
be closed the entire day. The Sunday, the sacred symbol of our Chris-
tianity, the honor of our civil institutions, is already too seriously
attacked, whether from greed of capital or the aggressiveness of irre-
ligion. To yield, even in a lesser degree, to its adversaries during
solemn national occurrences is putting the seal of public national ap-
proval upon the war that is waged against it. Among other considera-
tions I have in my mind the interests of labor/ The Sunday is the one
oasis for the working man along life's toilsome journey.'
"Archbishop Gross (Roman Catholic), of Oregon, says : —
'"In my humble opinion the keeping open of the gates of the
National Columbian Exposition on a Sunday would do very much to
promote this deplorable profanation of the Lord's day in our country.'
"Most Rev. P. W. Riordan, Catholic archbishop of San Francisco,
" 'There should be no question as to the advisability of opening the
doors of the National Exposition on Sunday. The public sentiment, I
am convinced, is not in favor of it. The time is come when all who are
interested in public morality and religion should strive for a better ob-
servance of the Sunday than now exists. The observance of the Sunday
is interwoven with our national life, social customs, and religious con-
duct, and they should not be outraged by any act or declaration of the
government or of the directors who have charge of the National Ex-
position.'
"The Right Rev. J. Williams, bishop of Connecticut, of the Protest-
ant Episcopal Church, says : —
" 'My convictions as to opening the National Exposition at Chicago
on Sunday can be stated in a very few words. I should regard the
opening as a shameful violation of the law of God, and therefore an
equally shameful outrage on the community.'
" Right Rev. T. M. Clark, bishop of Rhode Island, holds broad and
liberal views, but expresses himself vigorously in the same direction.
"Right Rev. H. B. Whipple, bishop of Minnesota, says : —
SHE WILL NOT DISMOUNT. 85(J
"'To no one institution do we owe more than to the Lord's day.
Its loss has proved perilous to individuals and communities. Wherever
it has been honored as a day of rest and worship, it has brought untold
blessings. I trust that we shall show those who visit us that we do
reverence the laws of our heavenly Father, whose providence has placed
us in the forefront of the nations, and that the Exposition will not be
opened on the Lord's day.'
"BISHOP COXE, OF WESTERN NEW YORK; Bishop Whittle,
of Virginia ; Bishop Tuttle, of Missouri ; Bishop Huntingtou, of Central
.New York ; Bishop Howe, of Pennsylvania ; Bishop Lyman, of North
Carolina (all these are Protestant Episcopal bishops) ; Bishop Spalding,
of Colorado ; Bishop Scarborough, of New Jersey ; Bishop Gillespie, of
Western Michigan ; Bishop Starkey, of Newark ; Bishop Paddock of
Washington ; Rev. Dr. Paret, bishop of Maryland, speak only one
voice." 9
And now, when the bishop, with the others, sees Rome,
in the person of Satolli, instead of' themselves, firmly seated
in the saddle and riding so boldly, he wildly calls upon her
to "dismount." And by the very force of the situation,
Bishop Coxe himself is compelled to answer his own call to
dismount: " But not so. He is firm in his saddle; has a
bridle in the horse's jaws, and has spurs and and a whip be-
sides. The ' ablegate ' is a fixture in his seat, and let the
horse throw him if he can." Under the circumstances,
Bishop Coxe, and every other " Protestant " who had any
part in this awful transaction, should hide his head for very
shame, and forever blush to lift up his face in the presence
of the American people.
But the bishop has more to say, and he says it to the
following effect : —
"But I have more to say. For you have not confined yourself to
matters of education only. You have come to establish an Imperium in
imperio: a permanent vice-royalty under the eaves of our Capitol. The
president of the United States is a citizen who comes and goes. His
9 All the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church, both North and South,
were also named by Senator Hawley; and the memorial of the General Confer-
ence of the M. E. Church then in session at Omaha, calling for this, was pre-
sented by him and was printed in his speech.
860 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
official residence is no ' mansion' or abiding place. He is its guest who
tarries but a night. The vice-president has no official house in Wash-
ington. Our chief-justice has none. But your visit to Buffalo was
prompted (so it was announced) by your gratitude to one of our worthy
citizens, who had undertaken to provide a permanent habitation at our
Capitol for the vice-pope. Thus, the one irremovable potentate at Washing-
ton is the Roman pontiff, represented by his other self. Queen Victoria,
by her viceroy, reigns in India as empress ; and JiencefortJi Leo XIII and
his successors will enjoy their supremacy on the Potomac far more absolutely
than it can be exercised on the Tiber. The servile and illiterate Italians,
Polacks, Hungarians, and such like, are educated only so far as the ox
that knoweth his owner, and they will furnish votes by thousands to any
purchaser who contracts with the vice-pope for the supply. All has
been fore-arranged, like the lines at Torres Vedras. The Jesuits are
there — in their arsenal, 'The University.' The lobby is organized and
sacks the treasury.10 Now, you come as generalissimo. Truly, 'in vain
the net is spread in the sight of any bird,' but the American eagle has
been drugged. He is fast asleep.
" ' Quenched in dark clouds of slumber lie
The terror of his beak, the lightning of his eye.'"
"But I mean to wake him up. That is my humble task."
Very good, Bishop,11 but can you wake him up? And,
especially, can you wake him up, since you yourself were
instrumental in drugging him to his undoing ? Since your
voice was heard, with the others, in luring him off his guard
that he might be drugged to helplessness and final death,
that same voice can never wake him up. Mr. Coxe, your
effort comes too late. And even though you should wake
him up, what good can it do? What will Satolli 'care?
What will Rome care ? Delilah waked up Samson after she
had shorn him of his strength and betrayed him to the Phi-
listines. But what did the Philistines care ? — Nay, they
10 The Catholic Church draws nearly $400,000 annually from the United
States treasury to be used in her own church work among the Indians. Several
attempts have been made to stop it; but President Harrison's administration was
compelled to confess in the Senate that it was " impossible to do that."
11 For the occasion, I may be pardoned in adopting toward Bishop Coxe his
own style toward Satolli.
THE NATIONAL REFORMERS' INQUIRY. 861
were rather glad to have him awakened, that he might know
how entirely he was in their power, and how completely he
was enslaved.
You, Bishop Coxe, with others, have played the part of
Delilah to this American Samson, in robbing him of the
secret of his strength and betraying him to these Romish
Philistines. And now, like Delilah, too, you "mean to
wake him up." Suppose you do, what will these Philistines
care ? They, too, will be glad to have you do it, that this
aforetime noble Sampson may the more certainly know how
completely he is shorn of his strength, how entirely he is in
their power, and how, blinded and* harnessed, he shall be
required, slavishly to tread in the mill of Rome's evil pur-
poses concerning the world.
Another of these prominent ones who has awaked some-
what to the situation, has stated the case in such a way that
this history would be incomplete without reproducing it.
In this instance it is not merely one of the prominent ones,
but the most prominent one who was engaged in the work of
the National-Reform-American-Sabbath-Union combination
— it is indeed none other than "Rev." Wilbur F. Crafts,
writing as editor of the Christian Statesman, and this paper
as from the beginning the official organ of the whole religio-
political combination !
Writing editorially in the Christian Statesman of October
28, 1893, and with direct reference to Satolli and the
Catholic Church in the United States, Mi1. Crafts raised, for
him especially, the altogether pertinent inquiry, "Are we
cherishing a viper ? "
And in this and another editorial in the Statesman of
December 9, 1893, he proceeds at considerable length ,to
answer his own query, and in a way too that is extremely
interesting in view of the record that Mr. Crafts himself with
the other National Reformers made for years in seeking,
and at last forming, an alliance with the papacy in the United
States.
862 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
Everything lie says of the papacy is true enough, but
when his knowledge of the papacy which is thus set forth so
clearly, is set alongside of his own actions in forming alli-
ances with the papacy, it fairly places him and the National
Reform Combination in an attitude as iniquitous and as
treacherous as the very papacy itself. The first sentence of
Mr. Crafts's and the Christian Statesman's answer to the
question, " Are we cherishing a viper? " is this : -
"The most powerful enemy civil liberty has ever contended against
is the papacy."
True enough, Mr. Drafts,12 and yet, knowing this, you
formed an organized alliance with this ' ' most powerful organ-
ized enemy of civil liberty" instead of contending against it.
On a pretense of liberty, civil and religious, you yourself
took the lead in forming an organized alliance with this,
as you know, "most powerful organized enemy of civil
liberty. " 13 And you did it that you might present before
Congress a united front in your united demand that the
national government of the United States should put itself
ia the position of the protector and defender of the "Chris-
tian religion " and its institutions, but chiefly the Catholic
Sunday, " the American Sabbath." You succeeded. And
having thus "shaped legislation on the principles of the true
church," she now, in the person of Satolli, steps in and
takes the superintendency of the cause for the future. And
now after all this, you, of all men, you raise the query,
' ' Are we cherishing a viper ? " Yes, of course you are ;
12 As in a portion of his article Mr. Crafts addresses the Catholics in the
second person, I adopt the same form in noticing his statements. This course is
not pursued on account of any personal grievance against Mr. Crafts, for I am
not conscious of a shadow of such feeliug. But his relation to the articles
noted, and to the whole cause with which we are dealing, not only justifies this
mode of address, but renders a personal style essential to an appreciation of the
peculiar circumstances. This style is not in any sense a personal attack. Mr.
Crafts is named only as the chief representative and embodiment of the combination.
13 Pages 730-735.
"A MENACE TO LIBERTY." 863
and you were doing that in 1888 and 1889 in your "corre-
spondence and conference" with Cardinal Gibbons and the
Catholic Congress, to secure an alliance with it to influence
the United States Congress to enter upon a course of relig-
ious legislation. Of course you are, and all these years you
have been, cherishing a viper. And by your cherishing, the
viper has been warmed back into active life, and now begins
to sting to death both yourselves and the republic ; and now
undo your work and get rid of him if you can.
The second sentence of this editorial runs thus : —
"For over a thousand years there has not been an hour when this
ecclesiastical organization was not a menace to the political liberties of
the civilized world."
This is perfectly true, Mr Crafts. And this being so,
what was this ecclesiastical organization in that hour,
December 1, 1888, when you wrote with your own hand
that request to Cardinal Gibbons, the then head of this
ecclesiastical- organization in the United States, asking him
to give you and your fellows his name and support in
your demand upon Congress for a national law in behalf of
religion ?
This being true, what was this "ecclesiastical organiza-
tion " in that hour, December 4, 1888, when Cardinal
Gibbons sent his response to your letter, expressing himself
as "most happy " to join you in your "laudable " work ?
This being true, what was that "ecclesiastical organiza-
tion " in that hour, December, 13, 1888, when you stood
before the Blair committee of the United States Senate, in
that magnificent Senate hall, and witli your own hand, and
in your own words, presented not only the cardinal's letter,
but with it, and on the strength of it, presented the whole
solid body of this "ecclesiastical organization" (7,200,000)
in the United States, as being one with you in your efforts
to have the government of the United States committed to
the guardianship of religion ? According to your own
63
804 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS f
words, this ecclesiastical organization was in that hour "a
menace to the political liberties of the civilized world," and
therefore a menace to the political liberties of the govern-
ment of the United States, and you knew it. Then what
were you yourself in that hour, as you stood there as the
representative of the National Reform combination ? — what
were you and your combination, in your efforts there, in
that hour, — but, equally with this other ecclesiastical organ-
ization, and through it, "a menace to the political" and
religious " liberties " of the American people and " the civi-
lized world " ?
You know that in that same hour, I stood before that
same Senate committee to oppose you and your combi-
nation, including this other "ecclesiastical organization,"
because you and it, and it through you, at that hour, were
a menace to the political and religious liberties of the
American people and of the civilized world. You stood
there to help forward this wicked thing in its menacing
purpose toward the political and religious liberties of the
civilized world. I stood there uncompromisingly to oppose
it. Which was in the right? You stood there cherishing
that "viper." I stood there to keep the thing forever
chilled at the very least in dormancy so far as our be-
loved land is concerned, by maintaining the principles
established by our governmental Fathers for this very pur-
pose. If you and your combination had been doing all
the time what I was doing, that hour, and what the Sev-
enth-day Adventists have been doing all the time, would
you be now raising the all-important query, " Are we cher-
ishing a viper ? " Would you ?
The editor goes on in answering his question concerning
that viper, at the following rate : —
"She has organized and consummated conspiracies which have hor-
rified all after ages, in her efforts to secure universal supremacy over
mankind. . . . There is not an offense against human rights and liberties
but may justly be charged against the papacy. Then there is the fact
"HALF-HEATHENISH CHRISTIANITY." 865
that both ignorance and superstition result from her supremacy. . . .
By her half-heathenish system of Christianity she has held the millions
under her authority in the greatest darkness, mental and spiritual. . . .
There is absolutely no excuse for the degraded condition of the masses
in papal lands, both on this continent and in Europe ; and the only
reason for it is to be found in the ecclesiastical system which has en-
thralled them, mind and soul. The papacy has not changed. She can-
not change. The fundamental doctrines of her system forbid it. She
is so constructed that she must insist on absolute supremacy over men
and nations."
This is all perfectly true. And yet, Mr. Crafts, you and
your National Reform combination for years sought and
finally obtained a close alliance with this "half-heathenish
system of Christianity," for wholly heathenish purposes — for
religio-political purposes. And her principle of absolutism,
which is the very life of that ecclesiastical system, you your-
self persistently sanctioned in your crowding all the Catholics
of the country into the support of your schemes because the
cardinal had approved it. And you not only thus sanc-
tioned that principle, but you confirmed it in words, when
you wrote and printed this : —
"The [cardinal's] letter is n<^; equal in value to the individual
signatures of the millions he represents ; but no loyal Catholic priest or
bishop or person will oppose what has been thus indorsed."14
O, knowing all this which you have said, and yet
doing all this which you have done, it is perfectly evident
that the " Christianity " which you and the National Reform
combination represent, is in every principle as certainly half-
heathenish as is the papacy itself.
Further we quote : —
"The retirement of Mr. Terence V. Powderly from the head of that
great organization, " The Knights of Labor," has called forth a great deal
of newspaper comment. There is one thing that has impressed us for
years that seems not to have been noticed in this connection. Mr.
Powderly is a Roman Catholic. Those who watched the growth and
u Senate, Mis. Doc. No. 43, Fiftieth Congress, 2nd Session, p. 18, Note.
866 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS?
development of the organization have not forgotten how diligently the
cardinal and the bishops of ' the church ' courted it. ' The great mas-
ter' did not seem adverse, either, to the advances made by these digni-
taries. The blessing of the pope or the presence of a cardinal was an
event in the annual meeting. It looked at one time as though ' the
church' had captured the organization and might proceed to arm and
drill it as she is doing with so many of her ' benevolent' associations."
And yet being "impressed" with all this "for years,"
you yourself, Mr. Crafts, spent some of those very years in
drawing into alliance with your religio-political combination,
Mr. Powderly and the organization of which he was the
head.15 Knowing that Mr. Powderly was a Catholic, that
the organization of which he was the head was largely
Catholic, that it was diligently courted by the cardinal and
the bishops of "the church," and that Mr. Powderly was not
only ' ' not adverse " to this courtship, but that he was in
direct and official connection with the cardinal, — knowing
all this 'for years,' you yourself spent years in diligently
courting this organization. So diligently did you do this
that you actually went so far as to make a proposal of mar-
riage, by declaring that you had " almost decided to become
a Knight of Labor" yourse^, as in 1889 you made "a
proposal of courtship" to the papacy itself direct, in that
"correspondence and conference " connected with the Balti-
more Congress.
Again this editorial says : —
"For some reason, the world is not ready to accept the explanation
the Roman Catholic Church puts on her own actions. It may be a great
15 He became so enthusiastic in the matter that at the General Assembly of
the Knights of Labor at Indianapolis in November, 1888, he expressed himself
in this fashion : —
" Having carefully read and reread your declaration of principles, and your
•constitution,' and having watched with interest the brave yet conservative
shots of your Powderly at intemperance and other great evils, I have found my-
self so closely in accord with you that I have almost decided to become a Knight
of Labor myself. If I do not, it will be only because I believe I can advance
your principles better as an outside ally." — Journal of United Labor, November
29, 1888. (This effort was continued through 1889 and later.)
ARE THEY SUSPICIOUS? 867
injustice, but it is a fact that the declarations made by its popes and
cardinals for the last few hundred years are taken at a great discount."
But, Mr. Crafts, you did not make any such discount.
You yourself received a declaration from Cardinal Gibbons
that he was "most happy" to add his name to yours and
others in your "laudable" enterprise. And instead of tak-
ing it " at a great discount" or any discount at all, you took
it at such an infinite increase that whereas the cardinal's
declaration was that he added only his name, you made his
one name count for 7,200,000 names. There is not any very
"great discount" about that.
Next he speaks personally to the papacy thus : —
"Americans are suspicious of your church. The mass of the people
of this country do not believe you are to be trusted with power of any
kind."
Yes ; Americans are suspicious of the papal church.
But, Mr. Crafts, neither your record as a National Reformer,
nor the record of the National Reform Association from the
beginning, shows that you have been at all suspicions of that
church. On the contrary, you have acted toward it as though
it were the most trustworthy thing in heaven or earth. Now
a question: In view of this record of yours, and of the whole
National Reform combination, in principle, in purpose, and in
action, are you Americans, or are you papists? And if you
all had always been open and avowed papists, could you
possibly have done so much toward placing the papacy in
power in the United States as you have certainly done in the
guise under which you have worked ?
Again : in view of this record of yours, it is evident to
every candid mind that you, are not one of the people, nor is
your National Reform combination a company of people, who
"do not believe that the papal church is to be trusted with
power of any kind." On the contrary, you and your fellow-
workers, both men and women, have spent your most dili-
gent efforts for years, with the aid and alliance of the papal
868 WHA T SHALL BE THE RESUL TS f
church, to get the government of the United States com-
mitted to the support of religion, and thus clothe the ecclesi-
astical with civil power here. You succeeded at last.
And now you find the papal "ecclesiastical organization,"
which you know had, for every hour of "more than a thou-
sand years, been a menace to the political liberties of the
civilized world," —now you find this ecclesiastical organiza-
tion in the place and wielding the power which you your-
selves hoped to possess. Thus by your very lack of suspicion
of the papal church, you have succeeded in clothing her
with the greatest power of the world, when you knew all the
time that she was not "to be trusted with power of any
kind."
And finally, from the editorial of October 28, 1893, we
quote as the climax, the sum, and the just condemnation
of all this shameful and treacherous intrigue, the follow-
ing :-
"The government that cherishes the papacy is cherishing a viper
that will some day sting it to the heart."
That is true. And you, Mr. Crafts, and the Christian
Statesman knew it all the time ! And yet you went to that
viper, which had been flung out into the cold by our govern-
mental fathers as the venomous thing which it is, which
they had flung out into the cold to perish, — you picked it
up, you took it to your bosom, and warmed and cherished
it, and, through the success of your religio-political intrigue
upon the government of the United States, the glory of the
world, you brought it back to full and active and venomous
vigor. You hoped that the hood which you thought you had
slipped over its head would remain, and that you might thus
use it ever as a sort of pet in your house for your amusement
or service. But behold, you find that you failed really to
hood the thing at the start, and that now you carft. You
find that you have nourished it back to a life so active and
vigorous that it has taken possession of the house. And
WHERE THE RESPONSIBILITY LIES. 869
now ycni raise an alarm against cherishing a viper ! Now
you, give warning that whoever cherishes and warms a viper,
it "will some day sting" him to the heart ! But who cher-
ished this viper and warmed it back to life ? Who picked
up and brought into the house, and cherished back to active
and vigorous life, this viper which has taken possession of
the American house, and which will certainly sting the
household to death ? — O, the National Reform combination
did it. And the chiefest instrument of that combination in
the doing of it, was " Rev." Wilbur F. Crafts.
And now in view of this dark and- sinuous record, the
present consequences of it, and the fearful results which are
yet to be wrought by it, we can only in pity, and in the sor-
rowful tones of our Saviour, when he saw such things going
on in his day, exclaim concerning the whole National Re-
form combination : "Ye serpents, ye generation of vipers,
how can ye escape the damnation of hell ? "
Such are the results so far of the efforts of the grand
combination formed of the National Reform Association,
the Woman's Christian Temperance Union, the Prohibi-
tion Party, the American Sabbath Union, the Evangelical
Alliance, and the Young People's Society of Christian (?)
Endeavor, to get "the Christian religion" and "the
Christian Sabbath " recognized by the government of the
United States. And every man and woman who favored
the design of this combination, or who sent a petition to
Congress for the closing of the World's Fair on Sunday, or
for the governmental recognition of "the Christian re-
ligion," or the "Christian Sabbath" or the "Lord's day,"
or aided the movement in any other way, is responsible for
this shameful and awful result.
The one great result, which embodies and causes all
other results, is that the government of the United States
has thus been surrendered to the principle of lawlessness,
and put in the power of the very "Mystery of Lawlessness"
itself. And the "Mystery of Lawlessness" has already be-
870 WHAT SHALL BE THE RESULTS'
gun to enter into her possession, and they themselves see
now what we told them all the time that they would see.
As we have stated before, for the average law-breaker
there is always a ready remedy in the regular forms of gov-
ernmental order ; but for these supreme law-breakers who
have broken down the established safeguards of govern-
mental order itself, where is the remedy ?
Ah ! there is a remedy for this too. It is in the hands
of God, the Author of governmental order.
Against all their attempts to do this great evil we ever
appealed to the Constitution, the grand charter and safe-
guard of the rights of mankind, the embodiment of the
true principles of governmental order. And now that they
have done the evil, and in the doing of it have overridden
the Constitution, broken down this safeguard of the rights
of mankind, and smitten the very citadel of governmental
order — now we appeal to the Author of governmental order
himself. And our appeal is heard. We wait in perfect
confidence. The just judgment will be rendered in due
time.
CHAPTER XXX.
THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
WE have seen Christianity in its purity, as it went forth
by the ministry of the apostles, triumph over all the
power of the world allied against it. Through sufferings and
the cross, we have seen it force from the empire of Rome a
recognition of the right of men to worship as they choose
without interference on the part of the State. We have seen
hypocritical apostate professors of that religion secure an alli-
ance between the State and their organized apostasy. This il-
licit union of this unholy church with the unholy State, created
the papacy, — "the man of sin ; " "the son of perdition ; "
"the mystery of iniquity ; " " the beast ;" "Mystery, Baby-
lon the Great, the Mother of Harlots and Abominations of
the Earth."
In the Reformation, in the principles of genuine Protest-
antism, we have seen Christianity again rise in purity from
the filthiness and disgrace into which it had been cast.
And again through manifold sufferings and the cross, in
spite of the perverseness of church leaders and the power of
kings, we have seen the principles of Christianity and of
Protestantism triumph before the world in the principles of
the government of the United States. We have also seen
the professed representatives of Protestantism in the United
States secure an alliance between the State and the com-
bined churches. This is nothing else than apostasy.
The professed Protestantism of to-day calls upon Con-
gress, and State legislatures, and the courts, to decide re-
[871]
872 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
ligious questions and controversies, and to enact laws
embodying religious doctrines and enforcing church dog-
mas ; it prosecutes at the law, fines and imprisons dissenters
from the legalized doctrines, and has gone even so far as to
demand of the national Executive the mustering of the regu-
lar troops to enforce upon the people, at the point of the
bayonet, the recognition and observance of religious dog-
mas and institutions.1 Any or all of this is anything but
true Protestantism in any sense. It is apostasy only.
At the second Diet of Spires, held in 1529, there was
presented the Protest, which originated, and gave to those
who made it, the title and name of Protestants, And in
summarizing this protest the historian states its principles as
follows : —
" The principles contained in the celebrated Protest of the 19th of
April, 1529, constitute tlie very essence of Protestantism. Now this Protest
opposes two abuses of man in matters of faith ; the first is the intrusion
of the civil magistrate ; and the second the arbitrary authority of the
church. Instead of these abuses, Protestantism sets the power of con-
science above the magistate, and the authority of the word of God above
the visible church. In the first place it rejects the civil power in divine
things, and says with the prophets and apostles, ' We must obey God
rather than man.' In the presence of the crown of Charles the Fifth, it
uplifts the crown of Jesus Christ." — If Aubigne*
The professed Protestants of to-day claim that Sunday is
the Christian Sabbath ; that it is the great charter of their
religion ; that it is, indeed, the very citadel of their faith.
Now do they oppose the intrusion of the civil magistrate into
this great question of their religion? — No, indeed. Every-
body knows that so far are they from opposing any intrusion
of the civil magistrate, that they actually require the civil
authority to intrude upon the discussion and decision of the
question and the enactment of laws requiring its observance,
1 This was done more than once — twice by telegraph even — in the month
of May, 1893. See the record of some of this in Christian Statesman June 3,
1893.
2 " History of the Reformation," book xiii, chap, vi, p. 521.
THE ARBITRARY AUTHORITY OF THE CHURCH. 873
and also require the courts to intrude themselves into it
whenever the law is called in question ; and further, call
upon the Executive further to intrude the civil authority by
exerting all the power vested in him. All this they have
done and are doing before the eyes of all the world.
Now as it is the very essence of Protestantism to oppose
the intrusion of the civil magistrate in all things religious ;
and as these people, professing to be Protestants, not only
do not oppose it, but actually require the whole magisterial
power of the State and United States governments to intrude
there, it follows that these people are not Protestants at
all, and that neither their movement nor their work is
Protestantism in any sense. It is apostasy.
Secondly, it is the essence of Protestantism to oppose
"the arbitrary authority of the church."
Now, for the institution of Sunday or for Sunday observ-
ance, in any way, there is no authority but the arbitrary
authority of the church. Professed Protestants not only
know this, but they openly say it. Well, then, as they know
that there is no command of God for Sunday observance ;
and as the church power only is that which requires its ob-
servance, this is proof in itself that the only authority for it
is the arbitrary authority of the church.
Yet more than this. Even though Christ had com-
manded it, for the church to require and enforce upon men
its observance by law — this would be nothing else than to
assert the arbitrary authority of the church. Because, Christ
himself has said, " If any man hear my words, and believe
not, I judge [condemn] him not." As therefore Christ
leaves every man free to observe his words or not ; for the
church to compel any man to do it, is to put herself above
Christ, and do what lie does not do. And this, in itself, is
only to assert the arbitrary authority of the church. So that
whether there be a command of God for Sunday observance
or not, in this matter the result is the same ; to do as the
professed Protestant churches of the United States and of
874 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
the world have done and are doing, in requiring Sunday ob-
servance of all by law, is nothing else than to assert the
rightfulness of the arbitrary authority of the church.
But it is the essence of Protestantism to oppose the arbi-
trary authority of the church. Therefore, as the professed
Protestants not only do not oppose it, but actually assert it
and openly maintain it, it unmistakably follows that they
are not true Protestants at all, and that their position is not
that of true Protestantism in any sense. It is apostasy.
This proves that to oppose the Sunday institution itself ;
to oppose the Sunday movement in all its parts ; to oppose
Sunday laws in any and all their phases ; to oppose and deny
the right of congresses, or courts, or executives, to touch the
question of Sunday observance, or any other religious ques-
tion in any way, and to reject entirely the authority of any
such action when it is asserted — this and this only is Prot-
estantism: Even admitting that Sunday were the Sabbath,
those who observe it can be Protestants only by opposing
all intrusion of the magistrate into the question ; by oppos-
ing all attempts of the church to require its recognition or
observance by law, and by asserting their own individual
right to observe it as they choose, without any dictation or
interference from anybody. This alone is Protestantism.
"Protestantism sets the power of conscience above the
magistrate," even though the magistrate calls himself a
Christian and a Protestant, and proposes to enforce the
"Christian Sabbath." "Protestantism sets the authority of
the word of God above the visible church," even though the
church calls itself Protestant. Protestantism "rejects the
civil power in divine things, and says with the prophets and
apostles : ' We must obey God rather than man,' " and that,
too, as God commands it, and not as man commands it,
nor as man says that God commands it. Protestantism
opposes and rejects every human intrusion, whether of the
magistrate or of the ecclesiastic, between the soul and Jesus
Christ, and everlastingly maintains the divine right of the
THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 875
individual to worship according to the dictates of his own
conscience exercised at his own free choice.
True Protestantism insists that " the Bible and the Bible
alone," "the written word of God,'' "thus saith the Lord,''
is the only rule of faith and the religion of Protestants. But
it is the very certainty of truth that there is no Bible, no writ-
ten word of God, no "thus saith the Lord" for the Sunday
institution, or for Sunday observance, or for the intrusion of
Caesar — the civil power — into the things of God or of the
church ; and the professed Protestants of to-day know it, and
have said so over and over.
Indeed, Protestantism has always known that there is
no scripture, but only church authority, tradition only, for
the institution of Sunday. It was exactly here that the
Council of Trent drew the line between Protestantism and
Catholicism, and this, too, at the expense of Protestantism,
because of its inconsistency.
The Reformers had constantly charged that the Catholic
Church had apostatized from the truth as contained in the
written word. "The written word," " the Bible and the
Bible only," "thus saith the Lord," —these were their
constant watchwords; and "the Scripture, as in the written
word, the sole standard of appeal,"- —this was the pro-
claimed platform of the Reformation and of Protestantism.
"The Scripture and tradition," "the Bible as interpreted
by the church and according to the unanimous consent of
the Fathers," — this was the position and claim of the Catholic
Church.
This was the main issue in the Council of Trent, which
was called especially to consider the questions that had been
raised and forced upon the attention of Europe by the Re-
formers. The very first question concerning faith that was
considered by the council was the question involved in this
issue. There was a strong party, even of the Catholics,
within the council, who were in favor of abandoning tradi-
tion and adopting the Scripture only, as the standard of
8 70 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
•
authority. This view was so decidedly held in the debates
in the council, that the pope's legates actually wrote to him
that there was "a strong tendency to set aside tradition alto-
gether, and to make Scripture the sole standard of appeal."
But to do this would manifestly be to go a long way to-
ward justifying the claims of the Protestants. By this crisis
there was devolved upon the ultra-Catholic portion of the
council the task of convincing the others that "Scripture and
tradition" was the only sure ground to stand upon. If this
could be done, the council could be carried to issue a decree
condemning the Keformation, otherwise not.
A vote was secured, and April 8, 1546, the council passed
"two decrees, the first of which enacts, under anathema, that
Scripture and tradition are to be received and venerated
equally, and that the deutero-canonical (the apocryphal)
books are part of the canon of Scripture. The second de-
cree declares the Vulgate to be the sole authentic and stand-
ard Latin version, and gives it such authority as to supersede
the original texts ; forbids the interpretation of Scripture
contrary to the sense received by the church, ' or even con-
trary to the unanimous consent of the Fathers,' " etc.3
Yet for all this the question was not settled. It kept
constantly recurring in the council ; many of those who had
voted for the decree were very uneasy about it. On this
point the Catholic writer, Dr. H. J. Holtzman, gives the
following account : —
" The ' council was unanimously of the opinion of Ambrosius
Pelargus, that at no price should any triumph be prepared for the Prot-
estants to be able to say that the council had condemned the old church.
But this practice caused endless trouble, without ever giving good se-
curity. Indeed, it required for this crisis that almost divine sagacity
which the Spanish legate attributed to the synod on March 15, 1562.
"Finally, at the opening of the last session, January 18, 1562, all
scruples were cast aside. The archbishop of Rheggio made a speech,
in which he openly declared that tradition stood higher than the Bible.
3 See the proceedings of the Council, Augsburg Confession, and "Encyclo-
pedia Britannica," article, "Trent, Council of."
"TRADITION SIGNIFIES CONTINUING INSPIRATION:' 877
For this reason alone the authority of the church could not be bound to
the authority of the Scriptures, because the church had changed the Sab-
bath into Sunday, not by commandment of Christ, but solely by her own
authority. This destroyed the last illusion, and it was hereby declared
that tradition signified not so much antiquity, but rather continuing in-
spiration. " *
The substance of this argument in the council was sim-
ply this : —
"The Protestants claim to stand upon the written word only. They
profess to hold the Scripture alone as the standard of faith. They
justify their revolt by the plea that the church has apostatized from the
written word, and follows tradition. Now the Protestants' claim, that
they stand upon the written word only, is not true. Their profession of
holding the Scripture alone as the standard of faith is false. PROOF:
The written word explicitly enjoins the observance of the seventh day
as the Sabbath. They do not observe the seventh day, but reject it. If
they do truly hold the Scripture alone as their standard, they would be
observing the seventh day as is enjoined in the Scripture throughout ;
yet they not only reject the observance of the Sabbath enjoined in the
written word, but they have adopted and do practice the observance of
Sunday, for which they have only the tradition of the church. Conse-
quently the claim of 'Scripture alone as the standard,' fails ; and the
doctrine of ' Scripture and tradition ' as essential, is fully established,
the Protestants themselves being judges." 5
* " Kanon and Tradition," p. 263.
5 The archbishop's own words are these : " The condition of the heretics
nowadays Is such that they do not appeal to anything more than this ['the
Bible, and the Bible alone.' ' The Scriptures, as in the written word, the sole
standard of appeal in faith and morals,'] to overthrow the church under the pre-
text of following the word of God. Just as though the church — the body —
were In conflict with the word of Christ, or as if the head could be against the
body. Indeed, this very authority of the church is most of all glorified by the Holy
Scriptures ; for while on the one hand the church recommends the word of God,
declaring it to be divine, and presenting it to us to be read, explaining doubtful
points, and faithfully condemning all that runs counter thereto; on the other
hand, by the same authority, the church, the legal precepts of the Lord, con-
tained in the Holy Scriptures, have ceased. The Sabbath, the most glorious day
in the law, has merged into the Lord's day. . . . This day and similar institu-
tions have not ceased in consequence of the preaching of Christ (for he says
that he did not come to destroy the law, but to fulfill it) ; but yet they have
been changed, and that solely by the authority of the church. Now if this
878 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
There was no getting around this ; for the Protestants'
own statement of faith — the Augsburg Confession, 1530 —
had clearly admitted that "the observation of the Lord's
day" had been appointed by "the church" only. As Dr.
Holtzrnan says, this argument "destroyed the last illusion."
As it was clear that Protestants were recognizing tradition,
the uneasy minds in the council were set at rest.
Thus it was the inconsistency of the Protestant practice
with the Protestant profession which gave to the Catholic
Church her long-sought and anxiously-desired ground upon
which to condemn Protestantism and the whole Reformation
movement as only a selfishly ambitious rebellion against
church authority. And in this vital controversy, the key,
the culminative expression of the Protestant inconsistency,
was in the rejection of the Sabbath of the Lord, the seventh
day, as enjoined in the Scriptures, and the adoption and ob-
servance of the Sunday as enjoined by the Catholic Church.
And this is to-day the position of the respective parties to
this controversy. To-day this is the vital issue upon which
the Catholic Church arraigns Protestantism, and upon which
she condemns the course of popular Protestantism as being
" indefensible, self-contradictory, and suicidal."6 Yet, in
spite of the history and the fact ; in spite of their own
knowledge of the history arid the fact ; in spite of the Script-
ure, and in spite of all this inconsistency, the professed
Protestantism of to-day persistently stultifies itself not only
in accepting and observing Sunday, but also by violating
every principle of true Protestantism, and acting upon papal
principles only, in maintaining it.
Here are some words of as much solemn weight as ever ;
as true to-day and of the popular Protestantism of to-day as
they were of the apostate religion of Luther's day : -
authority should be done away with (which would please the heretics very
much), who would there be to testify for the truth and to confound the ob-
stinacy of the heretics ? " — Id.
6 See Rome's Challenge in Catholic Mirror, September 2, 9, 16, 23, 1893.
PRINCIPLES OF THE REFORMATION. $79
"The Reformation was accomplished in the name of a spiritual
principle. It had proclaimed for its teacher the word of God ; for sal-
vation, faith ; for king, Jesus Christ ; for arms, the Holy Ghost ; and
had by these very means rejected all worldly elements. Rome had been
established by ' the law of a carnal commandment ; ' the Reformation,
by 'the power of an endless life.' . . .
"The gospel of the Reformers had nothing to do ictih the icorld and
with politics. While the Roman hierarchy had become a matter of di-
plomacy and a court intrigue, the Reformation was destined to exercise
no other influence over princes and people than that which proceeds from
the gospel of peace.
"If the Reformation, having attained a certain point, became untrue
co its nature, began to parley and temporize with the world, and ceased
thus to follow up the spiritual principle that it had so loudly proclaimed,
it was faithless to God and to itself. Henceforward its decline was at
hand.
"It is impossible for a society to prosper if it be unfaithful to the
principles it lays down. Having abandoned what constituted its life, it
can find naught but death.
"It was God's will that this great truth should be inscribed on the
very threshold of the temple he was then raising in the world, and a
striking contrast was to make the truth stand gloriously prominent.
" One portion of the reform was to seek alliance of the world, and
in this alliance find a destruction full of desolation.
"Another portion looking up to God, was haughtily to reject the
arm of the flesh, and by this very act of faith secure a noble victory.
" If three centuries have gone astray, it is because they were unable
to comprehend so holy and so solemn a lesson." 7
As the case stands to-day, it is demonstrated that not
only three centuries, but three and a half centuries, have
gone astray because of their unwillingness or their inability
to comprehend so holy and so solemn a lesson.
It is true that in this, as in the fourth century, the church
power professes that the course which she has taken is es-
sential to the preservation, and in this the salvation, of the
nation. But look at the situation as it is in fact.
The church of Christ is the divinely appointed means
through which God would call the nations to seek tlie Lord,
that they might find him, and be delivered from this pres-
7 I)'Aubign6, " History of the R?formation," book xiv, chap. (.
64
880 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
ent evil world : what, then, when these professed churches
of Christ themselves seek the power of this present evil
world, join themselves to it, and put their dependence upon
it ? How can that save the nation ?
The church of Christ is the divinely appointed agency to
"persuade men" to join themselves to the Lord: what, then,
when these professed churches of Christ threaten congress-
men, in order that they themselves may succeed in joining
themselves to the government f How can that preserve the
State or save the nation ?
The church of Christ is the divinely appointed agency to
persuade men to send up their petitions, to the Lord for help,
and for deliverance from every burden and from every evil :
what, then, when the professed churches of Christ them-
selves send up their petitions to men, even though the men
be congressmen, and though the petitions be backed up
with threats ? How can that save the nation ?
Both society and the State are already cursed with the
insatiable demand for office, or position of trust, in return
for political service rendered : what, then, when the pro-
fessed churches of Christ make this the very chosen chan-
nel through which they would make successful their aims
upon the State ? What effect, then, can this have upon
society and the State, other than to increase this curse even
to ruinous depths ?
Bribery is already become so common as easily to frus-
trate the will of the people in any general election : what,
then, when these churches take the lead in "bribing with a
monopoly of worldly honors and emoluments " all whom
they can seduce to compliance with their arbitrary will, re-
gardless of the will of the people, whether expressed in
the supreme law or in the direct voice of the people?
What can be the effect of this upon the State, other
than to increase in untold ratio the already too general
corruption ?
MARKS OF APOSTASY. SSI
By the enactment of wholesome laws, the people
have been doing their best to protect themselves from the
rule of the tyrannical spirit of the boycott. But how can
the people protect themselves from this despotism, when
the churches control the law-making power for the general
community, and make the boycott in all business relations
their chosen means by which to force submission to their
will in the local community ? What, then, can be the effect
of this, other than so to cultivate the spirit of spying and
treachery as to destroy mutual confidence and individual in-
tegrity, set every man's hand against his neighbor, and fill
the land with deceit and violence ?
Here, then, are these churches professing to be the
churches of Christ, yet having gone away from him, their
rightful Lord, and joined themselves to another ; professing
to minister the power of God, yet depending upon the power
of man. Professing to minister the gospel of Christ, they
actually minister the laws of men. Professing to persuade
men with the message of justification \>y faith in Christ, they
actually compel -men by the condemnation of the law of men.
Professing to lead in the way of righteousness, uprightness,
and sincerity, they actually lead in the way of unrighteous-
ness, corruption, and deceit. Professing themselves to be
models of Protestantism, they have actually joined hands
with Romanism, and follow her customs, and require all to
receive the sign of her authority. Professing to be the
example in all things good, they actually set the example
in the chief things that are bad.
Thus again, these who had been espoused to Christ, who
had been joined to him in the bonds of heavenly alliance,
have violated their vows and broken their marriage bonds to
Him who is perfect in power, in love, and purity. Once
more these have forsaken the heavenly power, and sought
for earthly power. They have forsaken the arm of the Lord,
and have put their confidence in the arm of flesh. They
882 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
have forsaken the heavenly Husband, and have formed an
adulterous connection with an earthly lord. Once more the
unholy church has formed an unholy connection with the
unholy State. And once more the very first fruit of it is a
national law expressive of her will in the matter of Sunday
observance, and the rest of the baleful fruit of such illicit
connection will inevitably follow.
Is it at all strange, therefore, that the following passage
should have been printed, even some time ago, by a leading
divine8 in one of the leading "Protestant" papers of the
country ? Discussing the question of the reunion of Chris-
tendom, he argues for it against certain ones, thus : —
"You would exclude the Roman Catholic Church, the mother of u-s all,
the church of scholars and saints, such as Augustine, and Aquinas, and
Bernard, and Fenelon ; the church of all races, ranks, and classes, which
already gives signs of becoming American as well as Roman. . . . You
would exclude also the Protestant Episcopal Church, the beautiful
daughter of a beautiful mother."
That was printed February 9, 1888, in the Evangelist,
New York City, one of the two leading Presbyterian papers
of the country. And from that time to this, never have we
seen or heard a single word of protest or dissent from any
of the professed evangelical Protestant churches of the
country. This states their relationship to "Babylon, the
mother of harlots " as that of daughters ; and even beautiful
daughters, after the "beautiful mother." Their silence is
consent that the relationship is correctly stated. And their
action in forsaking their rightful Lord and entering into this
illicit union with another is positive demonstration that the
relationship is herein correctly given. For just as certainly
as the original apostasy created "Babylon the mother of
harlots and abominations of the earth," just so certainly this
apostasy in our day and in our country has created the har-
lot daughters of " Babylon the mother." She is the mother
only of "harlots and abominations." By positive statement
it has been said of them and for them that they are her
"Prof. Cbas. W. Shields, D. p., of Princeton Theological Seminary, N. J.
"COME OUT OF HER, MY PEOPLE." 883
daughters. By silence they have confessed it, arid by
action they have demonstrated it. And it is so. We are
sorry ; but so it is.
There is but one thing more that they can possibly do in
this direction, and even this they will do ; that is, enter into
alliance with satanic power itself, by joining hands with
Spiritualism. This they will do as certainly as they have
done that which they have done. Then will be completely
fulfilled the prophecy which now is but partly fulfilled.
Rev. xviii, 2, 3. Then also the world will hear that cry of
the angel of the Lord which comes " mightily with a strong
voice, saying, Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is
become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul
spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird. For
all nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her forni-
cation, and the kings of the earth have committed fornica-
tion with her, and the merchants of the earth are waxed rich
through the abundance of her delicacies."
At the same time there is "heard another voice from
heaven, saying, Come out of her, my people, that ye be not
partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues.
For her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath re-
membered her iniquities." Rev. xviii, 4, 5. Thank the
Lord, there are yet some of the people of God in these
churches. There are yet some Christians there ; but they can-
not remain there much longer without becoming partakers of
her sins. They cannot stay there much longer and remain
Christians. They cannot stay there much longer without
receiving of her plagues and of the judgments of God upon
her iniquities. Her judgment cometh and hasteth greatly.
" Strong is the Lord God that judgeth her."
The yielding of the merchants to her boycott will do
them no good, for it is written : —
" And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her ;
for no man buyeth their merchandise any more : the merchandise of gold,
and silver, and precious stones, and of pearls, and tine linen, and purple,
884 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY
and silk, and scarlet, and all thyine-wood, and all manner vessels of
ivory, and all manner vessels of most precious wood, and of brass, and
iron, and marble, and cinnamon, and odors, and ointments, and frankin-
cense, and wine, and oil, and fine flour, and wheat, and beasts, and
sheep, and horses, and chariots, and slaves, and souls of men. And the
fruits that thy soul lusted after are departed from thee, and all things
which were dainty and goodly are departed from thee. and thou shalt
find them no more at all. The merchants of these things which were
made rich by her, shall stand afar off for the fear of her torment, weep-
ing and wailing, and saying, Alas, alas, that great city that was clothed
in fine linen, and purple, and scarlet, and decked with gold, and precious
stones, and pearls ! For in one hour so great riches is come to naught."
Rev. xviii, 11-17.
The popularity and patronage which legislators hope to
have from pandering to her desires, will likewise do them
no good, for it is written : "A mighty angel took up a stone
like a great millstone, and cast it into the sea, saying, Thus
with violence shall that great city Babylon be thrown down,
and shall be found no more at all." Rev. xviii, 21.
Such being the final result to the churches, of this course
of evil in which they have even now gone so far, and the
churches being one with the State in this course, it is in-
evitable that the ruin of the churches will be the ruin also
of the State. Therefore it is as plain as A, B, C, that this
course upon which these churches have entered means the
destruction of the State and the ruin of the nation. What
they in their apostasy and bad ambition promise shall save
the nation, only proves its speedy and awful ruin. This is
certain.
Not only is this evident from what has already been said,
but this same thing has been worked out in the history
of the Roman empire, for the instruction of all people
and nations, showing clearly enough just what the result
must be.
In the case of the Roman empire, however, God made
the savage nations of the North the instruments of his judg-
ment in sweeping away the mass of corruption which the
THE DAY OF THE LORD COMETH. 885
union of Church and State from the first great apostasy
had built up there. But in this case where can any such
instruments be found ? — There are none. Civilization has
encompassed the earth. Not only that, but in this case "«//
nations" are involved in the corruption. Where, then, shall
the Lord find a people to execute his judgment and sweep
away this mass of corruption ? For the reasons given, they
cannot be found upon the earth. A people is found, how-
ever, and here is the Lord's description of them : —
"Blow ye the trumpet in Zion, and sound an alarm in my holy
mountain : let all the inhabitants of the land tremble : for the day of the
Lord cometh, for it is nigh at hand: a day of darkness and of gloominess,
a day of clouds and of thick darkness, as the morning upon the mount-
ains : a great people and a strong ; there hath not been ever ///6 like, neither
shall be any more after it, even to the years of many generations. A fire
devoureth before them; and behind them a flame burneth: the land is as
the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness;
yea, and nothing shall escape them. The appearance of them is as the
appearance of horses ; and as horsemen, so shall they run. Like the
noise of chariots on the tops of mountains shall they leap like the noise
of a flame of fire that devoureth the stubble, as a strong people set in
battle array. Before their face the people shall be much pained : all
faces shall gather blackness. They shall run like mighty men ; they
shall climb the wall like men of war ; and they shall march every one on
his ways, and they shall not break their ranks : neither shall one thrust
another ; they shall walk every one in his path ; and when they fall upon
the sword, they shall not be wounded. They shall run to and fro in the
city ; they shall run upon the wall, they shall climb up upon the houses ;
they shall enter in at the windows like a thief. The earth shall quake
before them ; the heavens shall tremble • the sun and moon shall be
dark, and the stars shall withdraw their shining : and the Lord shall
utter his voice before his army : for his camp is very great : for he is
strong that executeth his word : for the day of the Lord is great and
very terrible ; and who can abide it ?" Joel ii, 1-11.
"And I saw heaven opened, and behold a white horse ; and he that
sat upon him was called Faithful and True, and in righteousness he doth
judge and make war. His eyes were as a flame of fire, and on his head
were many crowns ; and he had a name written, that no man knew, but
he himself. And he was clothed with a vesture dipped in blood : and
THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
his name is called the Word of God. And the armies winch were in
heaven followed him upon while horses, clothed in fine linen, white and
clean. And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he
should smite the nations; and he shall rule them with a rod of iron:
and he treadeth the winepress of the fierceness and wrath of Almighty
God. And he hath on his vesture and on his thigh a name written, KING
OF KINGS, AND LORD OF LORDS." "And I saw the beast, and the
kings of the earth, and their armies, gathered together to make war
against him that sat on the horse, and against his army And the beast
was taken, and with him the false prophet that wrought miracles before
him, with which he deceived them that had received the mark of the
beast, and them that worshiped his image. These both were cast alive
into a lake of fire burning with brimstone. And the remnant were slain
with the sword of him that sat upon the horse, which sword proceeded
out of his mouth : and all the fowls were filled with their flesh. Rev.
xix, 11-16, 19-21.
"And he shall send his angels with a great sound of a trumpet, and
they shall gather together his elect from the four winds, from one end
of heaven to the other. " Matt, xxiv, 31. " And I saw as it were a sea
of glass mingled with fire : and them that had gotten the victory over
the beast, and over his image, and over his mark, and over the number
of his name, stand on the sea of glass, having the harps of God. And
they sing the song of Moses the servant of God, and the song of the
Lamb, saying, Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty ;
just and true are thy ways, thou King of saints." Rev. xv, 2, 3.
As the first great apostasy developed "the beast," so this
second great apostasy as certainly develops "the image of
the beast." Both are described in the thirteenth chapter of
Revelation. In the first ten verses of that chapter there is
given a description of the rise and career of a certain power
under the symbol of "a beast." Then from the eleventh
to the seventeenth verse inclusive, there is given the descrip-
tion of another power under the symbol of " another beast"
and "the image of the beast." The first of these powers is
also designated as "the first beast" and "the beast which
had the wound by a sword." The full description of the
first one is as follows : -
"And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out
of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his horns ten
crowns, and upon his heads the name of blasphemy, And the beast
DESCRIPTION OF THE PAPACY. 887
which I saw was like unlo a leopard, and his feet were as the feet of a
bear, and his mouth :is the mouth of a lion : and the dragon gave him his
power, and his seat, and great authority. And I saw one of his heads as
it were wounded to death; and his deadly wound was healed: and all
the world wondered after the beast. And they worshiped the dragon
which gave power unto the beast: and they worshiped the beast, saying,
Who is like unto the beast ? Who is able to make war with him ? And
there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things and blasphemies ;
and power was given unto him to continue forty and two months. And
he opened his mouth in blasphemy against God, to blaspheme his name,
and his tabernacle, and them that dwell in heaven. And it was given
unto him to make war with the saints, and to overcome them : and
power was given him over all kindreds, and tongues, and nations. And
all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him, whose names are not
written in the book of life of the Lamb slain from the foundation of the
world. If any man have an ear, let him hear. He that leadeth into
captivity shall go into captivity : he that killeth with the sword must be
killed with the sword. Here is the patience and the faith of the saints."
Every person not a Catholic, who knows the A, B, C of
history knows that this is a vivid sketch of the papacy and
its career up to 1 708 A. i>. Every such person knows that
the one great power to which all the nations have done
homage the most, and for the longest time, is the papacy.
Every such person knows that the most blasphemous power
that was ever on the earth is the papacy. He likewise
knows that the one power that has made war with the saints
of God, and has overcome them the most cruelly, and has
persecuted them the most widely and for the longest time,
is the papacy. We know that to say this is not considered
as proper Protestantism for these days ; but proper Protest-
antism it is, nevertheless. For all this is true of the
papacy, and has been true of it for ages. And everybody,
Catholic, or non-Catholic, knows that the papacy is the
union of Church and State, with the Church in possession of
the power of the State to use in enforcing her decrees, and
compelling men to submit to her dictation.
The description of the '.'other beast," or the image of
the beast, is as follows : —
888 TEE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
" And I beheld another beast coming up out of the earth; and be
had two horns like a lamb, and spake as a dragon. And lie exerciseth
all the power of the first beast before him, and causeth the earth and
them which dwell therein to worship the first beast, whose deadly
wound was healed. And he doeth great wonders, so that he maketh
fire come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of men, and de-
ceiveth them that dwell on the earth by the means of those miracles
which he had power to do in the sight of the beast ; saying to them that
dwell on the earth, that they should make an image to the beast, which had
the wound by a sword, and did live. And he had power to give life
unto the image of the beast, that the image of the beast should both
speak, and cause that as many as would not worship the image of the
beast should be killed. And he causeth all, both small and great, rich
and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right hand,
or in their foreheads : and that no man might buy or sell, save he
that had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his
name."
This prophecy says that it would be said unto them that
"they should make an image to the beast." This would be
to make an image to the papacy. The papacy being a union
of Church and State, with the Church using the power of the
State to enforce the doctrines of the church and to compel
submission to her decrees, the making of an image of this
would be only to make or establish an order of things by
which a union of Church and State would be created, with
the civil power in the hands of the church to compel submis-
sion to the church doctrines, and observance of church insti-
tutions. But in order for this to be made, it must be that
before this there was no union of Church and State in the
place where this is to be done. As it is necessary to say
"that they should make an image " of the papacy, — that is,
union of Church arid State, — it is plain on the face of it that
this is said and must be said, in a place where there is no
union of Church and State, and where the church has
no control of civil affairs and no connection with the civil
power.
Now where was there ever a place or a nation on earth
in which there was no union of Church and State except in
the United States alone ? With the single exception of the
THE PLACE OF THE IMAGE OF THE BEAST. 889
United States government, there never was a government on
earth, pagan, papal, or professed Protestant, in which from
the beginning of its existence, as such, until this day, there
was no union of religion and the State ; in which the relig-
ious power had no control of, or connection with, the civil
power. This is the truth, and any one may satisfy himself
of it by thinking, whether little or much. This being the
truth, it follows that in the United States is the only place
on earth where it could be said that they should make a
union of Church and State. Consequently, in the govern-
ment of the United States alone could the image of the
beast — the image of the papacy — be made. There are
many other points corroborative of this, but this is sufficient
for this place.
Because of this prophecy of Rev. xiii, 11-17, it has
been preached and published by the Seventh-day Adventists
for more than forty years that there would be formed in the
United States a union of Church and State, with national
Sunday legislation — that there would be made here an
image of the papacy. For instance : more than forty years
ago — January, 1853 — a little pamphlet of about seventy-
five pages, perhaps 2£ x 5 inches in size, was published,
giving a brief exposition of Revelation 13, and especially
that part in verses 11-17. On this point there was then
written and printed the following : —
" The two-horned beast says to them that dwell on the earth, ' Make an
image." The dwellers on the earth, or territory of this beast, it seems,
have a part to act in this work. This clearly marks the United States as
the scene of action. This is the manner in which laws are made here
— by the representatives of the people. As all men by the Declaration
are declared to be equal, it became necessary that some course should be
taken by which all could have equal privileges in the construction of the
laws. If the whole mass were called together, there would be an end-
less discussion and no laws made. Therefore the people were to elect
such representatives as would carry out their principles ; and they were
to meet and make laws, which, when passed, should be considered the
laws of the people. The image is to be formed by the people or their rep-
resentatives.
890 THE SECOND ORE AT APOSTASY.
" It appears probable to us that this Sunday institution is the very
point on which this union will be effected. Here is a point on which all
Protestant sects can unite. A point which we may safely say is the im-
portant item in the faith of Protestants is their Sunday worship.
"Verse 15. — 'And he had power to give life unto the image of the
beast, that the image of the beast should both speak, and cause that as
many as would not worship the image of the beast should be killed.'
From this text we may draw two conclusions : —
" 1. The image of the beast is to be made in the same territory
where the two-horned beast rules ; for the two-horned beast can exer-
cise that authority in no territory but its own.
"2. That it already has it in its power to give life to the image of
the beast, or cause the decree to be made and executed. Is it not in the
power of the United States to pass such laws ? They declare ' all men
shall be protected in worshiping God according to the dictates of their
own consciences.' We see the mass hold the first day of the week as a
holy day. If a memorial should be sent in to Congress with one million
names signed to it, declaring that their rights were infringed upon, and
praying them to pass a solemn enactment that the first day should not be
profaned by labor, how soon the result would be a law upon the point !
"Were the United States, as a body, to pass a law that Sunday should
be kept holy, or not profaned by labor, there would be, I conceive, an
image to the papacy ; for the law would then be in the hands of the
church, and she could inflict penalties on those who did not obey the
Sunday institution."
Bear in mind that on the strength of that scripture, this
was printed in 1853. And no man can deny that in 1892 the
very things were done which in this exposition of the proph-
ecy were said would be done. The churches professedly
representing millions of petitioners, did that year memo-
rialize Congress with threats in behalf of Sunday sacredness;
and how soon the result was a law upon the point !
Again : in 1884, this same denomination printed the
following on the same prophecy — Rev. xiii, 11-17 : —
"By this first beast is represented the Roman Church, an ecclesias-
tical body clothed with civil power, having authority to punish all dis-
senters. The image of the beast represents another religious body
clothed with similar power. The formation of this image /* the work of
that beast whose peaceful rise and mild professions render it so striking
a symbol of the United States. Here is to be found an image of the
THE MAKING OF THE IMAGE. 891
papacy. When the churches of our land, uniting upon such points of
faith as are held by them in common, shall influence the State to enforce
their decrees and sustain their institutions, then will Protestant America
have formed an image of the Roman hierarchy."9
This has been done. The churches of our land have
united upon the Sunday issue, and then united with the
Catholic Church itself, and in this unity they have influenced
the State to enforce the church decree for Sunday observ-
ance, and to sustain the church institution of Sunday.
They have done it. And in the doing of it, they have made
the living image of the papacy in this land. Nine years
before this was done, we published that it would be done ;
and now it has been done. On the strength of the prophecy
we published that it would come ; and on the strength of
facts, everybody may know that it has come. The prophecy
is fulfilled. The image of the beast is made, and lives in the
United States to-day.
Once more : in 1885 this same people published on the
same subject these words : —
"To secure popularity and patronage, legislators will yield to the
demand for a Sunday law." l°
To secure the popularity and patronage which were put
up at public auction by the churches, our nation's legislators
assembled in Congress did yield to the demand for a Sun-
day law.
In the light and upon the strength of the prophecy, we
published seven years before that they would do it. And
now in their own words, we can publish and do publish,
that they have done it.11 The prophecy is fulfilled. The
image of the beast is made, and lives, in the United States
to-day.
That which now remains is for it to go on and cause all,
both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond, to re-
9 "Great Controversy," Vol. iv, p. 278.
JO " Testimony, No. 32," p. 207. " Pages £07, 808.
892 THE SECOND ORE AT APOSTASY.
ceive the mark of the beast, and carry on the general and
universal boycott upon all who refuse to keep Sunday, by
which no one may buy or sell save he that has the mark, or
the name of the beast, or the number of his name. But
upon this —
WHAT SAITH THE LORD ?
"And I saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having the
everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the earth, and to
every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people, saying with a loud
voice, Fear God, and give glory to him ; for the hour of his judgment is
come : and worhip him that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and
the fountains of waters.
"And there followed another angel, saying, Babylon is fallen, is
fallen, that great city, because she made all nations drink of the wine of
the wrath of her fornication.
''And the third angel followed them, saying with a loud voice, If
any man worship the beast and his image, and receive his mark in his fore-
head, or in his hand, the same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of
God, which is poured out without mixture into the cup of his indigna-
tion ; and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence
of the holy angels, and in the presence of the Lamb : and the smoke of
their torment ascendeth up forever and ever : and they have no rest day
nor night, who worship the beast and his image, and whosoever receiv-
eth the mark of his name. Here is the patience of the saints : here are
they that keep the commandments of God, and the faith of Jesus.
"And I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me, Write, Blessed
are the dead which die in the Lord from henceforth : Yea, saith the
Spirit, that they may rest from their labors ; and their works do follow
them. And I looked, and behold a white cloud, and upon the cloud one
sat like unto the Son of man, having on his head a golden crown, and in
his hand a sharp sickle. And another angel came out of the temple,
crying with a loud voice to him that sat on the cloud, Thrust in thy
sickle, and reap ; for the time is come for thee to reap ; for the harvest of
the earth is ripe. And he that sat on the cloud thrust in his sickle on the
earth ; and the earth was reaped." -Rev. xiv, 6-16.
Just here while all are to be compelled to worship the
papacy and its image, and to receive its mark, the Lord
sends the everlasting gospel to all, calling them to worship
him alone, who made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and
the fountains of waters, for the hour of his judgment is come.
THE SABBATH A SIGN OF GOD'S POWER. 893
And the sign which he himself has set up that men may
know that he is the Lord, the true God, who made heaven
and earth and the sea and the fountains of waters, is the
Sabbath of the Lord. Ezek. xx, 20; Ex. xxxi, IT; xx, 8-11.
There is also made the announcement of the fall of Babylon;
and then the dreadful warning against obedience to the de-
crees of the papacy anywhere, or its image here in the
United States. And the next thing that follows is the
coming of the Lord to reap the harvest of the earth. And
the harvest is the end of the world. Matt, xiii, 39.
And this is how we have krunon all these years that there
would be a union of Church and State formed in the United
States with national Sunday legislation. This is why we have
been telling the people by voice and pen, in every place and
in every way, all these years, that this was coming. Now it
is here, and no man can deny it. Here are the words which
we published years ago that it would come, and no man can
deny that. Men may disbelieve it, but they cannot deny it;
they may reject it, but they cannot disprove it.
While we were telling it, many would not believe it, and
said it would never come. We knew it, and published that
it would come. Now it has come. It is here. And this
demonstrates unmistakably that we were right. To all these
we now say, Come now and stand with us, that you may be
in the right now on this great question.
The apostasy of Protestantism exalts the papacy, because
this is an open confession to the world that the papal princi-
ples alone are correct. The making of the image to the
beast restores and magnifies the power of the beast. Rev.
xiii, 12. This, as pointed out on page 7r>9, brings about the
situation described in Rev. xiii, 8. And this in turn de-
velops the fulfillment of Rev. xviii, 8. The scheme of Leo
XIII, as stated on pages 844, 845, is thus caused to succeed.
The kings and nations that have been separated from her,
are drawn back into illicit connection with her ; once more
she guides and dominates the nations. Consequently she
894 THE SECOND GEE AT APOSTASY.
glorifies herself and lives deliciously ; the kings of the earth
commit fornication and live deliciously with her, as did the
false prophets with Jezebel of old ; and therefore she con-
gratulates herself, saying in her heart, "I sit a queen, and
am no widow, and shall see no sorrow." And saith the
Lord: "Therefore shall her plagues come in one day,
death, and mourning, and famine ; and she shall be utterly
burned with fire ; for strong is the Lord God who judgeth
her." Yerse 9.
The apostasy of Protestantism restores and exalts the
papacy, and so assures the success of Leo's scheme. Leo's
scheme embraces Ameriga, and through this Europe, and
through these, "all humanity;" in short.it embraces the
world. This is precisely the thing that the prophecy an-
nounced long ago that the papacy would do. The success
of this scheme marks the perdition, and absolute ruin, of the
papacy. This ruin therefore of the papacy marks the ruin
of the world, the end of the reign of evil, the perfect reign
of righteousness — the complete annihilation of the mystery
of iniquity and the everlasting triumph of the mystery of
God. Rev. xvi, 17-19 ; xviii and xix.
The movements, both earthly and heavenly which are to
accomplish this eternal consummation are now in active
progress before the eyes of all the world.
In the very latest days of the closing up of these pages
for the press, there has occurred in the progress of Leo's
scheme that which is worthy of note at this point in our
book. A short dispatch dated Baltimore, Md., September
21, 1894, announcing the arrival from Rome, of Bishop
Keane, Rector of the Catholic University at Washington,
D. C., reported from the Bishop the following : —
" In speaking of the relations of the Quirinal [the Italian Capitol]
to the Vatican, Bishop Keane said that the policy of the pope, in view
of the recent overtures in Italy, is the union of tlie church with the great
democratic powers of the future — that is America and France. This is
his hope, and toward it all his remarkable energies are bent." 1Z
12 Chicago Herald, September 22, 1894.
THE UNITED STATES "A CATHOLIC NATION"! 895
And in a long dispatch dated at New York three days
later, September 24, it is stated that Bishop Keane was
''the bearer of a rescript from Pope Leo XIII," of which
the purport is given in the following words : —
" The papal rescript elevates the United States to the first rank as a
Catholic nation. Heretofore this country has stood before the church as
a ' missionary ' country. It had no more recognition officially at Home
than had China. ... By the new rescript the country is freed from
the propaganda and is declared to l>e a Catholic country in wl\ose people
the pope has amplest confidence and on whom he confers the rights of
self-government, subject only to the holy see on matters of faith. In a
way this remarkable action of the Roman pontiff may be looked on as
the most astonishing of all the stupendous effects wrought in the world
by the American republic. The United States is considered by the pope
as the most promising field in the world for the church."
"The importance, not only to Catholics, but to all citizens of the
United States, of this radical change in the relations to Rome of the
church in America, can scarcely be overestimated. It is a declaration of
independence for American Catholics. It is in effect giving the official
sanction of the infallible head of the church to the principles and
policy preached and practised by Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop Ireland,
Bishops Spalding, Keane and others of the ' American school ' among
the Catholic hierarchy. It is a decision declaring as acceptable to
Catholic faith the American idea of total separation of Church and
State"! !^
What the pope means by the "total separation of
Church and State " was defined by Bishop Keane at the
University, September 23, 1894, in the following words :—
" The world he [Leo XIII1 likens to the man, in that the Church
represents the soul, and the State the body." u
These things, in view of the situation and aims of the
papacy as set forth on pages 838-850 of this book, show a
marked and rapid progress.
The course of this progress from its present stage to the
consummation can be well and easily traced by carefully
13 Lansing (Mich.) Republican, September 24, 1894.
" Catholic Standard, October 13, 1S94, page 2, second column.
65
896 THE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
reviewing pages 109-520 of this history. For there is seen
the development and working of the beast ; and this which
is now to be fully developed and to work is the-living like-
ness, image, of the beast. He who would readily recognize
the likeness must study the original.
CONCLUSION.
As for us, our position is and shall continue to be pre-
cisely what it always has been. We propose to worship
Him alone who made the heaven and the earth, and the sea
and the fountains of waters. We propose to heed faithfully
the message from God warning against the worship of the
beast and his image and receiving his mark or the number
of his name. We say forever : "Nay, we will not regard
the institution of the beast."
We know that in this contest there is, and will be, ar-
rayed against us all the power that earth knows, with this
power under the direction of the papacy, and the whole
combination stirred up and urged on by Satan from beneath.
But above all this we ~know, and are glad in the knowledge
that Jesus Christ is with us, and he has said to us, "All
power is given unto me in heaven and in earth. Go ye
therefore, . . . and, lo, I am with you alway, even unto the
end of the world." Christ has said it. It is so, and we
know it. Therefore though all the power that earth knows
be arrayed against us, we shall come off more than con-
querors through him that hath loved us and washed us from
our sins in his own blood. So that we may boldly say,
"The Lord is my helper, and I will not fear what man shall
do unto me."
We know that we shall be reproached. We know that
we shall be denounced. We know that "anarchist," "in-
fidel," " atheist," and every other opprobrious epithet will
be applied to us. We know that we shall be despised, and
WHAT SHALL WE DOf 897
that we shall be even the despised of the despised. We
know that we shall be counted, and made, of no reputation.
But we rest perfectly easy in our trust in Him, and our com-
plete dependence upon him who "made himself of no repu-
tation-," in order that we might have his matchless character.
We know that we shall have no reputation. But ah ! we
know that we have the divine character of Jesus Christ,
which is well pleasing to God. For ''now the righteous-
ness of God without the law is manifested, being witnessed
by the law and the prophets ; even the righteousness of God
which is by faith of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them
that believe." And we do believe in him, the glorious Son
of God. It is not true that "the dearest treasure that mor-
tal times afford, is spotless reputation.'' It is everlastingly
and infinitely true that the dearest treasure that either mor-
tal or immortal times afford, is spotless diameter. And that
is alone the character of Jesus Christ, which was wrought
out in his humiliation. That character is ours as an ever-
lasting gift by faith in him. Men may take away our repu-
tation. But we do not care for that, as we have a character
which they cannot touch, for it is the gift of God.
We know that a general boycott will be placed against
us by which we can neither buy nor sell, nor conduct any
business. But for this we do not care. For " ye have not
received the spirit of bondage again to fear ; but ye have re-
ceived the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father.
The Spirit itself beareth witness with our spirit, that we are
the children of God : and if children, then heirs : heirs of
God, and joint heirs with Christ ; if so be that we suffer
with him, that we may be also glorified together." Rom.
viii, 15-17. "Joint heirs with Christ" are we. Of what is
he heir? God hath appointed him "heir of all things, by
whom also he made the worlds." Heb. i, 2. He being heir
of all things, and we being joint heirs with him, we there-
fore are just as certainly heirs of all things as is he. And
so he tells us, "All things are yours; whether Paul, or
898 TEE SECOND GREAT APOSTASY.
Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or life, or death, or
things present, or things to come ; all are yours ; and ye are
Christ's; and Christ is God's." 1 Cor. iii, 21-23. So
when they take away from us all things of earth, we still
have left all things in heaven and earth. And God has
promised that our bread shall not fail ; but that bread shall
be given us, and our waters shall be sure. Isa. li, 12-14 ;
xxxiii, 16.
We know that the time wjll come when men will think
that he that killeth us will be doing God service. And we
know indeed that a decree will go forth that we shall even
be killed. But for this we do not care. For "this is the
record, that God hath given to us eternal life, and this life
is in his Son. He that hath the Son hath life." And we
have him. He gave himself a free gift to us, and he is ours.
Christ is our life, and our life is hid with Christ in God, and
no man can touch it. Therefore we fear not them who can
kill the body, but after that have no more that they can do.
Christ is our life. He is the Life-giver. And he can and
will raise the dead.
Christ, Christ is our refuge, our hope, our confidence,
our power, our righteousness, our wealth, our life. And
we stand in this contest with no other calculation nor con-
sideration.
So we are not at all uneasy, nor any way in doubt as to
the outcome. We knew that this was coming, which has
come. We know that the rest of the events which we have
pointed out as connected with this, will come, as surely as
this already has come. And we know that the culmination
of all these events is that grand, triumphant scene, in
which the prophet "saw as it were a sea of glass mingled
with fire : and them that had gotten the victory over the
beast, and over his image, and over his mark, and over the
number of his name, stand on the sea of glass, having
the harps of God. And they sing the song of Moses the
servant of God, and the song of the Lamb, saying, Great and
OUR VICTORY SURE. 89 0
marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty ; just and true
are thy ways, thou King of saints. Who shall not fear
thee, O Lord, and glorify thy name? for thou only art holy :
for all nations shall come and worship before thee ; for thy
judgments are made manifest." Rev. xv, 2-4.
This is what we have in view. This victory, this triumph
is promised to us ; and it will surely come. For it we wait
patiently and confidently. And to all the people we say as
did David to Abiathar : "Abide thou with us, fear not ; for
he that seeketh our lives seeketh thy life : but with us thou
shalt be in safeguard." 1 Sam. xxii, 23. " Come thou with
us, and we will do thee good : for the Lord hath spoken good
concerning Israel."
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